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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 29 Mar 1928

Vol. 22 No. 18

QUESTION ON THE ADJOURNMENT. - MINISTERS AND SECRETARIES AMENDMENT BILL—SECOND STAGE (RESUMED).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a second time."

Maidir leis an mBille seo, atá fé dhíosbóireacht againn, dubhairt an t-Uachtarán indé go bhfuil dlúth-bhaint aige le tuarasgabháil Choímisiún ua Gaéltachta. Má tá, is dócha go bhfuil de chead agam-sa tagairt ghairid a dhéunamh don Choímisiún san. Thainig an Coimisiún san le chéile i dtosach Mí Márta, 1925, agus tar éis a lán oibre a dhéunamh— obair mhaith freisin—chuireadar tuarasgabháil amach i Mí Iúl, 1926. Níor cualathas a thuille fén nGaéltacht go dti go bhfuaireamar an Páipéar Bán tuairim is trí seachtaine ó shoin. Bhí síol maith sa Tuarasgabháil, acht ba fuar fliuch clochmhar an talamh ar ar thuit an síol san. Masla agus tarcuisne don Choimisiún is eadh an Páipéar Bán. Ba mhaith liom tuairim chomhaltai an Choimisiún a chloisint sa scéal so. Tá cur síos ann ar mholtaí an Choimisiún ina gceann agus i na gceann. Is beag ceann acu go gcuirtear ina choinnibh acht tá earball le n-a bhfurmhór agus cealg san earball san. Ní mian liom an scéal a scagadh go mion anois; is leor a rádh go bhfuil an focal "indeunta" nó "ró-dheacair" curtha le fiche moladh diobh ar a luighead. Is truagh nár tugadh cead don Dáil an scéal a phéidhe sar ar cuireadh an Bille seo ós ár gcomhair, i dtreo is go gceapfaí scéim a shásóchadh na Teachtaí ar gach taoibh. Is fíor go bhfuil rian cáinte sa tairiscint atá curtha isteach agam óir is é mo thuairim agus tuairim a lán daoine a chuireanns suim sa Ghaéltacht go bhfuil an cáineadh san tuilte go maith ag an Rialtas. Acht tá níos mó ná san ann. Is mian linne, ar an dtaoibh seo, cuidiú leis an Rialtas chun an Ghaéltacht do shábháil agus gan sceul páirtidhe a dhéunamh de. Is léir, ámh, nach bhfuil dá dheunamh le dhá bhliain, anuas acht an scéal a chur ar an mhéir fhada, agus gur mithid tabhairt fén obair.

Admhuighmíd go bhfuil deacracht mhór ag baint leis an scéal, acht, dá dheacracht é, caithfear réidhteach fhághail go luath, má is maith linn an teanga náisiúnta do choiméad beo. Má's toil linn é dhéunamh, tig linn é dhéunamh. Mar a dubhairt an file Rómhánach fadó “Possunt quia posse videntur.” Ní fheadar an bhfuilimíd dá ríríbh san obair seo na Gaeltachta? Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil laigheas le fághail sa phlean so atá ceaptha ag an Rialtas. Is fíor go mbaineann scéal na Gaeltachta le gach roinn den Rialtas, acht ní measa aon roinn díobh ná Aireacht na hIascaireachta do chur i mbun na h-oibre. Ní gábhadh dhomhsa a innsint don Dáil cionnus ar éirigh leis an Aireacht san an iascaireacht do chur chun cinn le cúig bhliain anuas. Ní déarfainn gur ar an Aire atá a locht san ar fad, óir is beag an méid airgid a tugadh don Aireacht san.

De réir an scéil do léigheas ar phaipeur nuachta an lae indiu, tá Aire an Airgid in eudóchas i dtaoibh na h-iascaireachta, go mór mhór fé éisc a mbharbhadh sa bhfairrge mhóir i gcéin. Muna gcabhruightear leis an iascaireacht, cad tá i ndán do na Gaélgeoirí a bhaineanns slighe bheathadh as an gcéird sin? Nár bhféidir bád a cheapadh mar standard, bád a oirfeadh don fhairrge mhóir agus roinnt diobh fhaghail. Nár bhféidir luach na mbád agus na líonta, agus na n-eangacha agus an ghleus iascaidh atá ag an Aireacht cheana do aith-mheas agus an luach nó an praigheus a laghdú, i dtreo is go gcuirfí ag obair iad agus gan leigint dóibh bheith dá lóbhadh fé mar atáid i nGaillimh fá láthair?

Is baolach ná fuil aon bhaint ag an gceist sin leis an mBille seo. Ní cúrsaí bád é seo ach cúrsaí Aireachta.

Bhíos ag iarraidh a thaisbaint cad a bhí á dhéanamh leis na bádaibh. Deurfar liom nach bhfuil iascairí oilte ann a bheadh toiltheannach claoidhe leis an iascaireacht ar an aigéan nó leanamhaint di ar feadh na bliana. Bfhéidir gur fíor an sceul san acht nach fhfuil leigheas ann-na hógánaigh orra a oileamhaint, scór nó dá scór aca do chur go dti an Iorruaidh nó go dtí tír iasachta eile go ceann cúpla bliain leis an gcéird d'fhoghluim agus do chleachtadh.

Ithtéar cuid mhaith éisc i nEirinn; d'íosfaí níos mó dá ndéanfaí muinntir na hÉireann a mhealladh chuige i ndiaidh a chéile tré fhógruíocht agus tré na ranganna cócaireachta agus eile. Ba chóir an margadh sa mbaile a chur i dtreo ar dtús. Ba chóir gleus a sholáthair i naice na gcuanta chun iasc a chur ar salann agus a leasú. Ní iocfadh an scéim sin as féin ar dtúis acht thabharfadh sé obair do na hiascairí atá scurtha diamhaoin fá láthair. Chun na Gaedhilge do shábháil, ní fuláir a chur ar chumas na nGaedhilgeoiri fanacht in Éirinn. Feudfaí bheith ag dul ar aghaidh leis an obair sin le roinnt bhlianta anuas, acht níor tugadh fé. Bhfuil aon dóchas ann go ndeunfar anois féin é.

I dtaobh na talmhan, ní doigh liom go bhfuil céud líntighe aistrighthe fós go dtí na tailte bána; ní ró-bhán an talamh atá roinnt orra i gCuas. Tuigim go maith nach féidir dul ar aghaidh go tapaidh san obair sin acht feudfaí dul níos tapaidhe go mór. Na moltaí atá ar leathanaigh a 26 agus a 27 den Pháireur Bán, táid siad go maith, acht cé an chaoi a cuirfear i ngníomh iad ag Aireacht na hIascaireachta Cé an gleus a bhéas acu? Nach le hAireacht Tionnscail agus Tráchtála a bhaíneanns siad? Dála an scéil, is é mo bharamhail nach leor na daoine oilte úd ar a dtugtar na "experts" fhághail—caithfear daoine cliste fhághail go bhfuil taithighe acu ar cúrsaí gnótha.

Ba chóir déuntúsaí fé leith a chur ar bun i gceanntaracha fé leith, deuntus cniotála, ciarsúr, stocaí, fo-eudach bán, plaincéadaí, seacaitíní ioldathuithe do lucht golf a imirt, eudach olna agus mar sin de. Feudfai tosnú leis an taisce nó lann mór earraí, é chur ar bun láithreach. Ní samhluightear domhsa go ndeunfar na rudaí sin fá theurmai an Bhille seo. Ní fuláir faireoir éigin a bheith ann chun na hAireachtaí eile do spreagadh so ghnó so.

Rud eile dhe, ba mhaith linn fhios a bheith againn an bhfuil aon tsuim airgid leaghtha amach i gcóir na Gaéltachta. Muna bhfuil, is eagal liom gurab é an sean scéal a bheas ann, "mair, a chapaill, agus gheobhaidh tú féar" agus go leagfar do fhíortobar na Gaedhilge dul i ndísc.

Sa leitir a scríobh an t-Uachtarán go dtí an Coimisiún, 4/3/'25, dubhairt sé go mbeadh "an phoiblíocht ag faire go géar ar obair agus ar thora an fhiosrúcháin a dhéanfa sibh, agus ní miste bheith ag brath ortha chun cuidíú le haon phlean ciall mhar réasúnta is féidir a chur i ngníomh chun an Ghaelig do chosaint mar theangain teaghlaigh agus chun saol economíochta na ndaoine a labhrann í mar ghnáththeangain agus mar phríomh-urlabhra eatorra féin do dhaingniú i bhfeabhas."

Táthar ag faire go geur orainn indiu agus ní dóigh liom go mbeidhfear sásta leis an seift atá ceaptha sa mBille seo.

On méid atá ráite ag an Teachta atá díreach tar éis suidhe síos, do cheapfadh éinne ná raibh le déanamh ag duine ach a lámh do chur anáirde agus go mbeadh gach ní sa cheart. Dubhairt an Teachta go raibh furmhór na Dála i bhfabhar Tuarasgabháil Choimisiún na Gaeltachta. Pé scéim tháchtach a thógfadh an Rialtas idir lámha ar son na Gaeltachta bheadh furmhór na dTeachtaí atá ar na bínsí sin thall ina coinnibh. Do bheidís i gcoinnibh éinní a mholfadh an Rialtas. Dubhairt an Teachta ná raibh aon Roinn chó mí-oirúnach don obair seo leis an Roinn Iascaigh. Nílim chun mé féin a chosaint ach déarfad, maidir le gach ní a bhaineann leis an nGaeltacht, go bhfuil níos mó eolais ina thaobh sa Roinn Iascaigh ná in aon Roinn eile, mar isiad daoine atá sa Roinn sin ná na daoine a bhí ag obair fén sean C.D.B. agus fén Roinn Talmhaíochta agus Cheárd-Oideachais. Tá eolas acu san ar na cúrsaí a bhaineann le ceist an iascaigh san Iarthar, le ceist na talmhan san Iarthar agus le ceist na ndéantús san Iarthar. Siné an chúis gur cuireadh déantúisí fé nRoinn seo o thosach—mar isé duine a bhí i gcúram na Roinne Iascaigh ná an fear go raibh baint aige leis an C.D.B. ar feadh breis agus 25 bliana.

Dubhairt an Teachta nár dineadh na báid d'ath-mheasú. Thugamar aire don cheist sin timpeal bliana a shoin. Tá orainn Bille do thabhairt isteach ina thaobh. Tabharfar an Bille os cóir na Dála i gcionn mí no mar sin. Ach táimid ag obair sarar tugadh an Bille isteach in aon chor fé is dá mbeadh an Bille rithte ag an Oireachtas. Tá an ath-mheasú á dhéanamh fé is dá mbeadh cead fachta againn ón Oireachtas. Tá a fhios againn go maith nách scéim economiceach í seo—ní fheadar-sa an bhfuil aon téarma eile ann don bhfocal san "economic." Siné an chúis go raibh Coimisiún na Gaeltachta againn agus go bhfuil an Páipeur Bán againn. Tá a fhios againn ná fuil an scéim economiceach. Siné an chúis go bhfuilimíd ag plé na ceiste anois. Tá a fhios agam-sa chó maith agus tá a fhios ag Teachtaí eile go bhfuil iascaireacht san Iarthar neamh-economiceach fé láthair; sí an teist ná an gcuirfeadh daoine a gcuid airgid inti. An gcuirfeadh na daoine a íocann cáin sa tír a gcuid airgid intí? Siní an cheist—siní an fhadhb.

Do thrácht an Teachta ar central depot. Sin ní a bhí ar aigne againn ar feadh tamaill mhaith. Is dó liom gur mé féin an chéad duine a mhol central depot do chur ar bun. Bhí san ar áigne agam ón am a chuadhas isteach sa Roinn den chéad uaír. Bhí a fhios agam go maith ná féadfadh obair na gcailíní sna buidheanta agus ar na déantúisí seo dul ar aghaidh mara bhféadfaimís marga d'fháil dá gcuid earraí. Níl ach cúpla mí o shoin ann o fuaireamair cigire i gcóir na ndéantús so. Chaith sé tamall éigin í dTír Chonaill. Tá sé fé láthair ad' iarraidh áit oiriúnach d'fháil i mBaile Atha Cliath a bheadh mar central depot d'earraí na mbuidhean so agus na ndéantús so.

Probably more foolishness can be talked on this than on any other matter that would come before the Dáil. As a matter of fact, a Chinn Comhairle, you probably know, from past experience here of the Estimates, that it leaves scope for more nonsense to be talked than probably any other subject that comes before the Dáil. Deputy Fahy, I will say, spoke, to a certain extent, sense. He spoke of matters which have been receiving attention and which are receiving attention. He spoke also, rather ridiculously, about some things. He spoke of the promised revaluation of boats, or, to be more accurate, of the re-casting of loans, as if that were a matter that prevented the fishermen from fishing. If the Deputy does not know, I can assure him that that is not the case. The re-casting of loans, so far, has not been made legal, but in effect the Department has been acting as if it were legal. In fact the scheme for re-casting approved by the Department of Finance has been made operative. The Department's call on them has taken cognisance of the fact that this scheme is going to be approved.

I have already pointed out that boats do not come under this Bill. It is a question of administrative machinery, not of boats. We are concluding the question of boats now, I take it.

I thought that when some Deputies had raised the question in connection with this Second Reading that I was more or less called upon to reply.

I will allow the Minister to reply, but we are not going to debate the question of the Department of Fisheries on this Bill.

I will repeat what I said in Irish as the explanation of the Department of Fisheries being given the responsibility for Gaeltacht services. The Department of Fisheries more or less inherited the functions of the Congested Districts Board and of the Fisheries Department of the D.A.T.I. The officials of the present Department of Fisheries are officials who were concerned with fisheries in the C.D.B. and in the D.A.T.I. The present permanent head of the Department of Fisheries was Chief Clerk of the C.D.B. He was concerned with fisheries for about 15 or 16 years of his career in the C.D.B., and had an intimate association with the working of the rural industries in the congested areas.

He was, as a matter of fact, the person who looked after their accounts and who helped by way of advice the girls engaged in the classes, and so on. That was the reason why rural industries, instead of being given to the Department of Industry and Commerce, where you would imagine they would naturally belong, were given to the Department of Fisheries. In fact, one might say that I was put in the position that the Minister for Agriculture last night deprecated his Department being put in—I was put in the position of being in charge of practically every uneconomic proposition. The Minister for Agriculture said last night, perfectly correctly, that he was not in charge of a Department to deal out philanthropy. Unfortunately, I have been put in charge of a Department which is supposed to be entirely philanthropic. Most of these things have to be subsidised—fisheries, rural industries, and so on.

Personating officers have to be subsidised.

I did not catch that.

I said clearly that personating officers have to be subsidised.

I must admit I do not understand the Deputy.

You would not.

Quite a lot of money that the Deputy represents was made out of fish, but he has not invested very much in the matter. He now comes along and blames the State for not investing their money in it. He will not invest his own though.

I will deal with that afterwards.

All right; I will be prepared to meet you. That is the reason why the Department of Fisheries was asked to take charge of the functions concerned with the Gaeltacht. We have already taken steps in connection with many of the suggestions made in the White Paper. There was a suggestion, for instance, that there should be co-ordination of the Departments which had any functions in the Gaeltacht—Departments concerned with housing, education, and so on. Such meetings have already been held of the heads of the Departments, and further meetings will be held. They have made certain reports Certain other recommendations are being dealt with by way of a Bill, for instance, for the branding of mackerel, which is with the draughtsman. Certain recommendations with regard to small harbours are being dealt with by putting up money for these minor marine works. Mention is made in one place of the kelp industry.

Negotiations are in progress with a view to establishing an iodine factory. I do not want to say that is going to solve the kelp question in the west entirely, but it will at least stabilise the matter to a certain extent. It will cater for a number of tons each year at least, in addition to what they already are able to dispose of. The factory, as a matter of fact, would deal with about 1,200 tons of kelp with a maximum of 2,000, perhaps. Negotiations are in progress in connection with that matter. We are hoping to give effect to that in the near future, so as to deal with this year's May kelp. As I have already said in Irish, we are dealing with the question of a central depot. The organiser recently appointed for rural industries having investigated the home-spun business in Donegal and made a tour of the little classes that we carry on in Mayo and Galway, is now in Dublin and is devoting his time to finding a suitable place and investigating the possibilities of getting a central depot for marketing established almost immediately. As I said, the case can be made that the Department of Fisheries and its officials are the best persons to deal with the question of the Gaeltacht, because most of them have had all their training in dealing with Gaeltacht problems during all their Civil Service career, which in many cases extends over twenty years.

Aontuighim leis an rud a dubhairt an Teachta Proinnsias O Fathaigh, nár cheart an Bille seo do thabhairt isteach no go mbeidh an díosbóireacht a bhéas againn annso trí thairisgint Phroinnsias Uí Fhathaigh ar cheist na Gaedhealtachta againn i dtosach. Táimíd sásta gur ceart ceist ar leith, no Roinn ar leith, bheith againn le h-aire do thabhairt don nGaedhealtacht. Ach nílimíd sásta go gcuirfear an cheist is mó agus an cheist is tabhachtaighe a bhaineas leis an nGaedhealtacht—sé sin, Coimisiún na Talmhan—faoi Roinn Aire na hIasgaireachta. Deir an tAire é féin go dtugtar dhó-san gach rud agus gach ceist nách ceist no nach rud econaimíoch é. Déarfainn go mbéidir gur fíor é sin. Ach má bheireann an Rialtas an Roinn so fá chúram an Aire le rud econaimíoch a dhéanamh dhe, deirim-se nách ceart an rud é sin. Má bheireann siad ceist na Gaedhealtachta don Aire leis an gceist do fhágail mar rud nach rud econaimíoch é, tá an ceart ag an Rialtas, mar tá siad ag cur na rudaí agus an tAire neamh-econaimíoch le chéile. Ar feadh na gcúig mbliain go bhfuil an tAire os cionn na Roinne isascaigh, ní dhéarna sé oiread is aon rud amhain gur rud econaimíoch é. Ní dheárna sé aon rud.

Ní féidir leat labhairt ar cheist na hiascaircachta. Ní hé sin an cheist atá os ár gcóir.

Ní hé ach tá fios agam go mbaineann an cheist seo le ceist na Gaedhealtachta.

Ní hé sin an rud atá san mBille.

Sin iad na rudaí go bhfuailim ag tracht orra. Más féidir le aon duine neamh-nidh do dhéanamh, rinne an tAire é agus rinne sé go maith é. Is féidir leis sin do dhéanamh. Rinne sé mugadhmagadh de na h-iasgairí agus tá siad níos measa iniú ná mar a bhí siad cúig bhliain ó shoin. Agus nuair nach ndéarna an tAire aon rud sástamhail le cúig bhliain anuas, an ceart anois Roinn eile do chur faoi ná chúram?

Tionntóchaidh mé ar an mBéarla anois nó go gcuirfead-sa in iúl do na Teachtaí nach bhfuil Gaedhilg acu an bhail atá ar na hiasgairí in Iarthar na hEireann.

In opposing this Bill I want to impress, as far as I can see it, how undesirable it is that one of the most important branches of the Government service—that is the Land Commission— should be put under the charge of the Ministry of Fisheries. You certainly do want a "live wire" in charge of the Land Commission, and there is no Deputy but will have to admit that the one Department which for the past five years has not justified its existence is the Department of Fisheries. The House is now asked seriously to place the most important Department in the State as regards the requirements of the people in charge of that Ministry. If it was to justify the Minister's existence there might be some excuse for it. but everyone knows that for five years the Minister for Fisheries has done nothing only, as Deputy Carney said last night, to write "A Chara, I am making inquiries," and finish up with "Mise le meas." He did nothing else for the past five years regarding the fishermen in the West of Ireland. He has not even stimulated any hope amongst the fishermen that they will get relief at some future date. There has been no effort made to organise the fishermen, to help them to co-operate amongst themselves. They have been thrown at the mercy of the waves. Even the terrible tragedy which took place some months ago did not urge the Minister or his Department into any activity. Because of his inactivity, and because he made no effort to organise his own Department, you had, I submit, that terrible tragedy, and the Minister must shoulder his responsibility for having fishermen thrown at the mercy of the waves and the storm in curraghs. I have here information for the Minister which, according to what he said in Irish, he has probably already.

The Deputy cannot give the Minister any information on this Bill about the West of Ireland. The question of the administration of the Department of Fisheries is one that will arise on the Estimates.

I want to prove that the Minister is entirely incapable of running his own Department. How then can he be capable of running two Departments?

My recollection is that the President in his speech in introducing this Bill said it was an alternative to the full implementing of the Gaeltacht Commission. If that is so, it seems to me a great many things that would be in order on the discussion of the Gaeltacht Commission would be in order on this Bill.

This Bill is the alternative, I understand, to a suggestion in the Gaeltacht Commission Report about a certain kind of Commission for the co-ordination of services. I think that is what was stated. This Bill sets up a certain piece of administrative machinery and the question at issue is whether that administrative machinery is the correct kind of machinery. The question whether an individual Minister is or is not a good Minister does not come into it at all. The Deputy wants to discuss now questions that will arise properly and are bound to arise, and my experience is that will arise widely, deeply and vaguely on the Fisheries Estimate.

I want to put the point that it is not so much what is actually written down in the Bill as the method of its introduction by the President, which I took to be a more or less liberal gesture from him as to the interpretation, having regard to the fact that there is another motion further down on the paper which we are told we are not likely to get any reasonable time to discuss. I take it that the President in saying that this was the Government's alternative to a Bill implementing the Gaeltacht Commission was, as far as he could go, opening up the ground for such a discussion as is now being raised.

There is no alternative between discussing this Bill and discussing the question that arises on the Gaeltacht Commission Report. Now, with the motion on the Paper, which I suppose will be reached —the motion dealing with the Gaeltacht Commission Report—it would be absurd to attempt the whole discussion of the subject on this Bill. But what I think is completely out of order is a discussion on the Department of Fisheries and its administration during the past five years, which is relevant neither to the Bill nor, as far as I can see, to the motion.

I submit, on the actual terms of the speech delivered by the President, which I took to be in order, that we could discuss what we are now discussing. That is the point I am putting.

That is not so.

We are asked to hand over the Land Commission to the Department of Fisheries, and are we not at liberty to discuss whether we think it wise to authorise that or not? And is not the best proof that it is not wise to do so the manner in which the Department of Fisheries has been conducted during the last five years?

No, I am not going to allow a debate on the administration of the Department of Fisheries in the last five years. The Deputy will have to make his argument some other way.

If we are to hand over the Land Commission to the Department of Fisheries, knowing of its failure in the last five years, and if we are not allowed to tell the House why they should not vote to hand over this Department to the Minister for Fisheries, and to show cause for that, I think it is rather unfair. I am going to give the Minister for Fisheries something that will be of interest to him and not out of order about the fishermen who repeatedly asked him for some assistance and who at the same time are pleading with the Land Commission for some assistance. I think a matter of that kind should be in order in this debate.

Anyhow, we are not handing over the Gaeltacht to the present Minister for Fisheries. He is not eternal and everlasting.

I know, but we cannot ignore the fact that we are handing over the most important service with regard to the Gaeltacht to the Minister for Fisheries at the present time, and, because of that, I think it should be taken in a more serious light by Ministers themselves. They are absolutely closing the door as far as the Gaeltacht Commission and the White Paper is concerned by this Bill. They leave no option afterwards except by repeal of this, unless after hearing a discussion on the Gaeltacht Commission an arrangement is come to by which something could be done, apart from the White Paper, for the Gaeltacht. This Bill is here, and the Department that will carry on the work of the Gaeltacht will be the Ministry of Fisheries. There is no justification for the existence of the Ministry of Fisheries whatsoever. How can the President claim that it is the best thing in the interests of the people that the Land Commission should be handed over to the Department of Fisheries? If it is an excuse for the existence of the Department of Fisheries we might even accept that excuse, but first, before they can prove it is wise to hand the Land Commission over to the Department of Fisheries, they should prove the justice of the existence of the Ministry of Fisheries for the past five years. The Minister himself, or his Department, has not done that. In his reply he wisely avoided saying anything that related to his Department that dealt directly with the Gaeltacht.

I was stopped.

He has fishermen more or less under his control, and only a fortnight ago, the 14th March, one fisherman informed me that he received from a very charitable lady in Dublin thirty-seven stone bags of flour for the fishermen of Portacloy, and that he previously had to write for and received a charitable donation of four tons of flour. to feed the fishermen in that area. I put it to the House that the Minister for Fisheries has been in that area a few times, and Deputy Tierney has been in that area. He had been there with some of his advance agents in 1925 distributing dry bread to the people of that area, both in the school, and out of the school, in order that the people of that area might take him to their bosoms as the feeder of the flocks.

Nach fada uainn an Ghaedhealtacht anois. Tá an Teachta ag imtheacht ar fad ón mBille.

The Deputy has been trying to prove that there is no justification for the existence of the Minister, and I suppose he now wants to prove there is no justification for my existence either.

I am convinced of that. There is no necessity at all to tell it to the House. I submit that when you have this Ministry of Fisheries, of which Mr. Lynch is supposed to be in charge, acting in that way, there is need for a change. There you have conditions so very serious that they have to write to Dublin in order to get flour on which to exist, you have a condition of affairs which requires to be remedied. Mr. Lynch has been Minister for Fisheries for the last five years, and this condition of things has gone on. That is one of the reasons why Deputies on the opposite Benches should consider well before they hand over the Land Commission to the Department of Fisheries. It is not out of place to repeat what I said here before about the drama, "The Drone." I think if Mr. Lynch took Deputy Tierney into the play it would not be out of place at all.

Ni gadh dom dul nios siadh insa ceist seo anois. Ní rachaidh mé níos sia ins an gceist ach molaim dos na Teachtaí ná cheart aon chomaoin do chur san Rialtas. Sé mo thuairim gurab é an rud is fearr an Bhille do chur ar chúl. Annsan, is doca go mbeidh na Teachtaí ar aon intinn.

I confess that I was one of those who brought themselves with some reluctance to accept the present proposals of the Government with regard to the administration of the Gaeltacht. And I say that, not for the reasons which have been stated to the House by the last speaker—on the grounds of the alleged incapacity on the part of the Minister for Fisheries— but because I was myself a member of the old Congested Districts Board. I have always thought that that body has received less than justice. I should say quite frankly that I would myself be prepared and better pleased to see some such body as that now set up if the Government could see their way to do it. However, as that was not to be, then I do not know that there was any other alternative but what the Government has done. There is a very great deal to be said for placing the administration of land purchase under one single Department. If that were to be done there was, as the Minister for Fisheries has pointed out, a great deal to be said for combining the work relating to the Gaeltacht under the Department, the head and officials of which had always a great deal of experience of work in the congested districts.

My only doubt is this—whether the Minister for Fisheries will, in fact, be able to give enough time to the special economic needs of the Gaeltacht. I confess that that is a point on which we must only await experience. The Minister himself has charge of the fisheries in all parts of the country. If our fisheries are to be developed as they should be, it is a very heavy job in itself to develop them. I understand that the Parliamentary Secretary is in charge of the work relating to the Land Commission in all parts of the country. He is in charge for the whole Saorstát and not for the congested districts only. I should myself have thought that it is not only a whole-time job but a very heavy one. I do not want to say any more about that at the present moment except to say that we shall await with interest and not altogether without anxiety to see how these proposals will, in fact, work out. We will await that with interest, not at all with a hostile interest. There is one other point which I should like to urge upon the House. I think myself that the complaints and the blame which have been cast upon the Department of Fisheries come not from any incapacity, not from any laziness certainly, and not from any ill-will on the part of the Minister and his officials, but by reason of the fact that when you are dealing with communities in the Gaeltacht the existing machinery seems to me to lack that elasticity which the old machinery of the Congested Districts Board had.

It is not so much a question of making available very large sums of money. It is much more a question of how the money is spent and a question of seeing that the money is spent quickly and at the right time. You are not only justified, it seems to me, in making experiments, but you are bound to make experiments when you are dealing with communities such as we have in the West. I would go so far as to say that you are not only justified in making experiments, but you are justified in losing money on experiments. You are justified in making experiments the very suggestion of which would probably turn grey the hair on the heads of some officials of the Department of Finance and of my friend, Deputy Cooper, the ex-Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee. I saw that that Committee in their last report have, no doubt very properly from their point of view, taken exception to a particular transaction, but a transaction which I consider a very right one. It was a matter of the advancing of money to enable certain machines in connection with the homespun industry to be bought. At that time, owing to some complicated financial rules, the money could not be found in the ordinary way, and the Public Accounts Committee naturally found exception to the manner in which it was found. Personally I think it was a perfectly reasonable transaction, and one for which the Ministry should not be blamed. I am aware that it is the kind of thing that was done in the old days quite freely, for which nobody was one penny the worse, but these things afforded amusing copy to a popular novelist. I think on the whole that money was well spent.

I will not say anything further on that now, but at the appropriate moment I will refer to it again. I would urge upon the Government to consider whether this is not a case in which, when we come to consider more closely the finance of the scheme in the Gaeltacht, portion of the money should be given to the Ministry of Fisheries for economical development in the Gaeltacht by way of a grant in aid. The advantage of that would be that it would escape the eagle eye of Deputy Cooper. It would also escape what I consider to be the too severe control by the Department of Finance. When you are dealing with a community such as that in the Gaeltacht, the less red tape you have the better, and it is not a bad thing at all to be able to close your eyes to what sometimes may be a financial irregularity or which may not be altogether in accordance with the rules of red tape. I am not urging that there should be extravagance or the foolish expenditure of public money, but I do quite seriously suggest that it would be in the best interests of the Gaeltacht and that it would facilitate enormously the work of the Ministry of Fisheries itself. if it were able to spend money from time to time in a manner which would not perhaps be altogether justified if it were spent in relation to other and more prosperous parts of the Saorstát.

In aineóin a n-duairt Aire um Iasgach i dtaobh na hoibré atá deanta ag a Aireacht nílimíd sásta leis an mBille seo. What I am not sure about is what course the Government propose to adopt to solve the question of the Gaeltacht. If what has been mentioned in the course of the debate is the line they are going to follow, then I think it makes the resolution before the House useless, because, apparently, if it is the considered scheme of the Government, any suggestions we could make will be of no avail. The question is really a very serious one for those of us who believe in the Irish nation as the most important question of all.

I happen to be in touch with a portion of the Gaeltacht, and it is only a matter of a comparatively few years until the Irish nation, so far as the Gaeltacht is concerned, will be finished. I am in touch with portion of the coast where fishermen have to strive for a bare existence, and they are using boats and gear just the same as their ancestors were using practically 200 years ago. They are always on the starvation line. The young people will not stand it and they are clearing out as fast as they can. Such conditions should open the Irish mind to the importance of this question.

The Department of Fisheries has got hit pretty hard for the past hour or so, and I do not want to be too hard on it. Unless greater resources are placed at the disposal of this Department, I am afraid it will fail to accomplish the object we all have so much at heart. Granted that the new Department has the greatest desire possible to further the interests of the Gaeltacht, I do not think it can do that unless it gets a considerably larger amount of money. If one takes into account the amount of money the people of Denmark spend on fisheries alone, one will observe that it is far in excess of the amount available for development here. In proportion to sums granted in other directions, the amount in question is very small indeed, but perhaps I am not quite in order in dealing with that matter.

The Deputy is quite in order in making the point, and in following Deputy Law with regard to the comparison between this particular scheme and, for example, the C.D. Board—the capital sum of money involved and the cost of general administration. That is perfectly in order.

It is really the point on which the whole matter hinges. It does not matter how you combine these Departments; if you do not place greater resources at the disposal of this Department, you will fail to accomplish what you are out to accomplish and the work of the Gaeltacht Commission will have been practically wasted. This is a matter that calls for immediate and vital treatment and it must be dealt with on a very generous scale. If we cannot see our way to give greater scope to the Department by giving a larger amount of money, then we must allow matters to remain as they are, and things are in a very bad way at the moment. I do not want to criticise the Department of Fisheries. I just want to say that it does not matter how we look at it, the belief in the country is that the Department has not justified its existence and that some change is necessary. I am not blaming the Minister and I am not blaming the officials, but we cannot blind ourselves to the fact that the Department has not been a success, and what we are afraid of is that if we are content to go on as we have been going for the last five years, we will fail absolutely, and that is what we are anxious to avoid.

I want to approach this discussion in a sympathetic spirit. I do not know if the Deputies opposite imagine that I am actuated by apparent hostility to the Irish language, but, if so, I would like to assure them that is not the case. About 20 years ago I bought my first book of O'Growney, and as long as Deputies will confine their arguments to young cows and old cows, red cows and yellow cows, I will be able to follow them fairly well; but I regret to say that, through lack of encouragement more than anything else, my studies did not get further than that. While I reserve my opinion as to the compulsory teaching of Irish in the primary schools being the best method of promoting the language, I am anxious that it should not die out in the Gaeltacht. I am anxious that we should foster and encourage it.

Deputy Law suggested that there should be a substantial amount of public money expended in the Gaeltacht and I gathered the inference that it should be expended in Donegal in particular, where the needs appeared to him to be greatest. He mentioned an amount of public money which should not be accountable to the Department of Finance or to the Public Accounts Committee. Within limits that is quite a desirable thing. It may be desirable, if you have a backward district in the country, to set aside some definite, specified sum for development outside the ordinary bounds of Government finance, but it must be very clearly defined and very clearly specified, because having had, during four years on the Public Accounts Committee, some experience of the methods of finance adopted by the Department of Fisheries as heirs of the Congested Districts Board, I think it is necessary that there should be something definite and specified. Though I agree with the Minister for Lands and Agriculture that the Congested Districts Board did good work, it was exempt from all the normal processes of accountancy.

I must say that some of the experiments undertaken by the Ministry in succession to the Board—they were only carrying it on as a legacy—were not at all satisfactory from the point of view of the taxpayer. There was, for instance, the subsidising of a factory for toys which were to supplant those made in Germany. That was not a satisfactory transaction, because when the war was over the Germans again sent in toys. The factory had not time to develop. I do not think it had the expert skill either, because the Germans are toy-makers by heredity; their children carve wooden toys when they are very small. This factory had not sufficient expert skill and did not develop sufficiently to supplant the German toys. There were other reasons, but I will not trouble to mention them now. Therefore, while a grant in aid which would be unaccountable to the Department of Finance and the Dáil may be justified, I think the Dáil should scrutinise the account very carefully and should be satisfied that the money is applied wisely.

This Bill is making a comparatively small administrative change. It is, I understand, an instalment on the report of the Gaeltacht Commission. It is not the whole action to be taken. Some of that action has already been taken through Departments. This Bill definitely sets up the Ministry of Fisheries as the Ministry for the Gaeltacht, but not only for the Gaeltacht—a Ministry whose primary concern will be for the Gaeltacht and which will have to consider the economic and cultural aspects of the Gaeltacht but also a Ministry concerned for the rest of Ireland. In fact when we reach the Committee Stage I am seriously considering whether the official title laid down in the Bill should not be altered, and instead of talking of the Minister for Lands and Fisheries we should talk of the Minister for Lands and Seas. It is a very old title which the present occupant will, no doubt, worthily enjoy. There is some advantage in this proposal over that contained in the report of the Gaeltacht Commission. It is more comprehensive. For instance, there is one loophole from the economic point of view in the report of the Gaeltacht Commission. That deals with what are generally known as congested districts. Portion of them is Irish-speaking, or partly Irish-speaking, but there is one county, part of the congested districts, which is neither Irish-speaking nor partly Irish-speaking, yet great distress exists there, that is, County Leitrim. It is a very poor county but it does not appear at a recent period to have been Irish-speaking, yet any measures adopted for relief in Donegal, Mayo or Kerry should also apply to Leitrim, because the economic need is as great there. There are poor men there without any resources such as fishing. This Bill makes it possible for the Department of Lands and Fisheries to deal with and assist that county as it can deal with and assist Donegal, Mayo or Kerry. That is one advantage.

We tried an experiment since the beginning of the last Dáil and it seems to have worked well. I do not think there is any criticism of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Fisheries who is dealing with the work of the Land Commission. That experiment seems to be working well, but Deputy Lemass yesterday put forward a criticism that the Ministries of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Land Commission ought to be dealt with by the same individual. I admit that that argument has the charm of an old song to me because I think I remember saying the same thing myself in 1923, but experience here has convinced me and has convinced Ministers and, possibly, four years' experience will convince Deputy Lemass, that it is not a workable arrangement. The work of the Land Commission is work of intense detail. It is a whole-time job for one individual. It might be a possible arrangement to have the Departments of Fisheries and Agriculture under one Minister with a Parliamentary Secretary to deal with the details of the Land Commission. If the work of the Ministry of Agriculture were going to be what I may describe as static, if it were going to be regular routine work such as exists in the Department of Justice, for instance, or in the Department of Defence, where there are standing bodies, armed or otherwise, to be administered, it might be all right, but the Department of Agriculture ought to be progressive.

The Minister ought to have leisure to study agricultural development overseas. and possibly in this country—the cultivation of beet sugar, for instance. That would be difficult for a Minister with an abundance of details on his shoulders. The improvement of our products and the increase of production are matters which a Minister with leisure should investigate for himself. I am proud to welcome Deputy Lemass as a disciple, but I am afraid I must discard the mantle of prophet and say that experience has taught me that it is better to have separate Ministries for these. The Ministry of Fisheries will have great scope. The Land Commission, for twenty or thirty years, will have an enormous amount of detail work which cannot be dealt with on a broad and general scale but in reference to every single case. The Department of Agriculture ought to be progressive, a Department free from the trammels of answering an enormous number of questions dealing with matters of detail. It ought to be free to investigate and make scientific researches and develop our production so as better to be able to meet the demands of the State. Thus agriculture may in time—it must be a slow process —become more prosperous.

took the Chair.

I take it that in bringing forward this Bill the President had no intention of announcing it as a Government alternative to the whole Report of the Gaeltacht Commission. It is intended. I take it, to be the Government's alternative to two clauses in that report. One, in the nature of a minority report, recommended that a special Commission on the lines of the old Congested Districts Board should be set up to deal with Gaeltacht matters. The other, which was signed by the majority of members, recommended rather that a Commission with a watching brief should be set up without financial powers but with powers to supervise and co-ordinate the work of the various Departments which have business in the Gaeltacht. I take it that the Government proposal in this Bill is a third means of dealing with the difficulties which those two proposals were intended to solve, and that the Government proposal is only one way of making it easier to carry out in detail the recommendations of the Commission. We are not, therefore, discussing the report of the Gaeltacht Commission, and there is nothing in this Bill to prevent, us discussing that report and the White Paper which deals with it at the proper time.

In a matter like this there is no room for complete and absolute optimism. Our attitude towards any measures that could be taken for the improvement of the Gaeltacht, whether from the point of view of the language or the economic condition, must be, as Deputy Hugh Law has said, an attitude of much anxiety rather than optimism, because everyone who knows anything about the condition of the language and the economic condition of the Gaeltacht must admit that both are very bad and that the condition of the language, in particular, is so bad and getting so rapidly worse that it will take every effort that can be put forward by the Dáil, or anyone in the country interested in the matter, to save the language in the Gaeltacht. There is no room for optimism, and I do not think that any scheme that can be put forward is likely to solve the whole question in a day or likely to do more than give us a fairly anxious time for a large number of years. We must wait and see how such measures as this would work out, and we must be prepared to keep a sharp look out for their working, and change them if they are not working satisfactorily. Personally, I signed the majority report of this Commission in regard to this special matter not with any great enthusiasm and with a considerable bias in my mind in favour of the report of the minority. I believe that Deputy Hugh Law touched on what is really the kernel of the whole matter in his remarks.

It seems to me that the third means which the Government has proposed is perhaps a better means than either of the two set out in the Report of the Gaeltacht Commission, for this reason: that the means that the Government has proposed, this means of setting up a special Ministry to deal with all the problems together, will give us all here an opportunity every year of going into the problems connected with the Gaeltacht in the utmost detail and of seeing whether the measures being carried out by the Government are working satisfactorily. The measures the Government proposes will establish the authority and power of investigation of the Dáil over that work in a better way than would have been possible by either of the two proposals the Commission recommends in the report. Of course, as I say, it is not a perfect scheme. No scheme can be perfect in dealing with the Gaeltacht. No scheme can guarantee perfection, but this scheme gives the members of the Dáil who are interested an opportunity og keeping themselves in touch, from year to year, with the work of this Ministry, and of ensuring that if in any respect the work of the Ministry is not up to the mark it can be improved and the full light of debate in the Dáil can be shed on it.

To come back to what Deputy Law said, and to what I consider the most helpful suggestion made in the debate, he pointed out that the great difficulty that the Minister for Fisheries had in setting up any scheme for dealing with the Gaeltacht is that it is unlikely to be an economic scheme, and that you must be prepared in a great many cases to lose money or to allow money to lie out for a number of years without being absolutely certain whether you will get a return for it or not. As a matter of fact, the Congested Districts Board, nearly forty years ago, was founded for that very reason. It was founded in order that it might be possible for the British Treasury, as it was at the time, to allow money to be handled more easily and to lie out for a longer time than would be possible under the ordinary rules of the British Treasury. That was the reason for the founding of the Congested Districts Board, and it was on that principle it worked. It had a kind of grant-in-aid from the British Treasury and it was not responsible to the British Treasury for that. Anyone who will read the history of the Congested Districts Board by its Secretary will see that that note of freedom from Treasury control runs through the whole history. That was the dominant idea in the minds of those who founded it and that was the principal idea its promoters kept in their minds all along.

If we proceed to set up a Ministry in order to deal with the Gaeltacht, I agree with Deputy Law that there is a considerable danger that we will find a tightening-up of expenditure in the Gaeltacht in a way that will not be advantageous to the public or to the Gaeltacht, that we will have not only a tightening-up, but a process of red-tape introduced into the expenditure in connection with the Gaeltacht, which may not be either an advantage to the Gaeltacht or in any real way an advantage to the public at large. I think the suggestion that Deputy Law threw out should be explored a little bit further. It seems to me that the real villain of the piece is not so much the Parliamentary Committee of Public Accounts. The real villain of the piece in this case is the Ministry of Finance. It is not so much because the Ministry of Finance is at bottom an essentially evil organisation or a force which is always trying to do the biggest amount of harm it can in every direction, but because the system of financial control which we have adopted in this country makes it necessary and inevitable that the Ministry of Finance should undertake and arrogate to itself the position of being expert in everything. Those familiar with the working of other Departments know that in a great many cases in the past schemes of the utmost utility have been held up for a long time purely because some official in the Ministry had to be persuaded that they were proper schemes, although the experts had decided on them long before.

It seems to me that Deputy Law, in touching on that point, has touched upon a question to which the fullest attention should be given by the Dáil. I am not very familiar with the process of controlling public money, but it would seem to me that we could arrange in some carefully defined and narrowly limited way, if you like, that funds under the control of the new Ministry should be accounted for, not to the Ministry of Finance, but directly to the Committee on Public Accounts. It seems to me that in that way you would protect the public interest and you would see that the Dáil would be well acquainted with the means by which these moneys were expended. At the same time you would allow the experts in the Ministry of Fisheries, the only experts who should have a say in the matter, the fullest latitude in expending these moneys as they thought best. I do not know whether that suggestion is workable, but I do think in certain respects, in respects carefully defined and laid down by the Dáil, that the finances of this new Ministry should be by way of a grant-in-aid rather than by way of an ordinary Vote in the Dáil.

There is one great reason which to my mind justifies the setting up of a Ministry such as this. That is that the work of trying to improve the Gaeltacht is not a work that lies along one straight line. It is a work that cuts across the work of every other Ministry in the State. As soon as you begin to talk about the Gaeltacht you come up against questions concerning the division of land, the development of fisheries, rural industries and so on. That being so it seems to me that a Ministry, like this Ministry which is being set up, is perhaps the best means of co-ordinating all these works. It seems to me to be a good thing rather than a bad thing that the Ministry which is responsible for the division of lands all over the country should also be in charge of the division of land in the Gaeltacht. It is recommended in the Gaeltacht Commission's Report for instance—I do not know whether it is workable or not— that some alleviation of conditions in the Gaeltacht would be possible by way of migration out of the Gaeltacht to lands in other parts of the country. If that is found possible—I do not say it will be found possible—the only Ministry which could deal with it is the Ministry which has to do with the whole question of distributing land all over the country.

The same thing applies to fisheries. I hold that the problem of developing the fisheries in the Gaeltacht is not by any means the same problem as the problem of developing the fisheries in the nation as a whole. I hold that the small type of fisherman who works a small holding along the west coast of Ireland has little or nothing in common with the type of fisherman you have in Howth or in Arklow. He has still less in common with the fisherman in the English centres where fishing is organised on a large industrial scale with immense capital resources, huge boats, and so on.

No matter what improvement we have in fishing conditions, there is a resemblance between the type of fishing that is carried on in the Gaeltacht and that must be carried on there, and the general fishing problem of the country, which makes it desirable that the work of looking after both types should be coordinated by the one Department. It seems to me that in those two respects, at any rate, a very good case exists for putting the work of the Gaeltacht in charge of the Department that has to do with the distribution of land and the fishery question of the country as a whole. The third aspect of development in the Gaeltacht, which is concerned with small industries, is, perhaps, on a slightly different footing. Deputy Fahy suggested that perhaps it would be better that that work should be put in charge of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. There might be something to be said for that, but it would have the disadvantage that you would take away from the Ministry which had very large functions in the Gaeltacht already a kind of work which is more important and needs more urgently to be developed in the Gaeltacht than anywhere else. I do not know that a Ministry which has to do with such a thing as unemployment insurance all over the country, with the Trades Loan Guarantee Act, the Geological Survey— perhaps there may be a weakness in respect of the Geological Survey—and matters that make up the work of the Department of Industry and Commerce, has very much in common with the problem of the small rural industries in the Gaeltacht. That is a problem which can very well be looked after by the Ministry that looks after the division of lands and the question of fisheries. It seems to me that it can best be looked after in the manner indicated by the Minister, by the creation of some sort of central depot in Dublin which will be looked after not by one organiser but by three or four officials who will attend not only to the organising of the industry in Ireland but will also look after the purchasing of materials, the various changes that take place in fashions, and who will make contact between the little factories and the markets. I have more hope for an improvement in the Gaeltacht in the development of small rural industries, if the matter could be taken up energetically and if it were put under the control of a properly organised central depot, than in either the development of fisheries or the further division of land. I think, for all these reasons, that the case for setting up this Ministry which the Bill indicates is a very strong one and that the work will probably—I say probably advisedly, because in this case we cannot be too optimistic—be better done by that kind of Ministry, which will co-ordinate all these various activities, than it could be done by the sort of Commission that we recommended in the Gaeltacht Report, or by the revival of the Congested Districts Board. I think Deputies should make up their minds on that question.

While I have every respect for Deputy Hugh Law, and while I agree that the Congested Districts Board did immense work for the poor in the congested districts in Ireland, I believe that the problem that faces our State in this respect is one that can best be solved by other methods than those employed by the Congested Districts Board. I would almost go so far as to say that part of the difficulty that we have to face in the Gaeltacht is the legacy that was left by the C.D.B. The Congested Districts Board had to deal with a terrifically difficult problem. It dealt with it fairly successfully, but in dealing with it, it could not avoid, and nobody could avoid, to some extent, creating new problems. Some of these problems are amongst the worst that have to be faced in dealing with this question of the Gaeltacht. One of them was indicated, perhaps unconsciously, by Deputy Clery; that is the idea that the people of the Gaeltacht are always looking for doles or bribes of some kind, whether it is in the form of an accusation against another party, or whether it is in the form of an appeal for pity. That is, perhaps, not the fault of the Congested Districts Board, but may be party due to the psychology of the people. It is one of the heritages left to us from the period of the Congested Districts Board. It is one of the things that we must get rid of if we are going to make anything of this Gaeltacht problem. We must teach the people in the Gaeltacht to stand on their own feet and not to expect that money will be spent for which they cannot give a return, and not to expect that they will be for ever the paupers of the country. That kind of problem is one that cannot be dealt with by an organisation on the lines of the old Congested Districts Board. It would only perpetuate some of the evils which, not through the fault of the Congested Districts Board, but owing to many circumstances, grew up while the Congested Districts Board was in office. For that reason, I think that a Ministry which will work in conjunction with the Dáil, and whose work will be subject to the constant scrutiny and examination of the Dáil, and that will be financed by the Dáil and financed, I hope, in a way somewhat different from the other Ministries, will be likely to do the best that can be done for the Gaeltacht. I propose to vote for the Bill.

Táim ar aon intinn leis an Teachta Proinnsias O Fathaigh agus leis an Teachta Micheál O Cléirigh, go raibh an Roinn Iascaigh in ann níos mó do dhéanamh san aimsir atá thart ar son na ndaoine mbocht i gContae Mhuigheo, i dTír-Chonaill agus in áiteacha eile cosúil leo ná mar a rinne sé. Dubhairt Teachta ó Thír Chonaill go mb'fhéidir go mb'fhearr dá gcuirfí ar bun Roinn no Coimisiún áirithe chun an obair seo do dhéanamh, mar a rinneadh leis an C.D.B. san aimsir atá thart. Táim ar aon intinn leis na Teachtaí ar an dtaobh eile nuair a deir siad go mba cheart Bórd speisiálta do chur i bhfeil na h-oibre seo. Ach cé'n mhaitheas atá i mBord nó i Roinn más rud é nách mbeidh aon airgead acu? Dubhairt duine de na Coimisinéirí a thug isteach an Tuarasgabháil seo—Mac Uí Mhuircheartaigh—go mba cheart deontas do thabhairt do'n Roinn nua so, dá gcuirfí ar bun í, chun scéimeanna speisiálta san nGaeltacht do chur i bhfeidhm agus dubhairt sé nár leor £100,000 sa bhlian.

Tá airgead dá chaitheamh in áiteacha eile san tír ar thógáilt tighthe agus ar dheisiú bóthar agus ar dhréineáil na n-abhann. O cuireadh stad le h-obair an C.D.B., is fíor-bheagán airgid atá dá chaitheamh san Iarthar i gcomparáid leis an méid do caithtí annsin roimh theacht an t-Saorsait. Tá a lán airgid dá chaitheamh in áiteacha eile den tír— áiteacha ná fuil leath chó bocht is mar tá na h-áiteacha so.

Deputy Tierney devoted a certain part of his observations to explaining the origin of, to him, the apparently painful psychology of the poor people in the West of Ireland. He seems to think that it is an extraordinary thing that down there they have the cheek to ask for special treatment. He seems to suggest to the Dáil that that is in the nature of a slight on the national character, and that it is a defect that ought to be remedied as soon as possible. If we are to bring these people up to the level that Deputy Tierney would like, we must eradicate these bad habits of looking for money from the National Government. Surely the people of the West of Ireland have as much right to look for money for special works in the West as have the people in any other part of the country to look for money for their areas. When the Congested Districts Board was there it may have been used for political purposes, but I do not agree with Deputy Tierney that it left a bad legacy. I say that it left a good legacy and did a lot of good work in its time, and that the nearer we get to the Congested Districts Board under whatever plans are eventually formulated here, the better for the country.

I am not very much concerned with Deputy Cooper's difficulty as to how the expenditure on special schemes in the Gaeltacht will be watched and scrutinised. We will have an opportunity of discussing the matter on the annual Estimates, and the Public Accounts Committee, I am sure, will give a certain amount of latitude. What I do want to point out, however, is that it does not really matter what sort of Commission, Department or Ministry we set on foot, if they are not going to have money to deal with the problem.

I suppose the Minister for Fisheries is doing his best. He says he is not getting enough money to develop the fisheries of Ireland properly. But we have this Ministry, and undoubtedly it is an unpopular Ministry. People down the country, fishermen especially, feel that it is not doing its best for them. When the Minister for Finance, who, it has been suggested, is the bad boy of the piece, can come along and say that he has no confidence, or something like that, in fishery development in this country, that he does not like sea fisheries, and apparently is not prepared to spend money on them, there is no use going to the trouble of setting up machinery—that is, if we are not going to have money available for this purpose. What I said in Irish was that we are spending money in other parts of the country which, perhaps, do not want it quite so badly. We are spending money on drainage, housing and roads. It is well known to the Deputies from Galway, for example, that the amount that was spent on roads in that constituency was very small, for some reason or another, compared with what was spent in other constituencies.

The same thing applies to all the other social services. It would be just as natural for Deputy Tierney to attack the Labour Party for asking for special privileges for the old, the blind and the poor, as to get up and say there is something bad in the character of the people of the West of Ireland when they ask for these things. I do not wish to follow Deputy Tierney into the personal matters he talked about, but I would like to refer to the point Deputy Law raised about the machines that were supplied. These machines were supplied in the 1925 by-election, when Deputy Tierney was a Cumann na nGaedheal candidate for North Mayo. They were supplied to the people in this poor district who are living at the present time on flour that is supplied by some charitable person in Dublin. I have been in their houses. I do not know whether Deputy Tierney has or not, but I know that immediately after his election for North Mayo there were whole townlands in which people had not alone flour or any foodstuffs, but where they had not a bed to sleep on, a chair to sit on, or a pot in which to boil something to eat. These people were given machines during Deputy Tierney's election, and the machines, according to the parish priest, Canon Howley, were put into a hall. After the election there was to be a motor sent down in order to start some kind of little factory. Well, the motor has not come there since, and it is quite natural that the people down there should feel aggrieved. I submit that instead of Deputy Tierney having a grievance against us or against those people that these poor people have a very legitimate grievance against him and his associates.

I did not give expression to any grievance I am aware of that I had against them.

I would ask the Minister for Finance to tell us what he is going to do. We are not so much interested in the machinery. We would like to have the management of the services of the Gaeltacht as independent as possible, as free from Governmental control as possible. We do not want to see those officials who we are told have special experience in the Gaeltacht and congested districts held up in their work by red tape regulations and by the schemes and activities connected with other areas. If they have special knowledge of the special problems of these districts we would like them to devote their whole time to them, and to evolve some kind of decent policy. I submit that the present Bill is simply going to effect a change in the machinery, but that there is not going to be any change in policy. You cannot have a decent policy unless you have money. A definite sum was asked for by Mr. Moriarty in this report—£100,000. In 1925, and I think the conditions are very much worse now than they were then, the Government spent £600,000 on relief schemes throughout the country. Of course there were nine by-elections in that year and most of the £600,000 went into those constituencies where there were by-elections. I think in County Leitrim alone £40,000 was spent that year. Therefore it is not too much to ask that in connection with the setting up of this machinery we should have an assurance of some definite policy in connection with afforestation and reclamation—things that will give definite and regular employment, such as the old Congested Districts Board used to give, large schemes that will embrace large areas, not small schemes such as the Minister for Agriculture is carrying out; not a couple of hundred acres but a couple of thousand acres. To do that you would want money. I hope the Minister for Finance who, I know, takes a special interest in this matter, will soften his heart and grant at least £100,000 to enable a definite step forward to be taken for the amelioration of conditions in the Gaeltacht.

A Chathaoirligh, ma tugaim fút ar an gceist seo tá suil agam go mbeidh faill agat freagra do thabhairt dhom uair eigin eíle.

Deputy Fahy, in speaking to this particular Bill, wondered whether we, and by we I suppose he took in the whole of us, were serious with regard to this question of the Gaeltacht. As far as anything we have heard from the opposite benches this evening, or up to this evening, is concerned, I feel that if a clear suggestion, helpful thought, is to be taken as an index of seriousness, the Party opposite are not serious with regard to the Gaeltacht. I feel that the speeches made this evening indicate that neither the Gaeltacht Commission Report nor the Government White Paper has been read for the purpose of seeing how the Party opposite can help in any way in trying to get down to hard facts in connection with the matter. Deputy Clery said it would be better for the Gaeltacht if this Bill had been kept back until the Gaeltacht report was discussed. What was to prevent that report being discussed? The report was issued about August, 1926, many months more than a year ago. The Deputies who have spoken have been in this House since August last year, and what was to prevent them discussing that report? What was to prevent them discussing the report from the point of view of forcing the Government to put the terms of the report into operation or from the point of view of criticising the delay on the part of the Government in saying what their intentions were in connection with it?

We were waiting for the issue of the White Paper.

That is waiting for other people to do the work for them.

We were told that in answer to questions.

There are people who claim to be desperately anxious to help the Gaeltacht, and after more than eighteen months or so we listened to the speeches which have been made within the two hours' discussion this evening as a contribution to the question. Deputy Fahy has made no contribution in what he said. Deputy Clery wants to take the particular painting of the person of the Minister for Fisheries and draw it as a red-herring across the track of the discussion. Deputy Derrig wants to take Deputy Tierney and do the same thing—anything to avoid coming down to the hard facts of the situation.

We were not allowed to discuss the matter.

I am discussing the attitude of the Deputies opposite to a proposal to set up the machinery that is involved in this Ministers and Secretaries Bill. We are told that the proposal is in the nature of masla and tarcuisne and various other kinds of insults to the Commission that made recommendations in this Gaeltacht Commission Report. We are told by Deputy Clery that the setting up of this machinery will prejudice the discussion of how the Gaeltacht ought to be helped. Surely it would be in order, in raising an objection to the machinery that is proposed to be set up there now, to instance in what way this machinery is going to prevent being done the things that Deputy Clery would like to see done.

Where is the money to come from in the first place?

Money! money! money! The thing is that we have not had one scrap of helpful suggestion or of practical plan as to how Deputies opposite propose to proceed, whereas— if we may refer to something a little outside the Bill—you have the Gaeltacht Commission Report and the White Paper where the policy of the Government in general is stated in the clearest and most explicit way. Every single recommendation made in the Gaeltacht Commission Report has been taken by the Government, put down in black and white, and their comment and proposals made under it. In so far as the Government deserve criticism for anything they say in that White Paper, they have handed themselves over bodily to their critics, because they have put down in clear, plain words, under every suggestion, what their proposal is, and the critics have been given the position in the clearest and most explicit way. There is no attempt made to take the Gaeltacht Commission Report and to write in a kind of general report on it. Everything is put down in serial form and in the plainest and simplest possible way, so that there is no excuse on the part of any party in the country, or any group of people, particularly the people who do not trust the Government and the political party connected with it, not to take the Commission's Report and formulate their own policies with regard to it and make them public. The White Paper has been issued for a sufficiently long space of time to have that explicit criticism. As I say, I feel from what we have heard here that the Report has not been read and that the White Paper has not been read, in so far as it refers to the particular aspect of the Gaeltacht Commission Report that is involved in this Bill. If the Deputies would look at the Gaeltacht Commission Report, paragraph 185 reads:

"Many witnesses have urged the necessity for setting up a special Ministry to look after all matters connected with the Gaeltacht."

After very careful consideration the Gaeltacht Commission decided that it would not be right or helpful to withdraw from the Gaeltacht districts the services of the fully-fledged and individual Ministries, and they suggested the special type of Commission recommended in the next paragraph—a Commission with inspectorial general capacity and co-ordinating capacity. What is being done in this Bill is that this special Ministry that many witnesses asked for to deal with the Gaeltacht is actually being provided to deal with these particular matters that can be dealt with by a special Minister without taking away——

We do not object to the setting up of a special Ministry. What we do object to is handing over this work to a Ministry, in which. I regret to say, we have very little confidence, and in which the country has very little confidence.

That is the red herring.

Does the Minister suggest that putting this under the control of the Minister for Fisheries is setting up the Commission that the Gaeltacht Commission had in mind when they signed the Report?

I wonder if the Deputy has read the White Paper

Mr. HOGAN

I have it in my hand.

But you must read it. I am trying to come at the extent to which the proposal meets the situation here.

When the Minister is finished speaking, will we be allowed to make speeches on the White Paper?

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

No, it would be out of order.

That is exactly my point.

I suggest that when Deputy Fahy's motion comes along Deputy Derrig will have an opportunity of speaking on the White Paper, and I look for point-blank criticism that will show any weaknesses in the Government's case if it is going to help the Gaeltacht. I am dealing closely with the Bill and pointing out that many witnesses urged the setting up of a special Ministry to look after all matters connected with the Gaeltacht. And after the consideration of that proposal, which appealed to some extent to many members of the Commission, they suggested a Commission of an inspectorial, general, and a co-ordinating sort. Now what are you offered instead? You are offered, in matters which may be specially dealt with in the Gaeltacht, without depriving the Gaeltacht of any of the fuller powers or resources or the bigger machinery of the fully-fledged Ministries—in matters connected with land purchase and division, fisheries and rural industries, which cater especially for the economic needs of the congested districts in the Gaeltacht area, a special Ministry. That is one thing. You are offered as well, according to the White Paper, when Deputies read that White Paper, an arrangement of this nature supplemented by a scheme of close co-ordination with the various Departments responsible for education, agricultural instruction, housing, public health, etc., which will provide the special attention and co-ordination which is necessary, and will at the same time be free from certain disabilities which would be unavoidably associated with the setting up of special machinery.

Will the Minister read the recommendation of the Gaeltacht Commission against that and see whether they tally or coincide?

The recommendation of the Gaeltacht Commission, so far as it is summarised, I will read so that Deputies may know and appreciate Deputy Hogan's point: "That a Special Committee be set up, charged with the duty of seeing that all departments carry out in detail the Government's policy with regard to the language in the Gaeltacht." You are promised as well as the special Ministry dealing closely with these matters connected with the Gaeltacht a scheme "of close co-ordination of the various departments responsible for education, agricultural instruction, housing, health, etc." What in practice, I expect, will be done along these lines is that a special sub-committee of the Cabinet will see that there is that co-ordination amongst the different fully fledged departments that will get the best possible effect from the working of those departments in connection with the Gaeltacht. You see it is a matter of reading the White Paper and realising what it implies. You are offered a special Ministry dealing with rural industries and that kind of thing.

We are offered a dud Ministry.

If it is as dud as some of the people who pretend they can solve the whole matter it is going to be very dud, I admit. If Deputies will not take the trouble to read the report itself, in so far as it deals with a special commission, and will not read the White Paper, so far as it deals with it, we cannot expect them to give the contribution to the discussion that we might expect. I would particularly refer to Deputy Fahy's opposition to the proposal here. Let me translate that portion of the Gaelic League evidence in regard to the economic life of these districts. It is very brief. Under the heading "Livelihood" in paragraph 23 of the statement put up by the Gaelic League as evidence to the Gaeltacht Commission it says: Parapragh 23 "Land—When land is being distributed in any area preference should be given to Irish speakers who want it. It should be put as a responsibility on the Land Commission to put the scheme together to transfer settlements of Irish speakers to lands internal in Ireland and to see that preference is made in such a way that the new area will remain a truly Irish area."

Under the heading "Home Industry" paragraph 24, "Work can be provided for the people of the Gaeltacht, planting trees, making roads, making quays and drainage schemes.""Equipment and education should be provided for fishermen so that they can get the greatest benefit out of their calling."

May I call attention to the fact that you yourself, Mr. Deputy Chairman, were ruled out by the Ceann Comhairle when discussing the White Paper, yet the Minister is talking about it all the time?

I am dealing very briefly with some of the things that will have to be dealt with by this machinery here. Paragraph 25:—"It would be a great help to the people of the Gaeltacht to have home crafts going on among them, namely, woollen industry, linen industry, woodwork and leatherwork, and it would be necessary to teach them how to prepare kelp for the market."

On a point of order, we were given to understand, some time ago, that we would not be allowed to discuss the Gaeltacht Report until this transfer was made. Now we are discussing the Gaeltacht Report.

You told Deputy Derrig a moment ago, sir, that you would not allow him to deal with the White Paper.

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

He had already spoken.

We were prevented from discussing the Gaeltacht Commission in matters that had no reference to this Bill. I do not think the Ceann Comhairle ruled that you could not mention the Gaeltacht Commission in reference to this particular Bill, but the fault was that Deputies dragged in the Gaeltacht Commission in all sorts of ways that had nothing to do with this Bill.

My particular objection was that this was rushed, and we wanted to discuss the Gaeltacht Report first. Now we are not allowed to discuss it.

May I take it that we will be allowed to discuss it?

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

Not while I am in the Chair, because it was ruled out already. I suggest that the Minister should bring his reference to the White Paper and the Commission Report into line with the argument he wants to develop in supporting this Bill in the briefest manner possible.

Certainly. The last paragraph is only a few words. The question of livelihood is so wide that it is not possible to treat it fully in a statement of this sort.

Side-step it.

"There is a lot of information to be got in the Dudley Commission Report." Now that is the evidence of the Gaelic League, for what it is worth, on the economical aspects of the Irish-speaking districts, and these are the suggestions that they made to the Gaeltacht Commission as to how the economic salvation of these districts might be arranged for. There is not a single one of these things that does not come in under either the Land Commission or the old Ministry of Fisheries, and these aspects of life of the people in these districts are being concentrated under a Ministry, so that you will have a Minister here in this House challengeable upon every aspect of these things. And this is the machinery that the Bill offers you here, dealing with the economic life of the people, and so far as there is any bigger aspect of their economic life that the Ministry of Industry and Commerce could deal with or any other Department could deal with, the co-operation promised on page 30 of the White Paper covers that.

What about the finances?

If there is a case sustainable here in the Dáil, and demanded by a majority of the members in this Dáil, for putting into the hands of the new Ministry a fund in the nature of a development fund, the Minister for Finance has no power to stand up against the majority of the Dáil and decline to give it. So that in so far as money is a solution of the problem, and without money a big part of the problem cannot be solved, there is no use getting money without having your machinery to use it. If there is one thing that can do more damage than anything else, it is the use of money by men not capable of using it. What Deputies on the far side of the House are doing is: they are opposing the creation of machinery confined to the needs that immediately touch the economic life of the people in the Gaeltacht and that many witnesses, according to the report, have recommended.

The machinery is down there, and there is no motor to work it. That is what is going to happen in this case—provide the machines and no motor.

The position, as far as the Ministry is concerned, is that it has stated its position in black and white; it has handed over every single one of its cards to every single Deputy on the far side, and I, personally, as the Chairman of the Gaeltacht Commission, want to see the Deputies on the far side taking these cards and playing them to the best possible advantage.

Ba mhaith liom cupla focal a rádh mar gheall ar mhiniú an fhocail sin "Aire." Do thuigheas i gcomhnuí gur b'é an brí a bhí leis an bhfocal ná duine a thug cúram do rud eigin. Anois iarraim cad é an rud go bhfuil sé a tabhairt curaim dó. Ní fhaca riamh——

Sin é an sgadán dearg arís.

Tá baint ag an cheist, ar a bhfuilim a chur sios, leis an mBille seo. I gcionn tamaill bhig, béidh díosbóireacht againn ar cheist na Gaeltachta. Shaoilfea nách mbéidh aon deithneas ar an mBille seo agus isé mo thuairim nach bhfuil. Ar an adhbhar san, iarraim ar an nDáil an Bhille do chur ar ath-ló. An fhad is a bhí an tAire Iascaigh i mbun obair na Roinne sin, rinne sé fáillighe—do réir mo thuairime.

My objection is to the Minister for Fisheries.

The Deputy will not be in order in discussing the Minister for Fisheries.

The red herring!

Somebody here said he could see no reason for the Minister for Fisheries. I prefer to change the word to Ministry, but if he still acts the Rip Van Winkle on the Front Bench I think that I would not change it. I do not want to discuss the Gaeltacht now. We have not arranged to discuss it. I read the White Paper and I read the report of the Gaeltacht Commission. I live in the Gaeltacht and I probably know as much about it as any Deputy in this House. I would like the man in charge of the Gaeltacht to be a man in whom we would have confidence and a man who had shown himself capable in whatever position he held before. I think any Deputy from Galway, no matter what Party he belongs to, who is not agreeable to have this question postponed for at least six weeks, until we have discussed the report of the Gaeltacht Commission and the White Paper, has not the welfare of the Gaeltacht at heart. The Minister for Local Government and Public Health, who was in the Gaeltacht, will agree that if the report of the Gaeltacht Commission and the White Paper and all were discussed——

Some people would want to begin to think over it first.

I read it. There were several questions asked as to when the White Paper was coming out. It is not very long out and now it is going to be put forward without any discussion or proper consideration. I think it should be postponed until we all have considered it fully. Before you appoint a man in charge of the Gaeltacht, I would ask you to consider the conditions of the Gaeltacht and do not allow yourselves to be placed in the position of appointing a man in charge of a very big scheme, as Deputy Tierney has admitted—a very big and difficult task—who will be looked upon as inefficient in the Gaeltacht.

On a point of order, all this attack on the man is really tantamount to a proposition of no confidence in the Government. If a Deputy cannot see the difference between setting up a Ministry and appointing a person to be a Minister, he ought to begin to think of something else more fundamental than the Gaeltacht Commission report.

I wonder would Deputy Tubridy, if he has thought over the matter, bring himself to a discussion of what machinery he does want, if he does not accept the machinery of the Ministry?

When the Gaeltacht debate is on, when we have discussed it and heard points of view from different parts of the House—Deputies who know the Gaeltacht—then will it not be time enough to come to a decision? Why rush the matter now?

Let us define the policy.

Discuss the Gaeltacht Commission's Report and the White Paper, and then we will see what we are going to do and how we are going to do it.

Does not the Government offer you a basic line for discussion as far as machinery goes?

Therefore, we are setting up the machinery before we have discussed the matter at all?

You introduced a motion for discussion.

I think the whole question is too rushed. I would much prefer if the Gaeltacht were discussed first. I live in it, and I know that it is getting smaller day by day. I know that within my own memory the line from Galway to Clifden that was an Irish-speaking area is now practically an English-speaking area. I know that the Irish language is dying every day in the Gaeltacht. I do not think it is any use starting a new Gaeltacht until you look after the old Gaeltacht first. When you see nearly fifty young boys and girls leaving a parish at least every fortnight, going to America, persons who have had Irish from their childhood, and persons who know Irish that nobody in this House could ever learn, it gives you some idea of the conditions that exist there, and it goes to bear out what I say about the Gaeltacht. We should look after these people and decide on a policy for the Gaeltacht. Then it will be time enough to discuss the machinery, and who will be put in charge.

The Minister for Local Government and Public Health told us that the Government had put all its cards on the table. It probably has, but I am afraid that I must confess that I consider it a very bad hand. I do not think I could make very many tricks out of it.

They kept the joker.

Mr. HOGAN

The Minister for Local Government said that I should read into this White Paper what is implied in the White Paper. I can only read in the White Paper what is expressed in it. I am not sufficiently well able to read between the lines to know what is in the mind of the Government or to know what is implied in the White Paper which is supposed to contain their policy and a certain decision. When I asked the Minister to read the recommendations of the Commission, of which he was Chairman and of which I had the privilege of being a member—when I asked him to read what they propose to do in contrast to what the Commission recommended should be done, and to show where the two coincided, he evaded that issue and left it alone.

Perhaps the Deputy would show where they do not coincide.

Mr. HOGAN

Well, probably that is why I rose, and I would be very glad to think that the Chairman of the Gaeltacht Commission could himself earlier realise where they do not coincide. He gave that report that we issued very careful consideration. He worked on that report very hard, and it was mainly due to his efforts that the report is such a valuable document as it is. I freely concede all that. The Commission said definitely that a special Commission be set up charged with the duty of seeing that all Departments carry out in detail the Government's policy with regard to the language in the Gaeltacht. But we find here in this White Paper that there is to be a co-ordinating Ministry, that the Land Commission is to be transferred to the Ministry of Fisheries, and that it will act as a co-ordinating authority in the Gaeltacht in future. How will the Minister for Fisheries see that the policy of the Government with regard to the language in the Gaeltacht, so far as it concerns the other services, are carried into effect?

Read the Report—read on.

Mr. HOGAN

Is this what is implied?

You have it there. "The Minister will make the necessary arrangements to keep in close touch with those other aspects of Governmental activity." Read on.

Mr. HOGAN

"The Minister will make the necessary arrangements to keep in close touch with those other aspects of Governmental activity which are connected with or have repercussions on the economic development of the Gaeltacht, and it will be open to him to seek advice from any and every competent source." Is it implied there?

Mr. HOGAN

——"in the carrying out of the heavy task which he is undertaking. Legislation to complete the scheme of co-ordination is in course of preparation." Does the Minister want me to read any farther?

Read on there. Very few more words will take you to it.

Mr. HOGAN

Does the Minister want me to read on to the imprint at the end of the book?

The Deputy should have begun higher up.

Go outside the White Paper and you might get something.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE took the Chair.

Mr. HOGAN

What the Minister for Local Government asked me to do is to try to get into the Government's secrets and know what they intend to do. Candidly I am afraid that I will never succeed in that. The Government will never tell me what they intend to do regarding the Gaeltacht or anything else. I can only read what is expressly contained in the White Paper. I would like to ask the Minister for Local Government and Public Health how that Ministry will carry out what the Commission of which he was Chair-recommended? How will that Ministry see that no English-speaking Gárdaí are sent into Connemara or to Clifden or to any other portion of the Gaeltacht? How will that Minister see that English speaking Post Office officials, Customs and Excise officials, and even officials of his own Department itself who are English speakers are not sent into the district? How will he endeavour to find out all these things so that the Executive Council will see that their policy with regard to the language is carried into effect? It is surely a position too big for the Minister for Lands and Fisheries to undertake and it surely is a reasonable proposition that we should postpone this until such time as the Dáil has a full opportunity of discussing the pros and cons of the Gaeltacht Commission in connection with the White Paper issued by the Government. I believe that is a very reasonable proposition. It is no use to taunt Deputies on the opposite benches or Deputies on any other benches and ask what is their policy. That is no use. That is not the way to tackle a problem that is of very great seriousness. It is the Government that is charged with the salvation of the Gaeltacht and with the salvation and preservation of the Irish language. It is on the present Government that a great deal of responsibility rests and taunting with "What is your policy" is no use. The policy the Government have put forward should be examined in relation to the Report that the Gaeltacht Commission has presented and it should be examined minutely—there should be a minute examination of this question in the parts of Ireland where the Irish is a living language. We waited for many months while we were promised the Government's policy and after waiting for a long time we are now told that we cannot wait for another fortnight or three weeks so that we can have a full discussion on the matter. I am not prepared to say that the Ministry of Fisheries because it is the Ministry of Fisheries is not fit to carry out very special and very good work in the Gaeltacht. I am not prepared to refer to any Ministry as a Ministry that is incapable of doing any good in the Gaeltacht. What I am prepared to say is this, and I say it with responsibility as one who has signed that Report, that the proposals in this White Paper are not in consonance with the suggestions we made in our recommendations. I submit that we should be given an opportunity here of examining the two— the policy of the Government and the recommendations of the Gaeltacht Commission Report. That is the reason that I am suggesting that the introduction of this Bill should be delayed until we have an opportunity of discussing the matter in full.

The passage of this Bill will dispose of certain matters that might arise in a discussion on the Gaeltacht Commission Report and on the White Paper, but it will not dispose of very many of them, and it seems to me that it will not at all dispose of any discussion or anything that might arise with regard to the Special Commission which the Gaeltacht Commission recommended.

Will it not prejudice entirely the Minority Report, which recommended that a Special Commission or Department be set up to deal with the matter?

Exactly. I was coming to that. It will not prejudice any position with regard to the Special Commission which the majority recommended. The passing of this Bill means definitely the turning down of the Minority Report. It turns down definitely the suggestion that we have in some form a reconstitution of the Congested Districts Board, either in a modified form or almost as it was before, and that much, in dealing with this Bill, the Dáil must decide. Matters relating purely to the language do not arise in connection with this Bill and I do not think it necessary that we should have the whole matter before us before we come to a decision.

I think Deputies will realise that while the preservation of the language will be affected by what we do economically for the Gaeltacht, it does not follow at all that an economic improvement in the Gaeltacht would, of itself, stop the decay of the language. It may be, and I am quite prepared to grant it, that the decay of the language cannot be stopped if we cannot do something economically for the Irish-speaking districts; but I do not think that the other proposition holds. To some extent the suggestion that all Gaeltacht services should be put under either a Board or an individual who would deal solely with the Gaeltacht has been disposed of. It is quite clear if we take the question of land division, that no Minister or Board, dealing solely with the Gaeltacht, could deal with that problem in the Gaeltacht. In one or two districts lands have been taken in the Gaeltacht and are being divided up. That is, substantial holdings have been taken from those who were in possession of them before and they are being divided up. The people who had that land have found holdings outside the Gaeltacht, and if we are to do anything in the matter of land division in the Gaeltacht it is necessary that what is proposed in this Bill should be adopted.

Either the Board or the Ministry dealing with land division in the Gaeltacht should deal with land division all over the country. I do not believe that the suggestions that were made in the Majority Report of the Gaeltacht Commission about mass migration could possibly be carried out. I believe that you would not find large groups of people who would be willing to go great distances from their old homes and, if you did take them, you would meet with great opposition. There would probably be local unpopularity, and you might find, perhaps, that they would be living under police protection. They would find different kinds of land and different conditions of farming as compared with those they were used to. I believe that the suggestion of mass migration has to be entirely abandoned. I think in one of the Minority Reports that is suggested to be done and the Government, having gone into the matter with the Minister for Lands and others, are of that opinion.

What they believe can be done to help the Gaeltacht in the matter of land division is to remove people who have comparatively large holdings of land and to accommodate them elsewhere and to use their land to increase the holdings of their neighbours who have not sufficient land. By that means a good deal can be done but only by getting control of land distribution all over the country. That is one of the arguments against a Ministry dealing with the Gaeltacht and nothing else. As regards the matter of fisheries, it is very desirable that we should not have some special authority dealing with fisheries in the Gaeltacht. The fishery problem, as I said yesterday in the Seanad, is a very difficult one. An extensive development of fisheries is something that will be very difficult for us to achieve, and we will not improve the prospects of the fishermen either in the Gaeltacht or outside it by having two authorities and splitting up the control of fisheries. I believe, therefore, that the suggestion which has been made of having some special Board or separate Ministry, a board or individual, dealing solely with the Gaeltacht should not be adopted. There is no doubt that the fishery problem is very largely but not entirely a Gaeltacht problem, and the interests of fishermen outside the Gaeltacht would have to be provided for somehow. I do not think that we are going to gain anything by dividing this particular problem between two authorities.

What about afforstation and mineral resources? Afforestation is under the Ministry of Lands and the development of mineral resources, as Deputy Tierney pointed out, is under still another Department.

The Deputy was referring to afforestation. Again, I do not know whether we will get better results by dividing up the forestry service. It may be that certain afforestation operations may be carried out by the Land Commission. It may be that the planting of small shelter beds, or something like that, could be carried out, but whether large schemes could be carried out I do not know. That would be rather a matter of detail. If it were found desirable to have the Land Commission dealing with afforestation in the Gaeltacht I think it could be arranged, but there is a mistaken idea in regard to afforestation. We always hear about the planting of waste land, but you cannot plant waste land, as land must be of certain value and quality if it is to be worth planting at all. It is probable that nothing like the amount of afforestation which is commonly suggested could be done.

With regard to the provision of a sum of £100,000, that matter is not quite as simple as some Deputies seem to think. At present, in regard to the expenditure of various departments like the Department of Agriculture. the Gaeltacht gets more than it would be entitled to, having regard, for instance, to its population or area of arable land. There are special works and special schemes for the Gaeltacht and there is special consideration for it. More is done for the people of those areas than for people in other areas who do not need it so much. This is the point of view I have taken, that if we decided to carry out all the services of the State on a level and to treat the people everywhere exactly the same, and if we allowed, say, £100,000 to do something extra for the people of the Gaeltacht, the result might be that the people there would be worse rather than better off, because it might turn out that through the special considerations which are being given through various departments they are getting——

I submit that the Minister is talking absolute humbug.

Could not the Deputy submit that by way of speech?

I am sure Deputy Law will agree that on the islands off the West Coast they get no road grants and a great many congested districts, get hardly any money out of road grants. Other examples could be given.

There is no doubt that when relief grants are being given the biggest sums have gone to the big districts. In recent years the position was that if there was no special consideration for these districts, except that £100,000 which was set aside, they would have lost.

You have not proved that point. You are making up in relief grants what you are taking from them.

I think it has been stated by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Fisheries that there has not been a reduction in expenditure in the Gaeltacht.

Would the Minister give figures to support his point?

I could not give them at the moment, though I heard them given on a previous occasion.

Would the Minister accept a motion to adjourn the debate until these figures are given? I am not trying to press him too much.

Perhaps another speaker can give them later on. I am not the person who gave them in the House before or who prepared them for the House, and, consequently, I have only just a general recollection in regard to them. I think it was Deputy Law who said that some special arrangement would be necessary in regard to financing the work of this Ministry. I am not at all sure that that is so. I am not sure that there is any need to have anything in the nature of a development fund or a grant-in-aid. It may be that the Department should be given greater discretion in regard to expenditure than it has had in the past. There are Departments which have more freedom in their expenditure than others. The Department of Posts and Telegraphs, being regarded as a business department, is not required to seek sanction for expenditure to the same extent as other departments, but in no department do occasions for expenditure often arise so suddenly that sanction could not be sought and ordinary procedure observed. One year presents very much the same problems as another, and a department, which has been in existence for some time and dealing with the problems which the Department of Fisheries would have to face, would be able to foresee its requirements in advance, submit schemes, and get money for them in good time to carry on its work.

In regard to industries, it may be that the system we have followed has been a little too rigid, but that is a matter that I think can be administratively rectified. Deputy Fahy said that he believed that it was by increasing expenditure on those industries that we could do most. I agree with Deputy Fahy. I believe that progress with land reclamation or with the finding of holdings for those who have insufficient land at present, by the removal of others, will be a comparatively slow progress, and that there are limits to what can be done. In regard to fisheries, I also feel that there are very great difficulties, from the point of view of the Gaeltacht. Remember, if you make these men whole-time fishermen, who will follow fish and go wherever fish are to be found, you will probably make them cease in present conditions to be Irish speakers. While you are going to increase the productivity of the country and to find a livelihood for many by doing that, you are not necessarily helping the Irish language. I do not say that you should refrain in any way from trying to do that, but you will only help the Irish language in present conditions and for some years ahead by helping the people who are really part-time fishermen. In that matter I think that only a limited amount of progress can be made. We can get results by loans and by a certain amount of expenditure. If you expend beyond that you do not get good results, because you are beginning to do something like giving doles, and the efforts of the people themselves would be slackened.

While something can be done to help those fishermen, I personally believe that only a limited amount can be done. I believe that the greatest progress can be made by extending our activities in the matter of the rural industries. I think that we have to look at the whole Gaeltacht problem in a special way because of the language. If it were not that the people of these districts were the repositories of the language, if it were not for the fact that a reservoir is there from which the language must flow out again, I personally would look at the problem in a different way. If it were not for the language I would try to clear the district altogether, try to reduce the population to one-quarter and remove the people elsewhere, but we cannot do that without destroying the language. Consequently I feel that in order that this national policy which has been adopted and has the adherence of the vast majority of the people may be carried to success, you must contemplate the people staying there. If they are to stay there we must do something to help them. Remember, it must be to help them. It is not merely to lavish money. We could spend a great deal and still do nothing for them. You must not spend in the way of giving doles, because the people will be corrupted and will slacken their efforts if you give them money in that way. We must help them——

We must help them to go to Chicago.

A DEPUTY

To their friends.

I was not coming to that point. If the Deputy thinks it is good policy, I do not agree.

You say they cannot be migrated. You want to send them to Chicago.

If the Deputy wants this matter discussed in a way that will be helpful there is no use in interrupting as if he were at an election meeting trying to score points.

You are trying to score points. You are talking about rural industries, when you know that they are all dead.

I do not know that they are all dead.

They are.

That is another matter; that is all the more reason why something should be done. I was proceeding to say that by the development of rural industries most help can be given. It is on industries that most money should be expended. I was saying that I feel that while in many cases industries which may be started can hardly hope ever to become fully economic and fully self-supporting, I believe that it would be a good policy to start them, to contemplate them making an annual loss and to make up the difference between the working costs and the returns, from the Exchequer for a long period of years. I think that in a great number of cases industries which may be started cannot hope to be fully economic, as they are situated in remote places. The transport charges are heavy and great delays are involved owing to the remoteness of these districts. They are certainly handicapped and it may be that the difficulties that have existed in the past of not adapting patterns to changing fashions and so forth, may be overcome. Nevertheless, industries of that sort will find a difficulty in becoming economic. It was asked that money would be provided. Some Deputies say that it is no use providing machinery unless money is provided. I quite accept that. We will not do anything for the Gaeltacht simply by altering machinery. We must provide money to make the machinery run, but I do not believe that we ought to face up to it, in the way of setting aside some set sum and saying, "Here is a special figure for the Gaeltacht, apart from this figure nothing else will be done." I believe that we must contemplate now a much bigger expenditure on the rural industries.

So far as land reclamation is concerned certain work has begun. It is intended to do more. I think in that respect everything that is possible should be done. We are expending a great deal of money on improvement works through the country. I think the amount of the estimates this year is something like £300,000. It is probable that a good proportion of that is already in the Gaeltacht areas. It is desirable that there should be, so far as possible, preference for the Gaeltacht areas in expenditure under these heads.

Somebody suggested that the industries should be handed over to the Department of Industry and Commerce, but that Department does not undertake the running of industries, and it is perhaps not particularly desirable that that Department should be the one which should control these industries, even if we had not the fact that the Department of Fisheries, especially as reorganised under this Bill, will have a great proportion of its staffs in the Gaeltacht who will be concerned mainly with the Gaeltacht problem. As the actual running of industries has nothing to do with the existing functions of the Department of Industry and Commerce, it seems to me that we would be bringing in a second Department without necessity. The Department of Industry and Commerce is not running industries elsewhere. It has nothing whatever to do with them at the present time. It would only be turning that function over to another department, and I think nothing would be gained. So far as the Gaeltacht is concerned I think you must link up the question of fisheries, land division and reclamation, and rural industries. It is necessary that whatever can be done in these three ways should be done, and that there should be co-ordination. A decision in regard to the Gaeltacht Commission was not arrived at hurriedly; there were a great many conferences held and decisions arrived at before the White Paper was finally issued. But comparatively early in the consideration of the Report we came to the conclusion that the setting up of a Congested Districts Board or the setting up of a Ministry for the Gaeltacht was not the right way and that what is proposed in this Bill was the best way to proceed. I think it is not necessary to discuss the Gaeltacht Report generally—I think it is in order to refer to the economic part of the Report-to arrive at a decision as to the machinery that will be adopted for giving additional help to the people to find a better livelihood in the districts where they are at present.

We have simply transferred the Land Commission to the Department of Fisheries, but there has not been the co-ordination that will take place when this Bill becomes law, if it receives the approval of the Dáil. Under the new circumstances there will be a Civil Service head of the Department who will be in control both of the fisheries and rural industries side, and of the Land Commission side, and we will have complete co-ordination in regard to all the functions that exist in the Department. As I have already told the Dáil, we contemplate that there shall be additional expenditure, and proposals will be laid before the Dáil for additional expenditure. I am not prepared to state the amount, nor can I see any method by which we could fix the sum that would be required. What we fancied might be more than sufficient, having regard to the preparations made for using it, might be less than would be sufficient. What I think is necessary is that, having had this report of the Gaeltacht, and consideration given it, and the policy of the Government announced, we set up the machinery, that put it into operation, that as proposals come forward they be considered on their merits, and that provision be made for the work it is proposed to do.

Might I ask the Minister a question? What is it proposed that the Government will do for rural industries? You are taunting us with not being able to state our policy. Will you state your policy with regard to rural industries, and what you are going to do for them? You state in the White Paper that facilities exist under the Trade Loans Guarantee Act. Therefore the Government is not going to do any more. Under that Act a person must apply for at least £5,000, I believe, and that is altogether beyond the capacity of the small people who are carrying on these industries. That shows that the whole thing is hypocrisy and humbug.

There are rural industries in which the Department already takes an interest. There are classes run by the Department. I believe, for instance, that these classes should be increased. They are working in many districts, and I have had evidence that they have done exceedingly useful work. Greater work can be done by them. There is the provision of a central depot, provision for inspectors, and for arranging that the proper kind and pattern of articles be supplied. There is no doubt that in the past one of the greatest obstacles to the success of these industries was that they were not able to change as fashions changed. Very often you found an industry going on extremely well, and then it found that it was unable to sell its goods. It continued making the goods, but they became more unsaleable, and finally it was realised that for that particular class or type of article there was no longer a market. If proper steps had been taken it would have been possible to warn those running the industry that there was no use continuing to manufacture along such lines, and that something new should be attempted. I believe that where you have an industry it should be possible to give it the greatest possible help, instruction and assistance. That that is what it wants. A great deal could be done in that way. Different industries must be dealt with differently. I say that the Government is prepared to do everything it can to find markets and to do everything it can in the way of providing instructions to keep an industry alive, and as to what it should do in the way of providing patterns. The difficulty I see in connection with the Trade Loans Guarantee Act is that the procedure, while it is all right for large sums, is complicated for smaller ones. In the ways I have indicated it is possible to give an industry assistance which is equivalent to a very substantial subsidy, if you were counting up all the expenditure and the value of that expenditure to the industry.

I think the speeches that have been made here to-day by Ministers have made an excellent case for postponing consideration of this Bill until the resolution on the Order Paper in the name of Deputy Fahy has been discussed. Every moment during the debate on this Bill we were up against the point that we did not know exactly what was the Government's policy on the Gaeltacht. Since we came here we have been pressing the Government in every possible way to speed up whatever steps they intend to take to save the Gaeltacht. We have been taunted here to-day that we did nothing. About ten Questions were asked regarding the Government's policy for the Gaeltacht, and every time a Question was asked as to when they intended putting the Report of the Commission into effect we were told: "Wait until the White Paper comes out." That went on for many months. Then the White Paper was issued, and anybody who honestly wanted to know what the Government intended to do could not find out from the White Paper. Deputy Hogan to-day pointed out that we would have to go outside the White Paper, that we would have to get into the Government's mind in order to find out the secret of their intentions regarding the Gaeltacht. A number of the clauses of the White Paper refer to the Report of the Technical Education Commission, and it is only a very few days since the Report of the Technical Education Commission was presented to the Dáil. We should not adopt machinery until we see clearly what work we intend the machinery to carry out, and I submit that the Government have made absolutely no case for rushing this Bill through until Deputy Frank Fahy's motion has been discussed and until the position of the Gaeltacht has been discussed in all its aspects. Then when we have thrashed that out we can with more clearness tackle the problem as to what sort of machinery we are going to set up to carry into effect what we think should be done in the Gaeltacht.

I, for one, was glad to hear the Minister for Finance say that he is contemplating the spending of a good deal more money on the rural industries in the Gaeltacht. I hope now that he has been contemplating it for the last five or six years he will do something about it. The Government have been in office for six years, and they have done absolutely nothing regarding the saving of the Gaeltacht. They have done less, as has been pointed out to-day, in spending money in the Gaeltacht than the old Congested Districts Board did under the British Government up to 1921. Surely to goodness we should do more than the British Government did to save the people in the Gaeltacht? Land division and migration cannot save the Gaeltacht, and I hope that the Minister has thought enough about spending some money and that he will now start to spend a little on the development of the rural industries in the Gaeltacht. If one quarter of the money that has been put into the development of the Shannon had been put into the development of industries there, I am quite certain that not a single man of those who have emigrated from that district in the last five or six years would have had to emigrate. You have people there who are naturally quick. They have some experience in cloth manufacture, and there is a tradition there for that. With a little money put into it, the people would establish their own factories and would become very quickly the best manufacturers of cloth in the world. I hope, now that the President is here, that he will agree to postpone further consideration of this Bill until the whole Gaeltacht problem has been discussed in all its aspects. I think we should all try to see what policy everybody in this House has regarding the Gaeltacht before we set up machinery.

Might I ask that if I were to agree that Deputy Fahy's motion be discussed now, how long it would take?

Beginning actually now.

Yes, beginning actually now.

If the President is going to give Government time for it, it is up to him to say whether he will give one or two days for it. I suggest that he should give two days of Government time to a discussion of the whole problem of the Gaeltacht, and after that this Bill would go through in a very short time—in an hour or so.

On that point, I suppose the Deputy is not speaking too quickly. He says that after a discussion this Bill would go through quickly.

Would go through. probably amended somewhere.

Let us understand one another. Deputies will admit that I have afforded a very considerable amount of Government time towards Private Deputies' business. We are now approaching the consideration of the financial business—Estimates, the Finance Bill, the Appropriation Bill, and so on—and that will take a very considerable time. If I am disposed to consider the proposal that has been put to me, what accommodation am I going to get, in good faith, in return for that? Am I going to get back the time in respect of Government business? Deputies will note that out of something like thirteen and a half hours for three days Private Deputies have got three and a half hours. That is a pretty considerable inroad upon Government time, and, if I were disposed to give the two days, am I going to get a return for Government business—willingly. not by means of the Division Lobby— in return for it?

I think the President ought not to complain about the amount of time given out of Government time for private business. We were quite prepared to sit here for weeks before Christmas, and we were quite prepared to sit here after Christmas for some weeks before this Session opened. We made that clear to the President at the time. I do not think it would serve any useful purpose to go back on that, so I will leave it. However, on this question of the Gaeltacht we are keen that something in the way of a definite policy should be arrived at by this House as soon as possible, and we would be quite anxious to facilitate the President in every way possible as long as adequate opportunity for discussion could be given for this important question. We would do everything we could to facilitate the President and his Government in making the debate as concise as possible. We are anxious—and I will say this much, that I believe on his Benches, too, there are people who are just as keen as we are—to see that this Gaeltacht question is properly attended to, and attended to soon. I do go that far, and it is not for the purpose of wasting time that many of our speakers have spoken as they have. Many others are keenly interested. They have not spoken at all, and would like to get an opportunity to do so. In conclusion, I say that we certainly would do all we could to facilitate matters, so that at the earliest possible time a definite policy could be arrived at by the House with regard to the Gaeltacht.

What I am in doubt about is where we are getting. Since we came back I have given, I think, a day, or a little over a day, in respect of Private Deputies' business. The motion was in respect of the old age pensions, and it took up a day and portion of another day of Government time. I have no objection to giving Government time if we can afford it. But when the Deputy mentioned—I suppose he did not mean it in any offensive way—that there was time before Christmas and after Christmas, I admit. of course, there was, but there is a limit to human endurance. We have been engaged here for many months, many months last year, previous to the General Election, after the General Election, and after the subsequent General Election, and I have had many representations from various Deputies with regard to the time. I believe that even on the Deputy's side there are Deputies who are finding a considerable inconvenience in attending here three days in the week. It is a very different proposition for citizens of Dublin to attend compared with Deputies from Donegal, from West Cork, from Kerry, or other places such as those.

I have had great difficulty in trying to impress on them the necessity for a number of days attendance during the week. We are going to adjourn until April 18th, and we propose to take the Estimates on the 18th, 19th and 20th of April, with a small reservation as to Government business undisposed of up to that time. I hope to be able to persuade Deputies to sit for four days in the week, but it is a considerable sacrifice on the part of many Deputies interested in agriculture to attend here at this period of the year. The Estimates and financial business, taking the average of the last few years, would occupy something like 120 hours. If we allow Deputy Fahy's motion to be considered in Government time, will I get that two weeks in connection with the Estimates in private members' time? I would not press it in respect of the first two weeks, but I would say, take the first and third week in order to get back some of the time I am allowing, bearing in mind the fact that I have already given a full day, which amounts to about 5 hours, and portion of another day, possibly amounting to about 7 hours altogether. I put forward that suggestion for consideration. I do not know whether Deputy Fahy would be in a position to go on to-night.

Not at the moment.

Will the Deputy be able to go on to-morrow?

Yes, but we have only an hour and a half to-morrow.

I do not know whether there could be an agreement as to giving the whole day to it to-morrow.

The adjourned motion is in the name of a member of Deputy Fahy's Party.

If we had one clear day after Easter.

If we take Deputy Fahy's motion to-morrow and give one day after Easter, I presume that if Deputy Fahy's motion does not pass, there would not be any unreasonable opposition to the passage of this Bill?

The position as to Private Members' time to-morrow is that there is an adjourned motion ordered by the House to be considered. It comes first in Private Members' time. Following that there are two orders for two Bills—the Increase of Rent and Mortgage (Restrictions) Bill and the Vaccination (Amendment) Bill. The adjourned motion takes precedence of the Bills. When it is disposed of, then the two Bills come on as Orders, so that you have to consider these two Bills which come on to-morrow.

We would like to get the motion which is in course of discussion finished. It probably would not take very much time to-morrow. Then you will have other business that would probably take most of the day to-morrow, if not the whole day, before Deputy Fahy's motion could be considered.

Unless there is agreement.

I think it would require more than one day for this Gaeltacht discussion. On the understanding that, whatever form this Bill takes after that discussion—it may be altered or it may be left as it stands—it would be facilitated in being passed; I think that if the President gave two days after Easter to the discussion of the Gaeltacht Report it would not be a waste of time.

Two days would be a very long time, but if in the course of the discussion it should appear that more time is required, that would be a new consideration—if longer time than a day were required. I think, in any event, the discussion ought to be started, as it is unwise to have it in a state of suspension. I think Deputy Fahy ought to start with his motion to-morrow as first business.

All right then, and one day after Easter.

I take it the discussion on the motion will be interrupted at 12 o'clock to enable the other business to be taken. There are motions down in the name of Labour Deputies.

The position is that the President can agree to allow Deputy Fahy to move his motion at 10.30 to-morrow. At 12 o'clock that will be interrupted to discuss the motion in connection with the prisoners. When that has been concluded, the two Bills on the Order Paper must come on, except there is agreement.

Am I to take it that the suggested arrangement means that Deputy Fahy's motion will have precedence over Deputy Davin's motion and my motion, which have been on the Paper for some weeks?

That was really the intention, but there is no earthly chance of either Deputy Davin's motion or Deputy Murphy's motion being considered to-morrow. There is this point, and I do not put it in any offensive spirit: There has been a great demand on Private Members' time. Some business on the Order Paper for a considerable time has not been disposed of. That is scarcely affected by this proposal. There is more business than is likely to be disposed of, and if the activities of the various parties are kept up to the fever point which they have reached, the Private Members' portion of the Order Paper will be very well filled during the whole session. We have still the financial business to transact. I am prepared to meet Deputies as far as possible, but we ought to be met in the same spirit, and there ought to be some easing off in connection with Private Members' business. I make this suggestion. The Gaeltacht Report is a very important one. That Report and the White Paper afford very considerable opportunities to all parties to consider a matter of vital importance in the life of the nation. I suggest that we should devote the whole of to-morrow to that discussion. I am prepared to meet all parties with a view to the provision of time, provided we also get some accommodation, but it would not savour of seriousness in the consideration of this report if it were interrupted at 12 o'clock to-morrow. Therefore, I would say, let us have a truce to whatever party differences there are in the House, and let us consider for a moment what we would like to read about the Parliament if we were not in it, and were concerned only with having a good picture of it in the public mind. In that respect, it appears to me that the Gaeltacht Report, if it is under consideration to-morrow, ought not to be interrupted. A division will not be taken on it to-morrow. There have been representations during the last twentyfour hours as to Deputies wishing to get away. If they want to get away, they can get away in good faith, knowing that a division will not be taken to-morrow, and that the resumed discussion will take place when we reassemble, so that there will not be a snatch division.

With every possible respect, I think we ought not to have the suggestion in relation to the Gaeltacht Report that members of this House desire to go away. I do not think it was intended in that spirit.

The Deputy will find, when he is as long in the House as I am, that he can read in the Official Debates, in a much shorter time than is spent here, the account of what occurs. There is ample time to read in three days what transpires here on a Friday and to learn everything that took place without any reflection upon the discussion.

I submit that that remark and all its implications ought not to be made. If we look at the bare Benches opposite at the present moment, when we are supposed to be discussing the Gaeltacht Report, it is a disgrace to the House, if we contemplate this House from outside as other people would have us contemplate it. To anyone who had any respect for, or interest in, the Gaeltacht, the mere picture of the Benches opposite at the present moment would be a disgrace, and the suggestion that the occasion of the discussion of the Gaeltacht should be announced to Deputies as something that they can freely and comfortably go away from without any responsibility is one that should never come from the chief officer of the House.

I should like to point out that there are more members of our Party in the House at this moment than there are of the Deputy's Party, if he takes the trouble to count them.

I do not think it would be worth while.

I agree that it would not be advisable, if possible, to have an interruption of the Gaeltacht debate to-morrow. Meantime we are anxious to have the prisoners let out before Easter.

You could have a discussion on the prisoners this evening.

Yes, if other members of the House are willing that the Gaeltacht motion should be taken to-morrow.

So far as we are concerned, we have no objection to having the prisoners motion taken, but we do object to all the time being taken up to-morrow by the Government. The Bill dealing with rent restrictions is down for to-morrow, and is a very important measure. The time now is very short, and if we are to get something done to right the position with regard to decontrol of houses which is to take place in a short time, then this Bill would have to get through in the shortest possible space of time. If we go away for Easter holidays without discussing the matter it might carry us to a period when it was too late to have the Bill put into operation at all. The House decided yesterday to take the Second Reading to the Bill to-morrow if it could be reached in Private Members' time.

I think I was pretty well convinced that it would not be reached in Private Members' time to-morrow, and I think the Deputy was also under that impression. If he was here and heard my statement he would learn that I was prepared to accommodate Private Members provided I could get accommodation in return for the time given to Private Members.

The material point, to my mind, is this: What is the extraordinary urgency for rushing this Bill through? That is a matter that has not been explained. We can discuss the Report to-morrow, but if we are all anxious about it and are anxious to have the matter discussed, what is the urgency for putting this Bill through? Why not suspend the discussion and take the Gaeltacht Commission Report?

The Deputy was not here yesterday when Deputy Lemass asked what is the meaning of Clause 4 of this Bill. Clause 4 has reference to certain doubts of interpretation, and one of those doubts has arisen in connection with a new service.

May I point out that if the motion in connection with the prisoners is taken up to-night and concluded, Deputy Davin's motion would be next in Private Members' time on the Order Paper. Deputy Davin should be consulted before any arrangement is arrived at, and I feel he should hear something about the matter before a conclusion is come to. There is another motion on the Order Paper in my name. I never encroached on Private Members' time by five minutes, and Deputy Davin has first claim——

The Bills have first claim.

Deputies should remember that I am allowing Private Members' time now which ordinarily would not come along until to-morrow and would probably occupy two hours.

While that is so, if we go on until half-past eight with Public Business, then it is quite likely Deputy Ruttledge's motion with regard to the prisoners would be finished in a short time to-morrow after 12 o'clock and we could then proceed to the Second Reading of Deputy O'Connell's Bill. From our point of view there is great urgency with regard to the Rents Bill.

I said I was prepared to offer considerable accommodation to Private Members if I got something in return, but I am not giving anything for nothing. I have given something for nothing up to this to the Deputy's Party in connection with old age pensions. Now the Deputy wants to give nothing and to take everything. That is not the spirit in which I meet Deputies on all occasions.

I regret I was not in the House when this discussion started in regard to the proposed taking of the time of the House, but I understand that the President is pressing to finish the Second Reading of this Bill before us.

Perhaps I might explain the position. The Ministers and Secretaries Bill was being debated on Second Reading. A suggestion has been made that decision on that Bill should not be taken until the motion on the Paper in the name of Deputy Fahy has been discussed and decided upon. The debate upon the Bill was interrupted to see whether that, in fact, could be done, and the suggestion has been made by the President that Deputy Fahy's motion should be taken in Government time to-morrow at half-past ten, and there is the further suggestion that the motion should not be interrupted at 12 o'clock for the taking of the motion in the name of Deputy Ruttledge about the prisoners, which would be the normal procedure. To get over that difficulty the President has agreed that Deputy Ruttledge's motion should be taken now after the debate on this Bill has been adjourned.

If Deputy Ruttledge's motion were taken now, according to that suggestion, and decided to-night, to-morrow in Government time Deputy Fahy's motion would come on as the first opposed business. The increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Bill would come on in Private Members' time. Therefore, I think that the problem for Deputy O'Connell is, unless the right to take that Bill in Private Deputies' time to-morrow is waived, the suggestion to have a discussion on Deputy Fahy's motion during the whole time to-morrow could not be carried out.

As has been already pointed out, I understand, by Deputy Morrissey, we are extremely anxious that we should have a statement of the Government's attitude towards the Bill to prolong the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act before the Easter adjournment. We are extremely anxious to have that statement, and, as has already been explained by Deputy Morrissey, we are not prepared to waive any right we have in the matter of getting that Bill in Private Deputies' time, if Deputy Ruttledge's motion is finished to-morrow. We believe that this is a matter in which hundreds and thousands of people in this city are concerned, and they are more or less anxious to know what is the Government's policy with regard to that Increase of Rent (Restrictions) measure, in view of the fact that the time when many houses will come out of control is fast approaching. Our attitude is that the Second Reading Stage of the Increase of Rent (Restrictions) Bill should be taken to-morrow.

We would be satisfied with an hour and a half.

I want to say a word on this. I want to keep the House right. We have been asked why we are rushing this Bill at this moment, and why we have not had a discussion with regard to the Gaeltacht Commission and the White Paper on the Government's policy, and we are taken to task for bringing in a Bill without having the report of the Gaeltacht Commission discussed. That is the position now. Deputy O'Connell comes along and he asks why we do not take his Bill, although the Town Tenants' Commission has been sitting and has not yet reported. He asks us to do, and he is trying to do himself, what Fianna Fáil tells us we should not do on another matter. In all seriousness, we cannot have it every way. We expect that the report of the Town Tenants' Commission will come on before the Second Reading of this Bill is taken.

The President expects the Report of the Town Tenants' Commission before the Second Reading of this Bill will be taken?

Yes, that is the 18th April.

I would like to point out that what the President said about the position of Fianna Fáil has nothing at all to do with us. We are concerned about our own Bill, not about the President and whatever new alliance he is forming with the Fianna Fáil Party. I am glad to be able to say that the Labour Party has nothing whatever to do with this alliance.

The Deputy can tell us all about it.

The House decided unanimously yesterday that the Second Reading of this Bill, introduced by Deputy O'Connell, would be taken to-morrow.

Yes, after the motion about the prisoners, but not before.

Yes, after the motion. Quite so. But if Deputy Fahy's motion is taken at 10.30 to-morrow, we do not know that there will be any decision arrived at to-morrow afternoon. More than likely there will not.

There will not.

They will see to that.

That is the point. What are you going to gain by it then?

Can the Bill not be taken after the disposal of the business to-night?

The House is not a very satisfactory place for discussing this kind of arrangement. The motion about prisoners cannot be taken this evening without the consent of the President. If it is taken to-morrow at 12 o'clock there is nothing to indicate complete certainty that Deputy O'Connell's Bill will be taken to-morrow at all.

Mr. O'CONNELL

We are taking our chance.

Perhaps if the President were to give us some indication of the Government's attitude towards Deputy O'Connell's Bill we might then be in a better position.

Might I suggest as a middle way out that what the Labour Party want is a declaration of policy in relation to their Bill? That would not take very long. Suppose Deputy O'Connell did not take very long when introducing his motion and the President was prepared equally to speak briefly, then if we went on with the motion about the Gaeltacht between half-past one and two, Deputy O'Connell could have made his statement and the President could have unburdened himself to the extent that Deputy O'Connell wants.

I have said my last word. I am prepared to take on the prisoners' motion to-night conditional on Deputy Fahy's motion getting full time to-morrow. That is my last word. I was prepared, granted agreement, to move the postponement of the Bill before the House and to take Deputy Fahy's motion to-morrow for the whole day and to take the motion in connection with prisoners this evening. If that is not agreed, then we must go on.

Then we had better resume the debate on the Ministers and Secretaries (Amendment) Bill.

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