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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 2 Mar 1928

Vol. 22 No. 7

IN COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - VOTE 52—DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE.

Debate resumed on motion by the Minister for Finance:
"Go ndeontar suim bhreise ná raghaidh thar £10 chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh Márta, 1928, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí na Roinne Talmhaíochta agus seirbhisí áirithe atá fé riara no Roinne sin, maraon le Ildeontaisí i gCabhair."
"That a supplementary sum not exceeding £10 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending 31st March, 1928, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of Agriculture and of certain services administered by that Department, including sundry Grants-in-Aid."

This is really a token vote. It is a vote for £10 in order to close a very old chapter in the experiments of tobacco-growing. The position is as follows: An arrangement was made with Sir Nugent Everard, who is a re-handler of Irish tobacco, that he was to grow an area of about 114 acres per annum or 1,140 acres in ten years at a subsidy of £25 per acre. He had to make arrangements with other growers for subsidies and so forth. The subsidy of £25 per acre would be £28,000. The war intervened, however, and he failed to get the acreage. He only got an acreage of 665 acres which would entitle him to a subsidy of £16,000. He made considerable losses during the whole period, and in order to meet that situation a rather novel proposal was made, agreed to, and carried out. He was to get a subsidy of £25 an acre on all the tobacco he grew on the 665 acres and a subsidy of £8 per acre in connection with the balance. In that way he got about £27,000. We decided to wind up this experiments a few years ago. It was necessary to go into the accounts. Sir Nugent Everard furnished the accounts to the Minister for Finance, and he is at a loss of something like £17,000. It was rather difficult to examine the accounts and get all the items vouched in view of the fact that the transactions were going on a long time and that it was never thought likely that there would be losses. While the Department of Finance could not say definitely that the losses amounted to such a figure as £17,000, nevertheless they are satisfied on an examination of the accounts that the losses are round about that figure.

At a very early stage Sir Nugent Everard was lent £8,000 to put up barns for his growers and to buy equipment. He paid the interest on that for a number of years, but a certain amount of interest got into arrears, and now the principal, plus the interest, amounting to about £11,000, is due, so that the situation is that he has made a loss of £17,000 and owes the Department of Finance something like £11,000. He put in a claim for £17,000. It could be examined, and it would be for us here to come to a conclusion as to what the equitable thing to do would be. Undoubtedly Sir Nugent Everard took up the matter in the national interest and made a genuine attempt to establish what he regarded—whatever other opinions there may be about it— as a sound semi-agricultural industry. With that object he went into the matter and put most of his time, all his ability, as well as a lot of money, into it, and it looks as if he has lost £17,000. As I say, he owes the Ministry of Finance £11,000. He has made a claim for £17,000, and a proposal has been agreed to by the Minister for Finance to which we wish to draw the attention of the Dáil. It has been agreed by Sir Nugent Everard to waive his claim to the losses and that we waive our claim to the £11,000. It is for that purpose that we introduce this token Vote. No money passes by this arrangement, but it was considered right to draw the attention of the Dáil to the matter.

It is not our intention to oppose this Vote. I suppose the losses incurred by Sir Nugent Everard arose mainly through want of proper consideration being given to the scheme and also through want of sympathy by the Department in question. The tobacco industry is one which many people believe could be developed to a very high pitch. It could become a very important industry, and proof of that can be given, if necessary, in its history. The British Government, for their own purposes, at times encouraged the development of the industry, while at other times they took steps to stamp it out. As all the Deputies here may not understand or may never have taken any interest in the question of tobacco growing—I know there are a good many here who since the establishment of the Free State have heard this subject discussed—I think it would be useful for everyone to know a little of the ups and downs of the history of this industry and the position into which an alien Government has put it. It will convince them that because of that opposition there must be some real economic value in tobacco growing.

Tobacco-growing was introduced by Sir Walter Raleigh along with potatoes, and I understand he made his first trial in County Cork. His potatoes were successful, and his tobacco would also have been successful but for the fact that it seemed to interfere with the policy of the British Government. Charles II. was the first monarch in England who objected to the growing of tobacco here. He wanted to develop the industry in America, and later, when the American Colonies fell out with the British Government, the latter encouraged tobacco-growing in Ireland. It was grown here very successfully up to the year 1830. County Wexford had numerous factories, and up to that time there was every prospect that the industry was going to be successful, but the British Government immediately stamped it out. They appointed a Commission, and at that Commission it was proved by manufacturers in London that, if they allowed the leaf to be grown in Ireland, the Irish manufacturers would be able to compete with them and, eventually, would be able to capture the market. Consequently strict laws were passed and the growing of tobacco in Ireland was completely abolished.

In Co. Cavan a gentleman was prosecuted and fined £60 for growing a few plants in his garden. Schemes were started about 1898. The Government evidently repented. The schemes were started on a rather small scale, merely experimental. Some time afterwards, about the year 1914, another scheme was started. There was a grant of £75,000 for that. It was while this scheme was in operation that Sir Nugent Everard took up tobacco-growing. That project failed, owing to war conditions, I suppose. It was found more profitable to grow foodstuffs than to grow tobacco. The climax came when the Colonial preferential tariff was introduced into England. Countries like India, which had supplies on hand for three or four years, flooded the English market, with the result that the Irish suppliers were not able to compete. The tobacco was put into bond and remained there. When the Free State came into existence it got something like about one-third of the £75,000 grant. It was then that the rehandling scheme was introduced. Sir Nugent Everard and Lord Dunraven erected certain machines. These were bought in the United States of America, and were made to deal with a produce of about one thousand acres, but neither Sir Nugent Everard nor Lord Dunraven had that number of acres to deal with, and, therefore, the overhead charges would seem to be very much against the cost of production, and it did not seem to be economic. However, no smaller machines were made. Lord Dunraven was rather lucky, as he had his machine insured, and it was destroyed by fire, so that he was paid for it. Sir Nugent Everard was not so lucky, with the result we have now. The scheme might have been successful but for the difficulties that were put up, especially by the Revenue Department. That Department did not hold out any hopes, and did not give sympathetic consideration to the matter. The conditions they put up regarding the collection of revenue were rather complicated, and almost impossible for growers to comply with. A special committee was set up to inquire into those conditions, but unfortunately the terms of reference were rather narrow. The committee was only empowered to inquire into the question of revenue. It was unable to go into the question of the possibilities in the development of tobacco-growing, and it recommended that a commission should be set up to inquire into that question.

The Minister for Finance at that time seemed to have great hopes for the industry. He spoke of planting its roots firmly, and in that I believe he was perfectly right. It has a future, and is a very important branch of agriculture. It is an industry which, according to the statistics of the Department of Agriculture, gives the greatest number of hours of employment. Tobacco-growing per acre gives 748 hours' employment; potatoes, the next highest, 309 hours, and sugar-beet about 270 hours. The tobacco crop is a quick-growing one. By September it can be cleared off the land and preparations for another crop can be made. It is a crop which affords profitable employment to the sons and daughters of the small farmers. If wheat is sown after the tobacco crop it gives a very excellent yield. It is a cash crop, and the farmer by September or October should be able to have his money out of it. That puts him in the position of being able to get a proper price for his produce. Tobacco is grown in the Colonies to a very large extent. The market in England takes something like 299,000,000 lbs., and in Ireland we take something like 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 lbs. of tobacco. Tobacco-growing is successful in the Colonies and in Denmark. In South America it is a most successful crop, but they work under conditions quite different to what we do here, as in most cases the home market is free from duty. That would seem an impossible proposition to the Revenue Department in this country, but I do not believe the growing of tobacco could be completely successful except under those conditions. I understand that in Denmark only one-third of the revenue is charged. The whole question, I suppose, cannot be decided except the Government sets up another committee to inquire not so much into the question of duty as to the possibilities of developing the industry, which has never been placed on anything like a commercial or businesslike basis. It was purely and simply experimental, and for that reason it was impossible to get a uniform type of tobacco grown.

And from the moment that the growers had gained sufficient experience to grow the crop successfully the scheme fell through, so that we have never had, perhaps, reasonable proof given as to whether the crop could be grown or not. I can safely say that the men who have grown it up to the present have quite successfully grown it. I have myself within the last month seen a leaf that is very suitable as a covering leaf for cigars. It is very fine, without any stalk, and is as good as I have seen grown in the Bahia, the famous place of John Player and Sons. I am not an expert but, to my mind, it is quite as good, and just as high in quality, so that I believe there is no reason why the industry could not be developed here, and there is no reason why the leaf could not be grown. It has been tried here in different classes of land. It is not a case that the County Meath might be suitable and others not suitable. That is not the case, because it has been grown all over Ireland and grown very successfully.

The yield per acre, in 1921, on the average, was something like 900 lbs. It gives a very good return. It was certainly successful in that year. However, from that year it gradually fell. In 1923 they turned out 721 lbs. to the acre. In 1924 it fell to 411 lbs. to the acre, but there were other reasons for that. The growers, I suppose, had lost confidence and they did not give the crop the attention it required and, I suppose, climatic conditions were not favourable. But in all agricultural countries, and in the agricultural industry in general, I do not think it can be said that the conditions are favourable all the time throughout the year. There is no agricultural country in the world which has not difficulties to surmount, and most agricultural countries surmount the difficulties through proper scientific examination of the different questions with which they are confronted. Of course, the weather is one thing that can only be got over to a certain extent.

There are certain classes of seeds and crops which will survive against either great drought or too much rain, and if they are adopted, and proper methods of selection are followed, these difficulties can be partially got over. The tobacco-growing industry could be profitably run if the revenue did not interfere with it so much. People would be in a position to meet a couple of bad years when they had one or two good years as well. After all, the agricultural industry in general will have one or two good years with a couple of middling, and one or two bad years. You cannot expect every year to be a good year and the same thing arises with the question of tobacco-growing. It gives an average price of about £130 per acre. The fattening of cattle, and the raising of store cattle, in any particular year, would not give more. The highest amount would be about £3 per acre, with labour expenditure of, say, 12/- or 14/-, so that tobacco-growing would be much more profitable.

The point I have in my mind in speaking on this question of tobacco-growing is that I believe, after all the time that has been spent on it and the installations that have been made, it would be a great loss to allow the industry to die out without making some further effort, or making some inquiry, so as to be in a position to know whether it was possible to maintain the industry, or whether it was better to let it go by the board. That is simply my object in making these few remarks. Like other people, I believe that the industry has a future, provided it gets the sympathetic consideration of a Government. Now that we have a national Government I suppose it is not out of place to ask at least sympathetic consideration for this industry.

The Deputy who has just spoken has given us a distinctly interesting and extremely comprehensive statement of the whole position, so that there is very little left for any other Deputy to say. When Deputy O'Reilly began with Sir Walter Raleigh, I got a bit alarmed and I thought it would be a long time before we got to the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, but the Deputy gave us a brief synopsis of the history and did not keep us too long. He skipped over the reign of James I, who regarded tobacco as a foul and stinking weed.

We regret that the Minister has found it necessary to introduce this estimate, but he is only carrying out a pledge given to this House by the Minister for Finance during one of the discussions that took place in the Dáil two years ago with regard to the reduction of the duty on home-grown tobacco. The Minister has taken a long time to carry out that pledge, but I am glad it is being carried out at last. I hope, however, that the Minister for Agriculture will take to heart what Deputy O'Reilly has said and that he will not lose sight of the possibility of tobacco-growing in the country. The present experiment, which has been going on for twenty years, does not seem to have been a success and it is now being wound up. That is unfortunate, because it is likely to make it more difficult for anybody else to start a further experiment on these lines at a future date. The Minister seems to be rather prejudiced against the growing of tobacco and he likened it on one occasion to the growing of tea in this country, forgetting the fact that about 100 years ago the greater part of the tobacco consumed in England was grown in Ireland. I hope the Minister will not lose sight of this question and that if at any future time other people decide to start this industry or to make experiments on more modern and more suitable lines, the Minister will give it his sympathetic consideration.

I desire in a few words, to join in the appeal that has been made to the Minister. I do not pretend for an instant to be an expert in the matter, or to have given the subject the deep study which Deputy O'Reilly has evidently given to it, the fruits of which he allowed us to share to-day. If I may say so, his speech was one of the best that, in a long parliamentary experience, I have ever heard in this or any other Parliament. I have had occasion to study this question in the way that members must study many matters. I have given a good many years to its consideration. People of my generation will probably associate with this business the name of an old friend, Mr. William Archer Redmond, who was one of the protagonists of the industry in the old days. I recently had occasion to revive my acquaintance with the matter. Without, as I say, pretending in any way to have an expert knowledge of it, such study as I have been able to give it has left me very strongly with the feeling that we ought not to close this industry down and simply label it as a failure. I feel that the conditions under which the former Committee of Inquiry sat were such as did not enable them to make a really full and sufficient survey of the question, and I think there is a clear case for a further inquiry. I hope that one result of the debate will be that that inquiry will be ordered. Now, it ought not to go out— though Deputy O'Reilly in his opening remarks, without intending it, may have conveyed such an impression—that there had been a failure, and that the failure was due to a misunderstanding on the part of the growers and re-handlers. I do not really know, but I imagine that is not so. At all events, I am certain that it is not by any means the whole of the story. As I understand it, the real fact is this that the industry was enabled for a good number of years to root itself, and to give, in proportion to its extent, a vast amount of employment. Deputy O'Reilly said, I think, that it gave a great deal of employment directly and indirectly, and that within a limited sphere it met with a considerable measure of success up to the time when all economic conditions were over-set during and after the Great War.

One of the curious things to which we shall have to refer later in another debate is that the ruin of the Irish tobacco industry for the time being is apparently brought about by what appears to be a measure of protection— that is to say, by an extension of Imperial preference. I do not want to go into that now. I hope the House will have no hesitation in passing this, because I think it ought to be borne in mind that whatever losses have been met by Sir Nugent Everard they have been very considerable, and will be very considerable even if this is passed. They were incurred not by reason of any attempt to make a private profit for himself, but in large measure on behalf of the people of the locality. A very large part of the liabilities that he assumed, he assumed, not on account of himself but, as Deputy O'Reilly has pointed out, on account of other growers in the County Meath. I hope that the House will pass this.

There is another aspect of the industry which perhaps deserves consideration. In my neighbourhood a few years ago a gentleman started the growing of tobacco, out of which he manufactured nicotine sheep-dip. In this country we import considerable quantities of sheep-dip. This foreign sheep-dip has practically driven everything else in that line out of the market. I think it would be well if experiments were carried out to see whether it would be possible to manufacture a sheep-dip from tobacco grown in this country. The idea is one well worthy of consideration. Apart from the benefits that would be conferred by the growing of the tobacco, it would be very useful indeed to have the sheep-dip that we require manufactured here. The foreign manufactured sheep-dip at present used in the country contains, I understand, poison and arsenic, but the sheep-dip manufactured by this gentleman in my neighbourhood was non-poisonous. I think it would be desirable for many reasons that non-poisonous sheep-dip, if it could be made as effective by means of experiments as a poisonous sheep-dip, should be used here. At present I understand the non-poisonous dips are not as effective as the others, but many grave reasons could be advanced as to why their use should be favoured. If experiments could be carried out with a view to having manufactured here an effective non-poisonous sheep-dip, that undoubtedly would be a good thing for the country. It would mean that the large sums of money at present going out of the country for the foreign manufactured dip would be retained here, and that as a result of the development of the industry considerable employment would be given.

I desire to join in the appeal of other Deputies to have further inquiries made as to the suitability of tobacco as a crop in this country. The first experiment was started at a most unfortunate time. I believe the principal cause of its comparative failure was the economic condition that arose during the Great War. It was started under certain conditions with a subsidy in 1912 or 1913, but the point is that the produce of other crops up to 1916 and 1917 became more profitable than tobacco. The subsidy was not increased with the increased cost of production. Labour became scarce and dear, and there were many other causes, with which Deputies are familiar, that led to a smaller area being devoted to the growing of the crop. The growing of the crop was more or less dropped. I live in the district where this experiment was carried out, and although in the first year or two Sir Nugent Everard got fairly easily a large acreage to be grown—an acreage that was fairly up to the amount contemplated by the scheme—afterwards because of labour conditions and other circumstances to which I have referred that arose during the Great War, the farmers dropped the growing of it, and Sir Nugent Everard did not get the acreage he required. For that reason I think that, in normal times, a Committee of Inquiry should be set up to see would it be feasible to restore the industry, because acre for acre it gives more employment than any other crop that one could possibly grow.

I desire to join in the appeal that has been made by other Deputies, but at the same time I would not have much confidence in an ad misericordiam appeal to the Minister at the moment.

I have seen instructions issued through the Revenue Commissioners with the authority of the Minister for Finance to people who have grown this plant and stored it for the year 1925-26, and these people have been instructed —I think they have got notice—to have it consumed or destroyed by fire on the 24th December last. I do not know if those instructions have been carried out, but I am aware that those instructions have been issued by the Revenue Commissioners, and in view of some of the recommendations made by a committee set up to inquire into this matter, I think those instructions are not in keeping with the sentiments of other Deputies on this Commission. That Commission reported, and amongst other things recommended, that the tobacco now on hands should be used up, and if it were not suitable for a proper smoking mixture, it should be mixed in some ratio with foreign raw material and converted into some mild smoking mixture. That would be all right, but those recommendations have not been considered and perhaps have been disregarded.

There is one other aspect of the case which has not been put to the House. You have three parties in this transaction—you have Sir Nugent Everard, the Minister for Agriculture and the growers. I also understand some people grew this plant in 1918-19 and previous to that, but from 1821 they only got part payment for the amount sent to the re-handlers. They only got something less than half. For 1922-23 they have got nothing and the crop for 1924-25, and I think 1926, they have on hands and they are paying duty on it for keeping it in the sheds, in the hope sometime that they will get a sale for it. Now that the Minister for Finance has issued these instructions, the plant must be destroyed. It appears strange that such instructions should have been issued through the Revenue Commissioners. Above all, I do not know how the Minister for Finance can issue such instructions. We have had sufficient combustion in this country, as he alleges, for some time, and it is not right for a Government Department to be consuming by fire stuff that people have grown by their own labour. They have put up the sheds for storage, and will not be allowed to continue to hold the stuff any longer.

I would like to know how far these people are to be taken consideration in the distribution of this Vote. It appears to be a Vote for recoupment to the Minister for Finance for moneys advanced to Sir Nugent Everard on this experiment. Now that a third party comes into it, I would like to see some provision made if the experiment is to be discontinued. If this expenditure is to go by the board, these people who have grown it in this area, who have stored it and spent time working for it, should be taken into consideration, and should get some compensation in proportion to the compensation awarded by this Vote to Sir Nugent Everard—a recoupment from the Minister for Agriculture. I think they should at least be considered, and that the material they have on hands should be taken over and utilised for some purpose. They should get out of the transaction in some equitable way. In view of the statements made by other Deputies, I hope I am not sounding a despairing note, but I do not think any representations have been made or due consideration given, but in any case I would only be too glad to advocate that the experiment should not be discontinued, that it should get another chance, and that the Government should consider the question and do what they can to foster this industry. As regards the recommendations issued by a committee of this House—I think it was to inquire into it—we have not been informed officially that those recommendations have been rejected or not, so I would ask the Minister, in replying, to state how far he is going to go to recoup the growers, who are small farmers and to what extent he is going to compensate them for out-of-pocket losses.

When a reference was made by one of the Deputies who spoke on this matter to a nicotine sheep dip I observed a smile of incredulity on the faces of certain Deputies. It might be information to them to know that in 1921 the Cork County Council, under the compulsory Dipping Order, purchased Irish manufactured nicotine dip. I believe it was from Stewart's of Waterford. It was used all over the county, and not alone was that dip effective for the purpose for which dip is ordinarily used, but on the statement of the farmers and wool buyers the wool was at least 20 per cent. better in quality than the wool of sheep which were dipped in the poisonous arsenical article. That should be taken into consideration by the Minister for Agriculture. The one objection, of course, is the price, but if tobacco were manufactured here to a greater extent than it was a few years ago the price would go down, and thus it would not be necessary to import foreign sheep dip.

I desire, if in order, to draw attention to a penal clause—that is, Section 31 of the Land Act of 1927. Under this clause, as it operates now, the tenant-farmers cannot set their lands for grazing as they used to do prior to the passing of this Act. I consider that this clause should be repealed.

Is the Deputy talking on Estimate 52?

Yes, the Department of Agriculture.

This is merely a supplementary estimate dealing with tobacco, purely and simply.

I agree with Deputy Law that Sir Nugent Everard entered into this in an impersonal way, in the interests of the country, as he thought. But in regard to those losses on behalf of others it will be found that the growers got back portion of the subsidy I mentioned at the outset. I disagree with Deputy O'Reilly that these experiments failed for want of attention. It got the most practicable of all forms of attention. The soil and climate might not be suitable, but we certainly fertilised the land on the taxpayers' money. Experiments were going on during the war. It was not the ideal period to carry out experiments, but they continued after the war, and the subsidy was increased indirectly by the Government. It was £25 per acre. The greater part was passed on to the growers and amounted to something in respect to the acreage not grown which was very small. In addition to that there was a rebate of duty. There was a preference given against Imperial tobacco and all other tobacco. While I have not the exact figures before me, I think I am not far wrong in saying that the subsidy for the last three years of the experiment was something like £100 an acre, one way or another.

There was no direct subsidy.

Mr. HOGAN

Direct and indirect. There was a subsidy of £25 an acre for the growers.

Not in recent years. It has not been necessary.

Mr. HOGAN

It started with £25 an acre, but the Deputy can take it that the subsidy, whether rebate or otherwise, would run to about £100 an acre. That is what it comes to. That is a simple calculation. If you compare the taxation on Irish-grown tobacco with the taxation on either Imperial tobacco or foreign tobacco you will find that it gets a preference which amounted to something like £100 an acre. It failed notwithstanding that. How can it be said that this crop could come to anything in that state of affairs? It is said that there is a by-product in sheep-dip, but if there is a valuable by-product it merely helps the grower to sell his crop. It merely helps him to get a better price. With all these advantages in favour of it, with a by-product for which there was a big demand in the country and with a huge subsidy against foreign and Imperial-grown tobacco, nevertheless the crop could not be sold at a price which would cover the cost of production. I do not see there is any answer to these figures. Tobacco can be grown in this country. Even tea can be grown in this country, excellent tea. Tomatoes can be grown here. Wheat can be grown. I do not want to draw a parallel between the growing of wheat and tobacco, but the same fallacy underlies the two arguments. All these things could be grown here I agree.

I agree with Deputy O'Reilly that we could grow tobacco in this country probably for the purpose of cigars and for cigar-coverings, the outside leaf of which would be as good as the tobacco grown in South America or wherever the best tobacco is grown. That is so, but at what price? You cannot buy the climate of South America even at £100 an acre, and we cannot grow tobacco, even to buy it at that price, to compare with the tobacco grown in Kentucky and other places like that. You cannot do that, but if £100 is not enough you can pay £200 an acre, and if £200 is not enough you can pay £300. On those lines you could grow any crop, but to agriculturists I would say that if the taxpayer can afford to pay £100 an acre then why not give something for potatoes, something for mangolds or turnips, something for the commoner garden crops that nobody ever thinks about—oats, and so on? As regards tobacco, you may call me prejudiced, but I do hold that there is no future in this country for tobacco-growing except by a subsidy, which would be a complete robbery of the taxpayer and would show a complete extravagance and want of perspective in case of the Government which would enforce it.

This, of course, is a book-keeping transaction. The Minister for Finance is getting nothing out of it. It is simply empowering the Minister for Finance to waive a claim which he has against Sir Nugent Everard. I think, in all equity, that that should be done. There is no doubt Sir Nugent Everard and the grower made a genuine attempt to establish an industry here. Sir Nugent Everard took over most of the responsibility for handling the tobacco. He put all his time and energy into it in a completely impersonal way, without looking for anything for himself and in the hope that when finished a tobacco industry would be established in the country. It is due to him that we should treat him, I will not say generously, but fairly. We are not treating him generously. It is an equitable bargain in all the circumstances. On the one side of the picture you have that claim of £17,000. We have not been able to go into that. On the other side, the Minister for Finance claimed £11,000, and the proposal is to stand back to back and leave it so.

With reference to the growers, how do they stand?

Mr. HOGAN

I have no information —I am sorry the Minister for Finance is not here—on the matter the Deputy mentioned, namely, that the growers have some of the tobacco unsold.

And some has been sold for which they were not paid.

Mr. HOGAN

I heard something about it but I have forgotten the details. If the Deputy will give me the details I will see into the matter. I could not deal with the matter now. I have no information on it at the moment.

I think that representations on the matter mentioned by Mr. Boland have been made to the Minister's Department by the growers or on behalf of the growers.

Mr. HOGAN

I understand that there is a certain amount unsold. I do not want to go into the reasons why it is unsold.

Is the Minister aware that a certain amount of tobacco has been sold and that only part payment has been made in respect of it?

Mr. HOGAN

That may be, but what has that got to do with this transaction?

It is connected with the whole transaction.

They have sold some for which they have got half-payment, and they have delivered some for which they have not been paid.

Mr. HOGAN

If they made any contract which they are entitled to enforce, the law is there. If they have a stock on hands which is saleable, the market is open.

The point is that you did not enforce the law in order to discover whether this money is due from Sir Nugent Everard. Why do you not grant the same boon to the growers?

Mr. HOGAN

It is the other way round. If the growers have made contracts with outsiders, people who want tobacco, the law is there and they can be made to carry out the contract. If, on the other hand, they have tobacco on hands which cannot be sold the markets are open to them to sell it.

Vote put and agreed to.
Barr
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