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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 15 Nov 1928

Vol. 27 No. 2

IN COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - VOTE No. 19—TARIFF COMMISSION.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £700 chun slánuithe na siume is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1929, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Choimisiún na nDleacht (Uimh. 40 de 1926).

That a sum not exceeding £700 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1929, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Tariff Commission (No. 40 of 1926).

The work of the Tariff Commission and the principles on which it proceeds were very exhaustively discussed within the past twelve months, and I do not think that it is necessary to go into them again, nor do I think it necessary to refer in detail to the progress of the work. I have already announced in the Dáil that the hearing of evidence and the investigations in connection with the application for a woollen tariff, which is the most important application that has come before the Commission, have been completed, and that the Commission is now considering the evidence and is preparing a report. The work in connection with that tariff occupied a great deal of the time of the Commission, because in addition to great masses of written evidence which had to be read and considered, and in addition to the oral evidence which was given, and to other communications which followed the oral evidence, the Commission actually visited twenty factories—nine in Ireland, seven in England, and four in Scotland.

In addition to the woollen application a good deal of time was given to the coach-building application and to those in respect of fish-barrels and down quilts. There are a number of other applications with which much progress has not yet been made. One is in respect of proposals for a tariff on maize products. The applicants in this case were asked on the 12th April, 1927, to submit their detailed case, but they have not yet done so. In connection with the application in respect of sole, insole and harness leather, some of the opponents lodged their statements against the case on 24th October, and in the case of others it is being awaited. In this instance there was very nearly a year's delay on the part of the applicants; they were asked to send in their detailed statement on 20th June, 1927, and they submitted it on the 18th May, 1928. In the case of the wrapping-paper application there have been a considerable number of sittings, both in public and in camera. There were sittings on the 9th, 10th, 12th, 16th and 26th October, and the 2nd January. The proceedings are at present suspended until certain undertakings and statements have been received from the applicants.

A certain number of applications which reached the Department of Finance were rejected as not being from persons substantially representative of those engaged or proposing to engage in the manufacture of the goods in respect of which the application was made. These were applications like one from Arthur Caball, Tralee, in respect of tin-ware; the Shillelagh Wood Industries, County Wicklow, in respect of wooden wheelbarrows, and James Lawlor, acting for O'Neill's staff, in respect of bicycles. In certain other cases the applicants were asked to furnish proof that they substantially represented those engaged or about to engage in the industry, or were asked to state most specifically the description of goods in the case of which a custom duty was sought. The Sawmilling and Packing-case Workers' Industrial Committee was one of these cases. They asked for a tariff on the product of the sawmill industry, which was regarded as too wide. The Irish Farmers' Protection Association asked for a tariff on agricultural produce, which again was very wide, and in any case they could not be regarded as sufficiently representative. The Kerry County Committee of Agriculture also asked for a tariff on agricultural produce. The Dublin Master Printers' Association asked for a tariff on manufactured stationery, which was regarded as too wide, and there are some other cases like that. There are one or two cases remaining in the Department of Finance awaiting a decision as to whether they are proper to be sent to the Tariff Commission or not. During its period of office, apart from the great number of private meetings which the Tariff Commission has held, it has held fifty-seven meetings, a few of them in camera, but most of them public, for the hearing of evidence, and there have been thirty-eight inspections of factories.

It is the purpose of this Party to oppose the granting of this Vote, not merely because we think that it would be largely a waste of money to vote any funds for the maintenance of the Tariff Commission as at present constituted, but also because we are of opinion that the utility of that Commission has been impaired by the fact that it is not working in accordance with a strict interpretation of the Act under which it was established. Section 2, sub-section (2), of the Tariff Commission Act of 1926 states: "The Commission shall consider every application referred to it under this section by the Minister for Finance and shall report to the said Minister on the several aspects specified in the schedule of this Act of such application or such of these aspects as are applicable thereto." Then in the Schedule to the Act there are set out the various headings under which it is required to have the facts relating to the industry in respect of which the application is made recorded and presented to the Minister.

Now I think that it is the obvious intention of the Act that a commission should be established which would investigate the facts concerning any industry which applies for protection and to present these facts to the Minister and through the Minister to the Dáil, in such a manner as to enable both the Minister and the Dáil to secure a clear picture of all the conditions relating to that industry, and to supply the information which would be required to enable a wise decision to be arrived at in relation to the application. It was obviously a matter for the Minister to decide whether or not the application should be granted and subsequently to justify his decision in this House. If the Dáil possessed the same information as the Minister possessed then they would be able to appraise the wisdom of his decision and vote accordingly. It is quite obviously not the intention of the Act that the facts should be presented in a partisan manner, or in such a manner as to influence the Minister or to influence the Dáil in favour of a particular view in respect of the application.

The imposition of a tariff on any commodity imported into this country is a matter of national policy, to be decided by the elected representatives of the people, and not by any commission composed of people outside this House. Nor do we think that any such commission or any body of civil servants should be given facilities for influencing the minds of the Dáil or the minds of the Ministry in respect of any such matter. The Commission established under this Act and in respect of which this Vote is required did not, in any of the reports which they have submitted to the Dáil, confine themselves merely to a presentation of the facts. They went further than that, and, I contend, further than the Act justified them in going in presenting a recommendation in respect of these applications, and they presented the facts in such a manner as to support the recommendation which they made. We maintain that is contrary to the spirit of the Act and to wise public policy. If a tariff commission served any useful function it would be the function merely to collect facts and present these facts in an impartial manner to enable the Ministry and the Dáil to make up their minds on the full knowledge and wisdom of the application. The facts should not, under any circumstances, be presented in a manner which would be likely to influence the decision of the Dáil, nor should they be accompanied by a recommendation from the Commission. In the case of the report on the application for a tariff on rosary beads the Commissioners not merely made a recommendation with respect to the application, but they qualified their recommendation by suggesting that a Customs duty of thirty-three and one-third per cent. should be imposed for a period of five years. The effect of such a qualification being in the report might possibly work out in a manner detrimental to the interests of the State. The duty on rosary beads coming to this State was imposed by the Dáil, and will be removed when the majority of the Dáil decides it should be removed. A person, however anxious to avail of the amount of protection afforded, and to invest money in that industry, might be hesitant about doing so in view of the qualifications appearing in the Commission's recommendation, because they would see the possibility of the Government following that recommendation, and at the end of five years after they had invested their money, removing the tariff and allowing the conditions which existed heretofore to become operative again. Not merely however do the Commissioners submit that qualification to their recommendation, but they actually support it in a paragraph of the report which, I think I can say—I do not want to use a strong word—for unnecessary insolence it would be hard to beat. They say:—

For this reason they recommend that a customs duty be imposed, but because they believe that the success of the duty will depend in part on the energy and enterprise with which the Applicants take advantage of the measure of protection afforded them, they recommend that the imposition of the duty should be limited to a period of five years in the first instance. So imposed, they trust that the duty will act as a stimulus to those in control in the industry, inducing them to tune up their business to the highest possible pitch of proficiency in order that when the period of five years comes to a close the industry may be in a position to satisfy the Minister for Finance that it merits a continuation of support because of the progress made in the interval.

Now a Commission consisting of three Civil Servants should not be asked to express their hopes in respect of the efficiency or lack of efficiency of any of the controllers of any Irish industry, nor do I think it is right that this Dáil should provide these Civil Servants with facilities to express their views on matters of that kind. The Commission was established to get facts, and should confine its activities to getting facts, keeping expressions of likes or dislikes or hopes from outside the limits of the report they present to the Dáil. In the case of the application for the tariff on margarine another serious point of a somewhat dissimilar nature arises. In this case they stated that they considered that unless they could secure to consumers in the Saorstát the benefit of every reduction in price, quality for quality, which consumers here would enjoy in the absence of a tariff they would not feel justified in recommending a tariff at all, for this reason, that they requested the applicants to formulate and submit a definite undertaking with regard to the price and quality of margarine made and offered for sale in Saorstát Eireann in the event of a tariff being imposed. Now, the action of the Commissioners in requesting the applicants to formulate a definite undertaking with respect to the price at which they would sell their commodity in the event of a tariff being imposed did not operate seriously in this case because a satisfactory undertaking was given by the applicants, but it is quite obvious that if that procedure on behalf of the Commissioners is made a precedent it might prove to be very injudicious and injurious to the best interests of the people. If is obvious the Commissioners contemplate making such a procedure operate in other cases, because they add later on in the same paragraph: "In the absence of satisfactory conditions"— the satisfactory conditions they refer to are the conditions referred to in one of the margarine factories in the country—"no undertaking, no matter how definite, would influence us in our recommendation." I would remind you of a recommendation which, according to the Act, they are not asked to give: "We think it important that this should be fully understood in view of the possibility of undertakings as to price and quality beng offered in connection with other applications."

Again, whether a tariff should be imposed or not is a matter for this Dáil to decide with knowledge of the facts, even if the facts would be that the imposition of a tariff would increase the commodity in price. It is easy to conceive an instance in which in the interests of public policy the Dáil would impose a tariff, even though that imposition of a tariff would result in an increase in the price of that commodity to the consumer. It is not a matter in which the decision or opinion of the Dáil should be influenced by the opinion of members of this Commission as to what should be the action taken under certain circumstances.

It is, however, in the report on the application for a tariff on flour that we come up against the most serious objections to the manner of the working of the Commission. In this report the personal opinions of the Commissioners and the facts they ascertained in relation to an industry are so intermingled that it is practically impossible to disentangle them and distinguish one from the other. They decided to recommend against the granting of a tariff, and then proceeded to write a pamphlet to justify their recommendation. There is, throughout the whole report, a definitely partisan attitude in relation to the application. In many parts of the report they repeatedly overstep the bounds of their domain and express opinions on matters of public policy and national importance which do not properly come within their sphere at all. They make repeated ex cathedra statements which they do not support by any facts, or alleged facts, in many cases. It would take too long to refer to every paragraph in this report to which objection might be taken, but I would like to refer to a few of them.

In reporting on the extent and relative importance of the industry, they preface their remarks by a statement to the effect that the number of mills, however, is not so important as their capacity. That statement is given here as if it were an axiom, something in respect to which there was general agreement, whereas it is common knowledge that there is, in this country, very considerable disagreement on a matter of that kind. Personally, I am of opinion that the number of mills is just as important as the capacity of the mills, because the members in this Commission appear to have become confused to a remarkable extent with respect to the meanings of such words as "capacity" and "efficiency."

It is a matter of public policy, and a question which will have to be decided whether the policy of the Government should be to strive towards the concentration of industries in large towns or centralisation in big factories, or whether their policy should be to strive for the de-centralisation of industry and its ruralisation. The Commissioners, however, appear to be so captivated by what they saw on the Mersey-side that they come and lay down general laws for Irish industry. Their entire remarks, with respect to the extent and relative importance of the flour industry of this State are all coloured by their errors in the first instance, because they are based on the statement that the number of mills is not as important as their capacity. There are, however, more serious objections to their reports than that. In paragraph 60 they say:—

We consider that the Saorstát farmer is interested in flour-milling mainly from two points of view, viz.: (1) he looks to the nearest flour-miller as a prospective purchaser of any wheat he may grow beyond the requirements of his own farm, and (2) he depends upon flour-milling for the supply of such wheat offals as he requires for the feeding of his stock.

The Commissioners, of course, are not interested in such questions as nationality, and do not seem to consider the possibility of an Irish farmer possessing any patriotism, whereas if any effort were made to ascertain the facts I think it would be found that the majority of the farmers of this country would be prepared, even at inconvenience to themselves, to support a policy which was in the best national interests, such as a policy of protection for the flour industry, in our opinion, would be. But the Commission go on to say:—

On the information available to us we have formed the opinion that the existence of a flour-mill in his locality is useful to the farmer, since it provides a market for his wheat and secures the local production of bran and pollard, two most useful feeding stuffs for farm livestock. The encouragement of milling by the imposition of a tariff on flour would not necessarily improve the returns from wheat-growing in all parts of the country, though it would increase the supply of offals, and thus, by reducing the price thereof, be of advantage to farmers. The Commission is not, however, satisfied that under present conditions these benefits can be secured to the general economic advantage of the State by a tariff on flour.

Who wants to know whether the Commission are satisfied or not? Who wants to know their views? We want the facts. It is a question for the Deputies of this House to be satisfied and not the persons who were appointed under the terms of the 1926 Act to carry out certain statutory duties conferred on them in relation to an application for a tariff. Throughout the whole of this report they have repeatedly exceeded the proper sphere of their work, expressed opinions and presented the facts in such a manner as to convey the impression that they were under the delusion that an ultimate decision in a matter of this kind rested with themselves.

In respect to one paragraph in the schedule under which they have reported on the effects which the granting in whole or in part of the concession asked for in the application would be likely to have on the public revenue of Saorstát Eireann the Commissioners refused to carry out their statutory duties and say: "Since we do not recommend the granting of a tariff we do not give any opinion of the effect on the revenue." They actually refused to place in the hands of members of the Dáil the information which, by statute, they are bound to give in the schedule. It is a matter for the Dáil to decide whether the flour-milling industry is to be protected or not, and if the Dáil wants that information it is the duty of this Committee to provide it, and because this Commission does not recomsio mend the granting of the application they actually failed in their statutory duty to provide for the Dáil the information which they were set up to secure.

Again, in the paragraph of the schedule which asks them to report on the minimum amount of custom duty which will be probably necessary for the successful conduct in Saorstát Eireann of the industry in respect of which the application is made they say, at the beginning of the paragraph:

"We propose to indicate, under these headings, our opinion as to the future of flour-milling in the Saorstát if no tariff is imposed."

They set themselves a judicial function at this stage. I suggest that the members of this Dáil and the country are not interested as to what opinion these Commissioners may have as to the future of the flour-milling industry in this country if no tariff is imposed. We can form our own opinion on that head. The presentation of the report in this manner is such that we take the strongest possible objection to it. We object to public money being spent on what is, in the long run, only a propagandist pamphlet. If publication is to be made of propagandist matter I suggest that a grant be given to Professor O'Rahilly for his pamphlet on the question, because it is, in my opinion, and in the opinion of those I represent a much more useful publication than this report from the Tariff Commission.

Based on evidence?

Is the report of the Commissioners based on evidence?

They say it is.

If the Minister reads the report he will find that instead of presenting facts based on the evidence submitted to them they are presenting their own opinions.

They were asked to do so.

They were not. Will the Minister show me the paragraph in which they are asked to express their opinions? If the Minister, also when standing up, will explain why it is that the Commissioners failed to carry out their statutory duty in respect of paragraph 6 I will be very glad.

That is your opinion.

The Minister must stand up, even to interrupt.

They were asked to report on the effect which the granting in whole or in part of the concessions asked for would be likely to have.

"Likely to have."

"Since we do not recommend the granting of the tariff we do not consider it necessary to give any opinion as to its effect upon the revenue.' Apparently the members of the Commission consider themselves superior to the Dáil, could override the decision of the Dáil and also the terms of the Act under which they were appointed. The view of this Party in respect of the utility of the Commission, even if it worked according to the terms of the Act, is well known. We do not consider that it was intended to be anything more than a barrier in the way of Irish industry in regard to the protection which it requires, but when the Commissioners ceased to act under the Act, and set themselves up as something which the Act did not contemplate, the utility of the Commission is still further lessened. A body whose sole function was to hear evidence, collect the facts submitted to it, and present them in a clear form to the Dáil would serve some function, as it would enable Deputies not acquainted with all the facts relating to the industry to form their own conclusions on the advisability of granting a tariff or otherwise. When the Commission go further and make definite recommendations which they are not asked to make in accordance with the Act, it is only natural that they should present the evidence and the facts in a partisan manner so as to support the recommendations they make. That is not in the national interest, and public moneys should not be spent on printing reports of that kind. It would be much better if this money were put back into the Treasury and that the Commission be dissolved rather than it should act in that manner.

We have heard from Deputy Lemass a reasoned explanation as to why his Party object to the Tariff Commission, and that is because it is going to hear evidence and then express a reasoned opinion for the enlightenment, but not for the guidance or direction, of members of the Dáil. The Deputy holds that the decision as to whether a tariff should be put on or not is a matter of national policy. It is, of course, a matter of national policy, but the Dáil decides that the investigation of facts on which that decision should be based should be handed over to the Tariff Commissioners. The Deputy explains that he is against that because he thinks that the Commission has been a barrier against the protection which industry requires. I do not care anything about the protection which industry requires, but I do care a great deal for the protection which industry can reasonably assert to be necessary for its maintenance so long as it is not going to do the consumer or the community irreparable harm. The Deputy objects to the Commission as a Commission no longer, but is apparently in love with the Tariff Commission Act of 1926.

His case is that the Commisioners are not carrying out their duties assigned to them under the Act of 1926, or rather, are not carrying out the duties which the Deputy believes to have been assigned to them. He makes a remarkable mistake. The Commissioners were asked to report on the facts as presented to them, and the Deputy cites three reports which he says were presented in a partisan spirit. Does a judge act as a partisan when, after hearing evidence, he sums up for or against the plaintiff? Is that not carrying out his judicial functions? Is not that the normal process, and is it not the habit of judges to sum up for or against the plaintiff? Why should we describe it as partisan simply because the Commissioners, after hearing the facts, report as, they are entitled to do, according to the schedule? None of the remarks which the Deputy read out has gone beyond the schedule. The Commissioners reported on the facts as presented to them. As to Professor O'Rahilly's pamphlet, we should notice that it was not based on any evidence. He does not state that he had any evidence before him.

Had he not the benefit of all the evidence which the Tariff Commission had?

Then in that case the Dáil had it, too.

That was not evidence.

One of the charges which the Deputy is making is that the Dáil is asked to vote blindly on the recommendation of the Tariff Commission.

They never got a chance of voting.

They did. There were motions brought up here and others are still to come up. They got a chance of voting on two favoured applications, and they are going to get a chance to voting on one refused application. At any rate, if Professor O'Rahilly had before him the evidence on which the Tariff Commissioners reported so had the Dáil, and Professor O'Rahilly was not disturbed by the judgment or partisan methods of the Commissioners. As a matter of fact, the people who made application for a flour tariff were enabled to bring out a pamphlet composed of the prejudiced and partisan paragraphs from the report. I do not like to describe the application in regard to a tariff on flour in that way. We are told that the Commissioners are only to report on the facts. Has the Deputy read the section? They are to report upon the efficiency and so on in respect of the applications made to them and afterwards to report on the effect which the granting of a tariff would be likely to have on the several matters.

Is that a matter of fact or a matter of opinion or judgment? Is it pure rigid, stark, naked fact, or do the words "which certain things are likely to have on" not necessarily imply some judgment formed after evidence heard? The Deputy's contention has been that the Tariff Commissioners have gone outside the Schedule in expressing opinions. Have the Tariff Commissioners gone outside the Schedule in expressing opinions where they have not been asked to express opinions? If they say we are for or against, and that we make a recommendation or we do not as regards an application put forward, is that anything more than crossing the "t's" and dotting the "i's"? In the Schedule to the Act the Commissioners have to report on the efficiency, extent and relative importance of the industry in respect of which the application is made, on the effect which the granting in whole or in part of the concessions asked for would be likely to have, and the cost, efficiency, conditions of labour and rates of wages, and the effect the granting would be likely to have on the matters mentioned in paragraph one and its effect on the consumers of goods. Could the Deputy imagine a Report which would indicate the Commissioners findings on facts on a matter which they are asked to find on the facts, which would not necessarily include, except in a ball line case, a declaration for or against an application put before them?

Does the Deputy seriously think that the Commissioners have gone outside their terms of reference? He says they have fallen short of the terms of reference in one thing, that they have not reported, in the case of the flour application, on the effect which the granting in whole or in part of the concessions asked for in the application would be likely to have on other trades and industries in Saorstát Eireann. Remember, the Tariff Commission has to consider every application referred to it, and report on the several aspects specified in the Schedule, or such of those aspects as are applicable thereto. Surely if the Report is a matter that one as a scholar wanted to see everything worked out to the bitter end, he might say "Go on and report," notwithstanding the fact that you are not going to report in favour of the tariff, and notwithstanding what the effect of that on the revenue of Saorstát Eireann is going to be.

Does the Minister contend that once the Commissioners have reported against the tariff the matter is ended?

Is it not obvious that if the Dáil decided to override the Commissioners that would have a considerable effect on the revenue?

It is simply a matter for them to report. We have the statement made with regard to the Tariff Commissioners that they have delayed applications, that their consideration of an application is so detailed and exact they cannot get on with the other business before them on which the industrial fate of the country depends. Deputy Lemass, where the Tariff Commission decides to report against an application made by certain applicants, would have the Commissioners to make an academic inquiry as to the effect which the granting of the application would be likely to have on the public revenues of Saorstát Eireann.

What is the Commission set up for?

The Deputy simply wants to make them a body to decide certain questions. If the Dáil in its wisdom sees fit, after getting the report from the Commission, to grant a tariff, it can certainly refer the report back and ask for further information. There is no harm in doing that. I think the Deputy himself would be outraged if he found that the Tariff Commissioners had spent valuable days in considering the effects on the revenue of an application which they did not think was likely to be granted, instead of going on to hear evidence in regard to some of the other applications coming before them. The Deputy says that it is a matter of national policy to decide on tariffs, and that it is not a matter for anybody outside this House. I said before that the Dáil had, to a certain extent, delegated certain powers belonging to the Dáil itself to the Tariff Commission, and asked them to report on certain matters of fact and opinion, but the Dáil by no means hands over to the Tariff Commission the final decision. It will be remembered that in the case of the flour tariff the Tariff Commissioners reported they found great difficulty with regard to the granting of the application because of the effect which the granting of the tariff might have on the firm of Jacob's. In so far as the decision of this House was said to be the decision of the Executive Council it was clearly announced that what happened was that the firm of Messrs. Jacob mattered very little in coming to a decision whether that application should be granted or not. The main concern was the effect that the granting of the application would have on the consumers of flour in the country, and increasing the cost of living. The Tariff Commission did report, as they were bound to report, upon the effect of the granting of that application as regards the firm of Messrs. Jacob. They brought that before us, but it was not a matter that entered very much into some people's consideration. As far as the Executive Council are concerned they declared that aspect of the question did not enter into their minds in accepting the recommendation of the Commissioners against the granting of the application.

The Dáil does not part with the final decision, and the Dáil voluntarily, by passing the Tariff Commission Act, gave over to the Tariff Commissioners certain problems and certain matters of fact to form their judgment on, but the final decision rests with the Dáil. Deputy Lemass also complained that no aspect of nationality came before the Commissioners. That was a strange comment for a Deputy to make, who was complaining that the Tariff Commissioners did not confine themselves definitely and clearly to what was put before them in the Schedule. The national effect of granting a particular application referred to the Commission is one of the matters that the Dáil was very loath to part with. It is one of the matters that the Dáil refused to part with. But on certain matters of fact and opinion which the Tariff Commissioners may eventually send back to the Dáil the Dáil has complete control. It is absurd and ridiculous to say that the Tariff Commissioners in finding on what they are asked to find are acting in any partisan way. The question of a tariff on rosary beads was raised, and the Deputy stated certain customs rates or duty should have been imposed, and went on to make certain comments. Again that is inherent, if not explicitly stated, in the first five paragraphs of the Schedule to the Act.

With regard to the question of margarine, the Deputy complained of the effect on the consumers and made a statement that no guarantee would have helped to get a recommendation made unless the Commissioners were satisfied that the recommendations would have been carried out. Surely, again, that is inherent in the paragraph to the Schedule where the Commissioners are asked to decide upon the effect which the granting in whole or in part of the concession asked for would be likely to have on the consumers of the country. Are they not entitled to say under that "We believe, ordinarily speaking, the granting of the tariff on margarine would have an adverse effect upon consumers throughout the country. We believe that if a guarantee were given to us that there was to be no increased cost then that would be something in the nature of rebutting evidence in regard to the other matters." Surely, they are further entitled to say that we would not believe in any guarantee given us by any firm unless we were satisfied that the conditions of the manufacture were such as to enable the guarantee to be carried out?

The margarine application was the ruling case with regard to an application properly made and granted. As to the particular way in which the Deputy would deal with this situation, his idea is, apparently, to make up his mind on prima facie evidence that a national emergency calls for the imposition of a tariff.

An application was made for a tariff on margarine by a firm which said they were opposed to tariffs in general, because they believed that the full effect of a tariff was going to be borne by the consumers in the country in which the tariff was granted, and not merely that, but that the consuming public would also have to bear the extra profits looked for by the manufacturers in any tariffed industry. These people came before a public sitting of the Tariff Commission at which evidence was given. Of the three firms engaged in the industry, one definitely is controlled by an outside firm—a firm which previously said they were anti-tariff in general, though they made an application for a tariff as regards the margarine trade. One of the members of that firm declared afterwards, after a public sitting at which he had heard that the main manufacturing body in the country was under the control of an outside firm—a big international combine—in his own city, and that there are theoretical objections advanced against tariffs by people to whom theoretical objections are a joy, and that if we put on a tariff outside bodies will come in and crush small enterprise in this country. Within four months the person who had made that statement—the person who started off by being anti-tariff in general, though for a tariff on margarine—spoke of theoretical objections, and withdrew his application since he discovered that one of the firms engaged in this application for a tariff is controlled by an outside firm of big international standing, and that he was likely to be crushed. We want the facts revealed by the Tariff Commission. We do not want inefficiency protected in the country. We do not want to have the sort of conduct I have described protected. Nobody, I think, will disagree with protection where it is shown that the article to be protected is properly manufactured, or, that if it is not so at the beginning, there is a chance of it being manufactured under good conditions. There is great necessity for a public body having public sittings, having people examined and the facts publicly investigated. But no one wants a ring around this country if the people inside are inefficient, or in the absence of any evidence that they are likely to become efficient. One objects to being closed up inside a protection fence. That is the value of a Tariff Commission, and the value of the investigation which the Commission has to make, and that is the great value of the Report upon such matters which the Tariff Commission are asked to present to this House. When this House gets the opinion of the Tariff Commission, formed after evidence heard and presented, then this House would be in the position of forming its judgment whether or not it is in the interests of the community, and not in the interests of the manufacturers concerned, to grant a tariff or not. That is the position we want to have, and the position the Deputy apparently wants to have is one where you put on tariffs indiscriminately and hope the result is going to be good. We prefer to have an examination before instead of having rueful experience after the tariff has been put on.

The Minister has been beating at people outside the House. He has been trying to cover up the rather foolish statements he made some time ago with regard to the attitude about Jacobs.

Will the Deputy quote that statement if it is foolish?

He put the onus on Jacobs for the refusal of the tariff.

I never did.

He is beating at somebody outside the House. I am not sure of the identity of the person he is beating. But he has carefully neglected to point out to me the section of the Act that indicates that the Commissioners shall make recommendations in respect of any applications submitted to them. He has also failed to explain how it is that the Commissioners can fail to carry out the duty conferred on them by the Act in respect of reporting under one sub-head, as they have done. Surely it is applicable that they should report on the effect on the public revenue. The Commissioners may be able to guess what the decision of the Dáil will be after they have made their Report. But if it is their function, as I presume it is, merely to make available to the Dáil all the possible information concerning an industry so that the Dáil will give a wise decision, they should make available all the information, even if that information should not be necessary, in view of the consequent decision of the Dáil.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 74; Níl, 52.

  • Aird, William P.
  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Anthony, Richard.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Blythe, Ernest.
  • Bourke, Séamus A.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, Henry.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Byrne, John Joseph.
  • Carey, Edmund.
  • Cole, John James.
  • Collins-O'Driscoll, Mrs. Margt.
  • Conlon, Martin.
  • Connolly, Michael P.
  • Cooper, Bryan Ricco.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Crowley, James.
  • Daly, John.
  • Davin, William.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • De Loughrey, Peter.
  • Doherty, Eugene.
  • Dolan, James N.
  • Doyle, Edward.
  • Doyle, Peadar Seán.
  • Duggan, Edmund John.
  • Dwyer, James.
  • Egan, Barry M.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Thos. Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Gorey, Denis J.
  • Hassett, John J.
  • Heffernan, Michael R.
  • Hennessy, Michael Joseph.
  • Hennessy, Thomas.
  • Hennigan, John.
  • Henry, Mark.
  • Holohan, Richard.
  • Jordan, Michael.
  • Keogh, Myles.
  • Law, Hugh Alexander.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • Mathews, Arthur Patrick.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James E.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Myles, James Sproule.
  • Nally, Martin Michael.
  • Nolan, John Thomas.
  • O'Connell, Thomas J.
  • O'Connor, Bartholomew.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, Dermot Gun.
  • O'Reilly, John J.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, William Archer.
  • Reynolds, Patrick.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Sheehy, Timothy (West Cork).
  • Thrift, William Edward.
  • Tierney, Michael.
  • White, Vincent Joseph.
  • Wolfe, Jasper Travers.

Níl

  • Allen, Denis.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Daniel.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Cassidy, Archie J.
  • Clery, Michael.
  • Colbert, James.
  • Cooney, Eamon.
  • Corkery, Dan.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Fred. Hugh.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Fahy, Frank.
  • Flinn, Hugo.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • French, Seán.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Sexton, Martin.
  • Sheehy, Timothy (Tipperary).
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Holt, Samuel.
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Jordan, Stephen.
  • Kennedy, Michael Joseph.
  • Kent, William R.
  • Kerlin, Frank.
  • Killane, James Joseph.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • O'Kelly, Seán T.
  • O'Leary, William.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Reilly, Thomas.
  • Powell, Thomas P.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Tubridy, John.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Duggan and P.S. Doyle. Níl: Deputies G. Boland and Allen.
Question declared carried.
Progress ordered to be reported.
The Dáil went out of Committee.
Progress reported.
Barr
Roinn