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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 5 Jul 1929

Vol. 31 No. 3

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 5—Office of the Minister for Finance.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £40,239 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1930, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Airgid, maraon le hOifig an Phághmháistir Ghenerálta.

That a sum not exceeding £40,239 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Finance, including the Paymaster-General's Office.

I understand that Deputy O'Connell wishes to raise a point.

Before we come to Sub-head G, is there any point on the other sub-heads?

I understood there was some point to be raised on the general Vote but Deputies who proposed to raise it thought this would be moved first.

There is no general amendment. We might be able to get the points on the sub-heads and come down to Sub-head G, perhaps. I desire that the arrangement that the Minister and the House have made that Deputy O'Connell should get an opportunity of moving an amendment to-day should be carried out.

Under what sub-head can we discuss the repayment of the old Dáil Loan?

I take it Sub-head A. We discussed that last night and on other occasions.

We were always ruled out and this is the only place we can raise it.

There was some point to be raised with regard to a certain class of civil servants.

That is also on the Minister's salary.

Might I ask the Minister what has been done with respect to the External Loan? A year or two ago the Minister said repayment would be made.

Could we take the particular item under Sub-head G on the understanding that on it we can then discuss the question of the Dáil Internal and External Loans?

I understand that some of our members had points to raise with regard to the pay of civil servants.

If the House is prepared to take that particular procedure we have made arrangements that this amendment be taken. I do not want to disturb that arrangement. The Vote has been taken for that purpose. After that point has been taken we can then take up the question of the Dáil External and Internal Loan. That is Deputy Briscoe's and Deputy de Valera's point and also the point about a certain class of civil servants.

We can take the sub-heads afterwards and interchange as if G were the first item.

Sub-head G provides for the sum of £100, being the balance of a payment which is due, according to the actuary who carried out the investigation, to the National Teachers' Pension Fund. In connection with the investigation of the present position of the fund, and the actuary's report and the action of the Minister for Finance in connection with the report, I have put down my amendment. It will be necessary, as this is a rather involved and technical question, to explain briefly to the members of the Dáil how the position has arisen. The Teachers' Pension Fund, which was established some 50 years ago, is made up of direct contributions deducted from the teachers' salaries every quarter, and of endowments which were given at the time the fund was originally set up, and which were Irish money, known as the Church Surplus, and made up also from certain grants-in-aid which later came to be made. While the pensions of the national teachers are paid out of this special fund, the pensions of ordinary State servants are paid each year directly out of moneys provided by Parliament. In their case there is no special fund. A Vote comes up each year, and it is out of that Vote these pensions are paid. National teachers are not civil servants, but, except in one particular, they might be regarded as State servants. They are paid directly by the State out of money voted here each year. They are working under conditions laid down by the State; they are carrying out a programme of work laid down by a Ministry which is responsible to this House. Entrance to the profession of teaching is controlled by the State. The teachers are trained by the State, and they may be removed from the profession by the State. The only difference between their position and that of civil servants is in the matter of their appointment. For historical and other reasons, a system has grown up by which the teacher is actually selected for a school by the local manager, who is usually a clergyman. The teacher may be appointed by the clergyman only with the sanction of the State. I think it is necessary to say that at this stage.

It is about a hundred years ago since payment of teachers by the State was recognised. It is about fifty years since the necessity for a pensions fund established by the State was recognised. I think it is advisable that I should mention that too, especially when it is remembered that it is only a few years ago that another class of teacher, known as secondary teachers, got any kind of State payment and it is only a week or two ago that a pension fund was set up for them. When the National Teachers' Pension Fund was set up, it was understood that it would be actuarially examined every five years, to see whether or not it was in a position to pay the pensions which it was contracted it should pay. That actuarial investigation took place regularly every five years. There might have been a year or two, one way or other, until 1911, 1912 and 1913. During those years there was an investigation and that was the last time an investigation of the fund was made until 1926. When the two Parliaments were set up here, in 1922, the fund as it then existed, was divided in the proportions mentioned by the Minister the other day. I forget the exact figures, but it was the usual figure that was used in dividing any funds that were held at that time as between the Northern Parliament and the Free State. When the actuarial investigation was finished in the year 1929, it was found that there was a considerable deficiency in the fund. In other words, while at that moment its income was sufficient to meet the payments on it, it was found that that position could not continue very long and that the expenditure from the fund would very soon be greater than the annual income. Then the position would arise that the capital of the fund would have to be encroached upon in order to continue to pay the pensions which had been contracted to be paid.

I should say that the fund shortly after it was set up was divided into two parts. This is important, in view of what is taking place. There was to be one section of it known as the Teachers' Contribution Account. There was another section of the fund which was to be called the Endowment Account. The teachers' contribution side of the account was made up of deductions from the teachers' salaries. In the endowment side of the account were to be those moneys that might be granted from the Government, in one form or another, as well as the original endowment fund from the Church Surplus. That was the position for 35 years. The fund, however, in 1926, was valued as a whole, not in two separate compartments. It does not require any technical knowledge to pick out from the balance sheet the items of the valuation which refer to each separate account.

The valuation disclosed that the portion of the fund known as the teachers' contributions or what is popularly called the teachers' side of the fund, was solvent. Not only was there no deficiency on that particular side of the fund but there was an actual surplus, while the deficiency on the whole fund was shown to exist in the endowment side of the fund or what is called the Government side of it, the side for which the Government were responsible. In the terms of reference to the actuary he was asked two questions. He was asked to state if a deficiency were found and if the State were to make good the deficiency, what would be the sum required for a limited period of years. He was also asked, in case of a deficiency, what would be the extra sum which would be required from the teachers to make good the deficiency. The teachers were already paying into the fund 4 per cent. of their salaries. Four per cent. is deducted from their salaries regularly. The actuary answered the question. He mentioned a sum which it would be necessary for the State to pay over a period of 50 years in order to make good the Pensions Fund, and put it in a solvent position. He also stated that it would require an additional 8½ per cent. contribution from the teachers, that is 12½ per cent. in all, in order to make good the deficiency in the fund and to enable the fund to continue to pay pensions. The report was issued, and at this stage a rather remarkable thing happened. The report was published on the 1st January, and on the 7th January a letter was issued from the Department of Finance to the National Teachers' Organisation to the effect that the Government would do nothing more than they are doing already in the way of grants-in-aid to the fund and, in effect, that the teachers would be called upon to bear the whole burden to make good the deficiency which arises, not on the teachers' side of the fund, but on the Government side of the fund. I have no hesitation in saying that I believe the Minister, when he gave authority for the issue of that letter, had not examined as he should have examined, the whole position. He just saw the actuary's report and without going into the history of the fund, or in any way into the circumstances, that letter was issued. I feel certain that if he had made a full examination of the case he would not have issued the letter.

My main object in bringing the matter before the Dáil to-day is to call attention to the action of the Minister in issuing that letter without looking into the history of the fund or examining, as I think it would be necessary to examine, the circumstances under which the deficiency arose. I think that to ask the teachers in this instance to make good the entire deficiency by a contribution of about 12½ per cent. from their salaries, or an additional 8½ per cent. to the 4 per cent. they are paying already, especially as the whole deficiency arose through the Government's own action, or rather inaction in regard to the fund, is a position that could not very well be defended.

It might be well to examine briefly how the position in regard to the fund has arisen. The pensions paid to teachers are not at all as good as the pensions paid to ordinary civil servants or the officers of local authorities. After forty years' service a teacher is entitled to the full pension of one-half his salary. Deputies know that civil servants are entitled after forty years' service to two-thirds of their salary, or the equivalent. Sometimes it is given as a pension. Under the new regulation, the common form of pension is half the salary plus a lump sum at the time of retirement, which may go to a maximum of one-and-a-half year's salary. The teachers get no lump sum—they just get half of their salary after forty years' service and, in addition, they have to contribute all through the period of their service to the fund by deductions made quarterly from their salaries. As Deputies know the pensions of officers of local authorities, after a much shorter period of service than forty years, on an average are two-thirds of their retiring salary. I also wish to draw attention to the fact that, with the exception, I think, of the Gárda Síochána, who contribute something like two and a half per cent. of their salaries, and now the secondary teachers under the new scheme adopted last week, national teachers are the only body paid from State funds who are asked to contribute to their pensions fund by deductions from their salaries.

The regulations under which the present pensions are paid were introduced in 1914 after a long and bitter period of agitation for better pensions on the part of the national teachers. Some of the older Deputies will remember that thirty years ago the pensions and salaries payable to national teachers were really a bye-word and a disgrace. Agitations had been going on, supported by public opinion of all shades all over Ireland, for a great many years and, after the war period, during the years of which no adequate increases were made in the salaries of teachers comparable to the increases given to other bodies, it was found necessary, in the interests of the country as a whole, to increase the salaries of national teachers. A Commission had been set up in 1918, representative of various bodies of public opinion in Ireland, and they issued a report to the effect that salaries and pensions would have to be increased along the lines of similar increases which had at that time been given in England and Scotland. An Education Bill was introduced in 1919 which contained provisions for a scheme of pensions on a non-contributory basis—a scheme of what we call civil service pensions, which made provision for the lump sum. For various reasons, which I need not go into, that Bill never got a Second Reading in the British House of Commons, and it was found shortly afterwards that if the scheme for the improvement of the position of national teachers were to go through it would have to go through in two stages—one a salary and the second a pension scheme. The salary scheme was fixed by arrangement with the British Treasury and the National Board of Education at the time in conference, and was finally decided in November, 1920. I think.

Before I come to the next step. I should say that during all the negotiations which took place in regard to fixing the salary scale it was in the minds of everybody—the teachers, the National Board, and the British Treasury alike—that immediately the salaries were fixed a new and improved pension scheme would be introduced for the teachers, and the salary figures were fixed in relation to that. Immediately after the salaries were fixed, a conference was held between the national teachers and the National Board, and certain lines were agreed upon for an improved pensions scheme.

I think, perhaps, I could not better describe what happened afterwards than by reading a brief extract from a Report written in 1922 describing what took place in 1921. This is the extract:—

"Following the conference which the Executive had with the Commissioners on the Pension Question in the spring of last year, it was decided to press on the Government that the scheme agreed to by this conference should be put into operation. A statement was prepared, and Messrs. Harbison, Mansfield and Maher proceeded to London. They discussed the position with the representative of the Treasury, and afterwards had a brief but exceedingly unsatisfactory interview with the Chief Secretary, who point-blank refused to carry out the pledges which had been given previously in this connection on behalf of the Government, holding that as education was one of the services which had been transferred to the Irish Parliaments under the Act of 1920, the settlement of the Pension Question was no longer a matter of concern for the Imperial Parliament."

This took place in 1921, at a time when the Government of Ireland Act had been put upon the Statute Book but had not yet come into operation, and Deputies will remember easily the conditions that prevailed in Ireland at the time.

It was pointed out that up to that date these services were still under the British Government and that the actual transfer had not taken place, and was not likely to take place for some considerable time and that it was only reasonable to expect that the Imperial Government would redeem its pledges and discharge its liabilities up to the date of the actual transfer. All these arguments were lost on Sir Hamar Greenwood, and subsequent attempts made through the medium of members of Parliament failed to effect any change in the attitude of the Government as represented by the Chief Secretary. The developments which took place in the political situation, the state of suspense brought about by the protracted negotiations following the Truce and the necessarily tedious and complicated task involved in the transfer of the Government Departments from British to Irish authority prevented any effective steps being taken towards securing the enactment of a satisfactory pension scheme. We can only hope that one of the first acts of those now charged with educational legislation and administration will be the introduction of such a scheme as a natural and fitting corollary of the salary settlements. At the time of writing the Executive have asked the Ministers for Finance and Education for an interview in order to impress upon them the necessity for immediate pension reform.

Of course we know now what one of the first acts of the Government was in regard to national teachers. Instead of introducing a scheme of pension reform the first act practically of the Government in regard to national teachers was to cut their salaries by 10 per cent., that was in 1923. The teachers began to pay, and continued to pay 4 per cent. on their new and increased salaries. But not only did the Government not introduce a new scheme of pension, as they were bound to do as successors to the Government they replaced, but, as I say, in addition to reducing salaries of the teachers by 10 per cent. they have refused, or neglected, I do not care which way you put it, to pay their appropriate share consequent on the newly increased salaries, into the National Teachers' Pension Fund, and it is because of that refusal, or neglect, that the present position has arisen and that the Fund to-day is in an insolvent condition. To turn round then, as the Minister for Finance did, on the 7th January last, and say to the teacher: "We have cut your salaries by 10 per cent., we have not carried out the pledges made by our predecessors to increase your pension fund, we have neglected to put into the pension fund the appropriate moneys that should be paid into it since 1923, and as a result of all that the pensions fund will no longer be able to continue to pay you even the pensions always paid, and you yourself are now asked to contribute an additional 8½ per cent., or one-eighth of your salary to this fund if you expect the present pensions to be continued." I would not like to describe action of that kind as it might be described, but it is action which, to my mind, the Minister will find it extremely difficult to defend.

It is sometimes said that teachers are well paid. That used to be a belief commonly held a few years ago, but I think people are beginning to realise now that the national teacher, who has in his hands the moulding of between 85 and 90 per cent. of the population of the country, is a person who ought to be in a position where financial difficulties should not be constantly worrying him. Commencing salaries of £153 for men and £110 for women are not at all extravagant salaries, and cannot be regarded as such for people who have to spend four or five years in a secondary school, two years in a training college, and four or five years as probationers at the initial salary before they can get into their incremental scale, and who have to serve 40 years before they can claim a pension.

If we look at the pension bill which we are asked to vote in the present Estimates it will be found that out of the total amount of £2,350,000 the proportion which we are asked to give to the Teachers' Pension Fund as a grant-in-aid is very small compared with that in any other cases. £66,000 is the amount this year voted to the Teachers' Pension Fund. Out of this Estimate the sum of £1,170,000 is voted for pensions for ex-R.I.C. men, and I think there is no doubt that the services of the national teachers, to the country, are at least as valuable as those given by the police, and that the claim of the teachers on the taxpayer in this country is quite as good as that of the ex-R.I.C. men.

Last week we established here a pensions fund for secondary teachers and in view of the action of the Minister for Finance in that case I cannot understand his proposal as contained in his letter of 7th January so far as the national teachers are concerned. Last week he proposed and the House agreed and indeed were of opinion that on the whole the scheme for secondary teachers was rather niggardly and we would have been glad to do better— that the secondary teachers should pay 4 per cent. the same as the national teachers pay by way of contribution for pensions, that they would get pensions after 40 years of half salaries the same as the national teachers are getting. There was no proposal there that they should pay an additional 8½ per cent. as in the case of national teachers, and provision was made, and rightly made, to pay pensions to men who had not contributed to the fund at all. That was a necessary and just proposal, but in view of the action of the Minister in that connection I fail to understand his action in regard to the national teachers.

I should remind the House now that there are two classes of national teachers who get no pensions of any kind although since 1922 the very same class of teachers in Northern Ireland have been granted pensions. I refer to the class of teachers known as lay assistants in convents and monastery schools and the class of teachers in rural areas known as junior assistant mistresses. I always laugh when I think of that word "junior," some of these teachers having reached 50 or 60 years of age. These two classes get no pensions of any kind. Because of pressure put on the Minister to have pensions granted to those people he eventually agreed to hold a long overdue investigation into the position of the National Teachers' Pension Fund. In Northern Ireland they have been giving pensions since 1922 to these two classes of teachers and the Government there by special Act have made themselves responsible for any deficiency that may arise year by year in the Teachers' Pension Fund.

To make this sum solvent the actuary stated that it would be necessary to find a sum up to £160,000 annually for a period of 50 years. Actuaries always report on the very safe side. What concerns the teachers is that they should continue to get their pensions. They claim, and very strongly claim, an improved pensions scheme. What they do demand is that they should continue to have their pensions paid. It is a matter for the Minister for Finance how that is to be done, whether he is to continue the fund or to meet the pension bill for the national teachers each year as it arises, as in the case of other State servants. That is a case entirely for the Minister himself. I do hope that he will be in a position to say that his letter of the 7th January last, to which I have referred, was issued without consideration of the history of the whole position, and without due investigation into all the facts. I think that it will be admitted by everybody who makes an impartial investigation of the question that it is quite unfair that the national teachers should be asked to pay anything more than they are at present paying, namely, 4 per cent., for the rather meagre amount they are getting in the way of pensions, and I hope the Minister, before this debate closes, will be in a position to say that he has changed his mind in regard to the attitude he adumbrated in his memo. of the 7th January last.

I would like first of all to make quite clear that we do not agree with everything that Deputy O'Connell has said in proposing this amendment. I for one do not accept the position that the national teachers are in any sense civil servants.

I have not said that. They are State servants.

I want to make that clear, because then our responsibility towards them would be on a different basis.

I do think that the Government are bound more or less, in view of the whole history of this Fund, to intervene, particularly in view of the fact that the deficiency began to manifest itself so far back as 1920, when the change in the salaries and in the condition of the national teachers was partly initiated. The actuary, as I think Deputy O'Connell pointed out, stated that the fund was solvent after its reorganisation in 1914 and that the deficiency that has since developed has been due entirely to the change in the scales of salary which began in the year 1920. Now, the Ministry were not unaware of the position which was then developing. In February, 1922, a deputation, which was representative of the National Teachers' Organisation, met the then Minister for Education who was accompanied by the Chief Executive Officer of the Department of Education and Mr. Bewley from the Ministry of Finance. Mr. Bewley was a Treasury Officer who was here on loan at the time. On this question of the Pension Fund and also in regard to a considerable number of other grants which should be received in respect of educational services, everyone was heard very fully before the Minister for Education. The Minister, I think, virtually gave the deputation a promise that he would introduce, at the earliest possible moment, legislation to deal with the situation which was then developing. He made the excuse, of course, that it could not be done until the Government was fully functioning. He stated that he had been in communication with the Ministry of Finance on the matter, who regretted to state that the position of the revenue as then represented by the general condition of the country did not admit of the full claims of the pensioners being met.

It is quite obvious, however, that the Minister himself realised the gravity of the situation. He seems to have been quite well aware that if it were not dealt with immediately before the fund was taken over from the British, that ultimately a considerable burden would have to be borne either by the people of the country as a whole or by a section of the community which was rendering an essential service to the State. Yet, notwithstanding the fact that the Minister for Education was aware of the situation, notwithstanding the fact that he had been in communication with the Department of Finance and the Minister for Finance with regard to it, the Government as we were told on Wednesday in reply to a question of mine when the question of the apportionment of the statutory departmental funds following the establishment of the Saorstát was under consideration between the Provisional Government and the Government of Great Britain, did not advert apparently to the situation which was developing in the matter of the National Teachers' Pension Fund. Yet, they knew, for the deputation had put it before them, and if the deputation did not put it before them it was common knowledge that the British had previously refused to accept any responsibility whatever for the deficiency which was then accruing on the National Teachers' Pension Fund.

From a Report which was published in 1922, to which Deputy O'Connell has just referred, they could have learned that when the deputation from the National Teachers' Organisation met Sir Hamar Greenwood in London he, point-blank, refused to carry out the pledges which had been previously given in this connection on behalf of the British Government, holding that as education was one of the services which had been transferred to the Irish Parliament under the Act of 1920. the settlement of the Pensions Fund was no longer a matter of concern for the Imperial Parliament. The deputation then pointed out to Sir Hamar Greenwood that at that date all these services were still under the British Government and that the actual transfer had not taken place, and was not likely to take place for some very considerable time, and that it was only reasonable to expect that the Imperial Government would redeem its pledges and carry out its liabilities up to the date of the transfer. All these arguments were lost on Sir Hamar Greenwood, and subsequent attempts made through the medium of M.P.s failed to effect any change in the attitude of the British Government as represented by the Chief Secretary.

Here I might digress for a moment to contrast the attitude taken up by Sir Hamar Greenwood in regard to the pensions of the national teachers who were still under his control—I do not like to say in the service of the British Government, because that is ambiguous, and for whose salaries and pensions his Government at that time had the responsibility. As I say, I want to digress, to contrast the attitude taken up by his Government in this matter with the attitude taken by our Minister for Finance and our Government in the matter of the British Police Force and their pensions, which never came under the control of our Government at all.

That matter is not before the House at all, and it has nothing to do with this Estimate.

Except that I am entitled possibly——

——to draw the attention of the House to the laxity of the Minister for Finance in one matter and to contrast it with the watch-dog fidelity with which the then Chief Secretary safeguarded and secured the public funds of Great Britain.

The real question at issue here is a letter written by the Minister for Finance on the 7th January, 1929. It is necessary, perhaps, to indicate the genesis of the Teachers' Pensions Fund, but the important question that arises on this Estimate is the Minister's attitude towards the deficiency. That is what Deputy O'Connell's amendment is about, and I do not want to get away from that particular point.

We are entitled to do so if we can show this deficiency is in any way due to neglect on the part of the Minister for Finance or to his failure to take the necessary steps, which any ordinary business man would take, when taking over a fund to see that it was solvent and that he was at any rate indemnified against any liabilities which might have accrued in respect of that fund prior to the taking over. That is precisely the point. This fund began to be deficient in 1920. It was taken over with its deficiency by the Minister for Finance. At this moment the country is faced with this dilemma, that either it must assume responsibility for the deficiency of over £4,000,000 or else a section of the community which is rendering essential services to the people of the State will have to shoulder that burden. The Provisional Government and its successors failed to see that the fund was not solvent when it was taken over, and subsequently failed to take the necessary steps to maintain the fund in a solvent condition. That is precisely the situation with which we are faced.

We on this side are in a very great difficulty in this matter. We do say that a certain amount of responsibility attaches to the Government; the major portion of the responsibility attaches to the Government. On the other hand, to be quite candid, I am not so certain that the national teachers themselves as a body have not a share of responsibility in this matter. I am not so certain that for one reason or other they did not press their claims on the Government with the tenacity and the stubbornness with which they ought to have pressed them. That is the dilemma in which we find ourselves. There is a major responsibility on the part of the Government and there is some responsibility on the part of the national teachers. As between the two, I cannot see at the moment how the situation is going to be resolved. The deficiency arises in respect of three classes. There are the new entrants, and in regard to them the deficiency is a comparatively small one. I think the actuarial valuation is not more than £400,000. Perhaps they will be comparatively easily dealt with. As regards the existing pensioners, I do not see how their position is going to be dealt with unless the State comes forward with some proposals. In many cases, probably in all, these men did not make any contribution which was at all commensurate with the pensions they are now receiving. On the other hand, we cannot lose sight of the fact that during their lifetime they served the people of the country well and they had at the same time to live upon a starvation wage. They have a very big claim, therefore, upon the State. I do not know whether, at the same time, in view of the general economic condition of the country, they will not have to make some sacrifice in order to secure the solvency of the fund.

What I have said in regard to them applies in a much greater measure to the existing teachers. Unfortunately, the major portion of the deficiency again arises in regard to the men who have had long service and if they were to be asked to meet the whole of the deficiency which is going to accumulate as the result of the payment of pensions, their future positions would be practically unendurable. It is very difficult in the present economic condition of the country to make any suggestion in the matter. We are very anxious to hear what the Minister for Finance has to say. If he can meet this position without imposing an undue burden upon the community in general, he will have from this side of the House a very sympathetic audience.

I understand the Minister for Finance is to offer us to-day a solution of this very serious problem. Deputy O'Connell's purpose, I believe, is to discover what is the attitude of the Government and the Department of Finance as to the Teachers' Pensions Fund. It is a matter of urgency. The deficiency of £4,250,000 is not an actual deficiency; it is an actuarial or prospective deficiency. But the matter is urgent because the deficiency is increasing by compound interest and it does not brook delay in solution. It would take hours to go into the question of the fund, its present position, and the responsibility of various people for the condition in which it now is. Such discussion at the present moment would probably be out of order and in any case it would serve no good purpose. There are three classes of teachers concerned—those who have gone out on pension in recent years, existing teachers, and those who have entered the profession since the increase of salaries. When the salaries were increased the pension fund was not put on a proper basis in accord with the increased salaries and to meet the consequent increased pensions.

As regards those who have entered the service since the increases in salaries, it is stated the contribution of 5½ per cent. from their salaries would make the pension fund solvent as far as they are concerned. If all that deficiency were to be put on the teachers, they would certainly have a very great grievance because from any insurance company they could get much better terms and they would not have to pay the high percentage which the attitude of the Minister forecasts they will be compelled to pay. Whether, of course, a contribution to this pension fund will be an essential part of service, whether it is advisable that it should or should not be so, I do not wish to refer to at this stage. As regards those who have gone out on pension and who contributed 4 per cent. from their small salaries and have got pensions on the basis of the increased salaries, that is a very serious problem.

They have given life-long services at very miserable, starvation wages, and it would seem iniquitous to make any great cut in the pensions which they now enjoy. I do not think that anybody here would advocate that course. That covers about three-quarters of a million of the deficit. The most serious problem to be solved is that of the existing teachers, teachers who had, say, ten or more years' service before the increase, and who have contributed to the pension fund on the basis of four per cent. on their old salaries. Since the increase they contributed 4 per cent. of the new salary, and they are now going out on pension on the new scale. That is a very serious problem. It is a very serious question, and I certainly think that the Minister should reconsider his attitude as indicated by his letter of January last. I think that he should meet the teachers with a view to seeing whether a solution or a compromise could not be arranged. He should meet their representatives and have the matter discussed in conference. Some solution might then be offered to us here, and we could then go into a much fuller debate on the history of the fund and the liability of different parties for its present condition.

I think that all Deputies recognise that this is a very important matter. I look on it first from the viewpoint which a Minister for Finance must naturally look on it. The addition of £200,000, or some similar sum, to the charge borne by the taxpayers at present is not a matter which can be lightly contemplated. Deputies are aware that during the earlier part of this year very serious steps had to be taken, steps that involved hardship on a large number of individuals, in order to prevent the necessity for increasing taxation and the burden on the producing part of the community, which would impede development and lead, perhaps, directly to unemployment. This fund, as Deputy O'Connell indicated, has been operated on the principle of one-fourth of the requirements being supplied by the teachers and three-fourths by the State, but that is not a statutory arrangement. It is not provided for in the Act. It is, I suppose, a matter that arose out of the conditions of the teachers at the time. The teachers were very ill-paid when the pension scheme was introduced, and the view was apparently taken at the time that it would not be reasonable to ask them to accept greater responsibility than that involved in providing a quarter of the funds. The Government of the day, on the other hand, does not seem to have contemplated accepting unlimited responsibility in respect of the fund. There seems to have been an idea at the time that the Government contribution which was then made would suffice, and there was even a definite statement that Treasury liability was not accepted beyond the amount specified.

From time to time it was necessary, as a result of the quinquennial valuations, to make changes in the fund. On one occasion there was a reduction of benefits and there was an increase both in the teachers' contribution and in that of the Government. When this deficiency was revealed to its full extent by the actuary's report there were from the the Government point of view really three methods of dealing with the question. There was the method of increasing the teachers' contribution, the method of reducing the benefit, and the method of giving additional funds from the Exchequer. The fourth course that might have been adopted was one which I do not think could properly be adopted. That course was simply to postpone the matter for some years, but during that time the accumulated fund would have disappeared and the situation that would then have to be faced at the end of that period would have been much more serious than it is at present. On most occasions when there was need to make adjustments in regard to the fund in the past the British Government increased the contribution, but circumstances have changed very substantially since then. I would not say that it is at all obvious that the course that a Government should think of is that of increasing the State contribution. The position of teachers has very substantially improved since there were previous adjustments in regard to the fund. There is the fact, which has been already mentioned by other Deputies, that there are pensioners who are now enjoying allowances that were out of proportion to the salaries they had during the greater part of their service, and there will be still more teachers to go on the pension fund who will have pensions very much in excess of the salaries they enjoyed during the major part of their service and very much in excess of anything to which they had to look forward when entering the service. These factors together with the general Exchequer position would indicate that on this occasion it is natural that the Department of Finance should look to the teachers, one way or another, either by a reduction of benefit or an increase in contribution, to put the fund in a proper condition.

I would like to say a word in regard to the red-herring which Deputy MacEntee dragged across the path. If Sir Hamar Greenwood had met the wishes of the teachers at that time, what he would have done would have been to promise an increase in the State contribution to the extent, say, of £250,000 per annum. Then it would have been for this Government to take that into consideration at some later stage. If an increased State contribution had then been agreed to, it is probable that when the ten per cent. cut was under consideration here that would have been a factor. It was, I think, quite correct for him, when it was proposed to establish a Government here, not to prejudice the position of that Government by opening up new items of expenditure. As a matter of fact, I presume, if a Parliament for Southern Ireland had been established the people who would have been responsible for the finances of this part of the country would have great grounds for grievance if a new sub-head was opened in the Vote for a considerable amount. When we had discussions with the British in regard to the remuneration of those in the service of the Irish Lights Board we always objected to the British Government increasing their scales of pay on the ground that that matter should wait over and that it should be for us, when we got the personnel, to see whether any increase would be given. We would regard it as a most serious act on the part of the British Government if they were to increase the pension rates of the Irish Lights employees or to increase their salaries just before they passed to us. If a Parliament for Southern Ireland had come into being, those responsible for the finances would have great grounds for complaining against the British Government if that Government had increased the State contributions to the teachers' pension fund just before it was handed over. I recognise that this is a complicated matter. I recognise, too, that there certainly are cases where a 12½ per cent. contribution would be more than could be asked. I recognise that there is a matter for discussion and for negotiation here, and I am quite prepared to accept the suggestion of a Deputy opposite that I should meet representatives of the teachers and try to hammer out the best settlement that could be hammered out. I do not want to impose any hardship that can be avoided, either on ex-teachers who are on pension or serving teachers, and I do not want to increase the burden unduly on future teachers. On the other hand, I could not contemplate putting this large sum of £200,000, or whatever it might on further investigation be found to be, as a charge on the Exchequer. There are adjustments of various kinds that could be made, and these, I think, would merit exploration when the two parties are present.

With reference to the method by which the deficiency would be met in the first instance, the Minister surely is not serious in his suggestion concerning the red-herring. The point at issue was that when the fund was being taken over he should have seen that the British made a payment of a capital sum, the interest on which would be used from year to year to meet this deficiency as it arose. That is the point, not that they should have been content with the promise on the part of Sir Hamar Greenwood to increase the Government contribution to £250,000. It would really not mean that it would be a burden of £250,000 on the people here. They should have got, before they took over the fund, a substantial capital contribution which would have enabled them to meet the deficiency which accrued owing to the changed conditions of service for the teachers.

The Deputy is really taking his stand with the people who said that before the British left the country we should have made them restore the General Post Office.

There is a sum of £1,175,000 taken out of the taxes of this country to pay pensions to members of a force who never came under the Government of this State.

As I say, the Deputy is only introducing it as a red herring. It is waste of time discussing the matter in general, and all I want to say is that if the teachers went to Sir Hamar Greenwood and he had immediately said, "I will increase the Government contribution by £250,000," that could have been done by a stroke of the pen. A solvent fund would then have been handed over to us. It would have been actuarially solvent, but it would have been most unfair as regards the Exchequer of this State. There was never anything such as a huge capital contribution and there could be no ground for claiming it.

We are not interested in what Sir Hamar Greenwood did or did not do, but we are interested in what the Minister proposes to do. Are we to understand that the Minister is inviting representatives of the teachers to meet him in order to come to some arrangement? I do not want to make any statement that would prejudice the matter. There are, as the Minister has said, several avenues that could be explored.

I indicated that that would be the best course to take and that useful results would probably follow such discussion.

Mr. O'Connell

As I explained previously, my object in putting down the amendment was to find out from the Minister whether he banged and bolted the door, as he appeared to have done in his letter of January last. It appears now that that is not so and that he is prepared to meet representatives of the parties concerned and to discuss the whole matter. I have no doubt when they do meet the Minister that they will convince him that their claim is good. Therefore I do not propose to press my amendment. As to Deputy MacEntee's statement regarding the responsibility of the Teachers' Organisation for neglecting to do something which he thinks they should have done, I may say that at that time they were fighting what might be regarded as a rear-guard action. They were fighting to maintain what they had got. The Government, instead of improving the position, as the teachers thought they would, attacked the position they had won and it was up to the teachers to defend that position With the leave of the Dáil I desire to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

In regard to Item A, I suppose that this is the proper place to indicate our objections to the Vote on account of the general policy of the Minister for Finance.

May I suggest that it would, perhaps, be better if we had a general discussion on the Vote rather than on particular sub-heads.

It was my intention on the Vote for the President's Department to deal with the general policy of the Executive Council so as not to deal with that policy as exhibited in the case of the different departments. In regard to the Ministry of Finance, the remarks made by Deputy MacEntee largely indicate our feelings towards the attitude adopted by the Executive Council in all its financial dealings with England.

Of course I will be prevented from dealing with these financial dealings outside the present year and the particular matter that was mentioned by Deputy MacEntee to-day with respect to what we would regard as the carelessness of the Minister for Finance in dealing with, for instance the taking over of what was at the time an insolvent fund, and the making of no provision to see that those responsible for it would see that the insolvency would be made good.

We have present to-day the matter of the coinage. We think the Minister for Finance's attitude was hopelessly weak. There is no doubt whatever that he had a magnificent case for demanding the full face value of the token coinage in circulation in this country, and we think he was guilty really of a dereliction of duty in consenting to the arrangement that was made. I do not think he has ever defended his attitude in that matter in this House. At least, any explanation he has given appeared to us to be anything but a defence. I saw a statement made by Mr. Churchill in the British House of Commons. I think he was giving the point of view that he urged on our representatives and scored over them. I think his attitude was that both sides of the partnership, both Ireland and the United Kingdom, profited by whatever was the difference between the face value of the coinage and its intrinsic worth. Previously, I think, the Minister for Finance had expressed his view that the British Government would make good, would take these coins over, and give this country credit for their full face value. On one occasion, I think, he stated, not to-day, that that would be equivalent to dishonouring a cheque. On a previous occasion I mentioned that particular phrase and he took exception to it. I am practically certain I saw it in a report of a speech of his. I have not been able to put my hands on it since. We are anxious to know what compelled or caused the Minister for Finance to change his views. Did not the British Government take over full responsibility for everything in the form of national debt? A short time ago the Minister for Agriculture gave us a definition of what might be regarded as national debt. Would not this, the duty to make good, to honour this cheque, be naturally a part of the public debt of the partnership as a whole, and when this particular part of the original partnership was absolved by the addendum to the Treaty, the new arrangement made in 1925, when we were absolved from any responsibility for that, were we not also absolved from any responsibility for honouring, so to speak, the cheque that is involved in making good the deficiency at any time between the nominal value of these coins and their intrinsic worth? We feel the Minister for Finance allowed himself to be bluffed in this as on former occasions. I admit we had not the strength in this case we had in other cases, inasmuch as we were here looking to get something back from the British. We were not in the strong position that we were in in other respects when we had something and it was a question of holding on to it. When we have a Minister sending moneys out of the country, and he is sending money out of the country, he was certainly in a strong position to make the necessary deductions. Accordingly, as a mark of our disapproval of his attitude in that particular instance, amongst others, we are going to vote against this Estimate.

I wish on this Vote to call particular attention to the manner in which the Department of Finance has treated subscribers to the Dáil Éireann Loan. Between June and September, 1927, I received a large number of complaints from my constituents with regard to this special Department. Those loans are due in a large number of cases to people who were in a better financial position then than they are now or who proved generous at a time when the country needed money badly and who had very little hope at the time that the money would be repaid. Since then, owing to the muddling of the Executive Council which got control of the country, these people are in many cases in a state of dire poverty. This money is supposed to be repaid now, but some of these applicants have got as many as thirty-five postcards from the Department of Finance stating "We have received your communication and your claim will be attended to in due course."

Wishing to bring the matter to some head in some manner or other on the 20th June, 1928, I addressed a question to the Minister for Finance containing in all 52 names and asking what was being done in those specific cases. I got a reply on the 20th June, 1928 (Official Report; Volume 24, page 782). It is as follows:—

" The investigation which would be necessary to enable me to reply fully to questions Nos. 33 and 34 would involve an amount of time and labour on the part of the staff of my Department which I do not consider would be justified. Applications for repayment in respect of subscriptions to the Dáil Eireann Internal Loan are being dealt with as expeditiously as possible, and the Deputy will appreciate that the process of repayment will be considerably retarded if the energies of the staff engaged on the task are diverted to the collection of information as to the stage which has been reached in the large number of individual cases to which the Deputy refers. The applications of the persons mentioned in the Deputy's questions will be considered in due course."

That was on 20th June, 1928. I have looked up correspondence which I have since received with regard to these fifty-two persons, and I find that seventeen have been paid out of fifty-two. On 26th June, 1929, I asked a question of the Minister containing about a dozen names of those persons whose applications were considered in the question of the 20th June, 1928. That was twelve months and one week afterwards, and I got the same answer from the Minister for Finance that they will be dealt with in due course. These people have, in a large number of cases, received writs and decrees from the Sheriffs, the Executive Council and the Land Commission for land annuities. At the same time, their money is held up by the Department of Finance which sees that there is nothing due to John Bull and that any stretch of generosity which they can imagine should be given to him. The Department of Finance refuses to pay these unfortunate people from my own constituency, dilly-dallying month after month and year after year. If I were to produce in the Dáil the letters I have received from these unfortunate people in my own constituency during the last twelve months and the stacks of postcards which the Department of Finance sent out and the letters sent to the Department of Finance you would want no carpet in this place at all. You could cover the floor and paste the walls with all the postcards that the Department of Finance sends down every week saying "Your application is received and the matter is receiving attention."

I do not know how much the printer is paid and how much the Department for Posts and Telegraphs receives out of this matter, but I think that it is a matter that is not being treated with any degree of fairness by the Minister. If he is going to be generous let his generosity be extended first to those who came in a time of stress and when the nation was fighting for her existence, to the country's assistance and gave out of the little that they had. He might at least see that those are repaid. I do not wish to be dragging up this matter week after week, but I promise the Minister one thing and that is if this matter is not attended to he will be here until 11 o'clock every night for the next six months, because I will keep putting down questions and bringing the matter up on the adjournment for him to answer. I am looking for justice for my constituents, and I am not going to see them put one side while gentlemen in London are getting £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 out of the pockets of the people. The Minister admitted that these claims are legally due, and if they are legally due to my constituents I am going to see that he stumps up.

Mr. P. Hogan (Clare):

I am glad to have so vigorous a supporter in this matter as Deputy Corry, and if it is not attended to I hope that he will carry out his threat to keep the Minister awake until 11 o'clock every night. On several occasions I have raised the question of the delinquency of the Minister in dealing with the refund of the Dáil Loan subscriptions. Time and again the Minister has promised to give the matter consideration, and to set up a commission of some kind or other to see what substantiation of the demands is required before he pays. That has been promised several times. The Minister gave us an indication that he was going to proceed to do something. In my constituency, I know that there are whole stretches of the county where no return of the contributions has been made. I cannot understand why a return of the contributions has not been made. Like Deputy Corry, people come to me and I have had to get a special file for Dáil Loan applications. I have heaps of letters and post cards from constituents and also from the Minister for Finance, but they have got us no further. Subscriptions of from £1 to £10 were given but there has been no refund. These people have got letters signed from people who collected the money. I have scores of cases where documents have been signed by responsible people who collected the money but nothing has been done. Surely the Minister ought to indicate what line of action he is going to take on the matter and how he is going to make provision for the payment. I quite realise that he probably has some difficulty in convincing himself that there are not bogus claims. I want to be very moderate in my statement. There are hundreds of claimants in my county whose applications can be verified and to which very little attention is paid. If the Minister persists in his non-possumus attitude I hope Deputy Corry will keep him until 11 o'clock every night.

I hope with the assistance of every member of the House.

Mr. Hogan

You will get mine, anyhow.

I rise to join in the plea that something should be done to expedite repayment of these Dáil Loan subscriptions. I am not so much concerned with claims made by subscribers, the particulars of which the Minister has not got. I am concerned with cases in connection with which there should be no undue delay. The Minister knows that there were two kinds of subscribers. There was the subscriber who bought and paid for his bond, paying his £1 in full. There was also the subscriber who paid by card at the rate of 1/- or 2/- a week until he had paid sufficient to entitle him to his bond. I have myself handed into the Department properly signed receipts for payments. The people concerned have received acknowledgments from the Department, and the Department holds those receipts. I would like to know why the amounts are not being paid. I understand that in some cases the Department has registers in which is registered the details of the subscriptions. In some cases they may not have the names and addresses of particular subscribers. It may be a fault of book-keeping or a fault of recording, but where a person has duly and properly filled a receipt and handed it over to the Department and the Department has every means of satisfying itself that it is a genuine case, the fact of its not being in the books, I contend, is no reason why they should hold up repayment. I know of some cases of extreme hardship, and I wonder do the Ministry realise the hardship that is being caused? There is the case of one man who has called on me several times. His last note informs me that a job was offered to him across Channel and if he could get the 28/- due to him on this Dáil bond he would be able to pay his passage across. Meanwhile, he is starving here. Surely the Department should not hold up such a case as that. There is another case of a man who is at present in Crooksling Sanatorium. He has been in there from time to time, and when he comes out he invariably calls on me to know what has happened to the few pounds due to him by the Minister for Finance.

I could give the Minister scores of cases where I have been asked to find out what is the difficulty. As far as I can make out, one of the main difficulties that is put up is that the registers which that Department have in their possession have not the name and address of a particular applicant, although the applicant has a proper receipt which he sent in to the Department and which receipt they acknowledge as being in order. Except for numerous postcards, such as Deputy Corry mentioned, they have got nothing. These people gave this money out of small earnings at the rate of 1/- or 2/- a week. When these people are unemployed and hungry to-day this money should be given to them, where they apply so consistently and persistently, and where there is no doubt as to the genuineness of their case. I contend that the Ministry is not playing fair with these people.

I have my own opinion as to the reason for this holding up. There probably would be quite a number to pay out if they were paid immediately. I risk the suggestion that the Finance Department does not want to pay out more than a certain sum of money every year in the repayment of this old Dáil Loan. If the Minister is prepared to say that, I would plead with him to see that they will pay those who are the most necessitous in any case. It is all very well to say that there are difficulties. I have been to the Department in connection with cases where the receipts are in the possession of the Department and where there is no doubt as to the accuracy of the claims, and the only excuse that could be given was that there were no entries of these cases in the records of the Department. I hope the Minister will be able to say that he will expedite the repayment of these sums to the subscribers. I have tried on several occasions to raise this matter and I am glad an opportunity has been afforded for raising it. I hope the Minister will say definitely that claims which were in in good time and which are well established, whether they are on the Department's records or not, will be paid, and that, generally speaking, there will be a quickening up in this matter.

I wish to direct attention to the position of the lower grades of the Civil Service, particularly the classes known as writing assistants and clerical officers. So far as salaries are concerned, the position of these civil servants is very much inferior to that of similar classes in Northern Ireland and Great Britain. I am going to concern myself with the position in the Saorstát as compared with the position of corresponding officers in the Six Counties. The initial salary here for the clerical grade is £70, rising to £150, by annual increments of £5. while in the Six Counties the initial salary of the same grade is £80, with annual increments of £5 up to £100, and, after that, by £10 to £120, by £15 to £150, and by £10 to £250. The maximum salary of this class in the Six Counties is £250 compared with £150 here. The salary of a staff officer, which is recognised to be a very responsible position, starts at £250 here and goes up to £300 by annual increments of £10. In the Six Counties, the initial salary is £300, increasing by £15 per annum, until the maximum of £400 is reached. Although the salary of the staff officer here is supposed to begin at £250, in practice it is found that this is really the exception. The attention of the Department of Finance was drawn to this state of affairs and the reply to the representations made on behalf of these officers was to the effect that the Department may vary the salary for that position. It would be far better and more honest for the Department to say that the commencing salary should be £200, and stick to that, instead of blazoning forth to aspirants for these positions the commencing salary as £250, when in practice that is found to be the exception. As the Minister is in a rather conciliatory mood and has been preaching conciliation, I submit to him that there are many things surrounding the case of these lower-paid civil servants which should be the subject of inquiry and investigation with a view to remedying the grievances under which they suffer.

I will, at a later stage, make a suggestion which possibly may help him out and be of some assistance to the grades on whose behalf I am speaking. I submit to the Minister who, in the olden days at any rate, proclaimed himself to be a believer in the rewarding of merit, that if he finds a useful official in any Department, even though that official may have entered as an office boy, he should see that there is no ban put on his promotion. The reason for that remark is that I find, so far as the lower grades are concerned, that writing assistants cannot be promoted to clerical officers and that clerical officers cannot be promoted to the executive grade. Capable young men and women, therefore, are prevented from occupying administrative positions in the State, and a check is put on their ambition. Promotion from one class to another has been suspended since May, 1926. That was supposed to continue for a period of two years, but, up to the present, we have had no indication that it is the intention of the Department to remove that ban.

A Civil Service representative council was formed, the idea underlying it being that if there was discontent in any department, and civil servants felt they were not being fairly treated, there should be some avenue of approach, some method of contact, between these officers and the Minister responsible, by which they could make representations with a view to the adjusting or removal of grievances. This representative council was established two years ago and consisted of representative from the official and staff sides. It was to be merely a consultative body. Nothing emanated from it; it became a kind of talking shop and nothing concrete was done so far as the Civil Service is concerned. What I want to suggest, in view of what I call the breakdown of that council and its failure to fulfil the functions which I feel sure the Minister felt it would fulfil, is that a new body should be set up. The Minister will agree we must have some kind of conciliation machinery, and I think he will also subscribe to the view that it is better to arbitrate before you strike, and that it would be for the better working of his Department if a conciliation committee such as I suggest were set up. I suggest it should be a committee of the Oireachtas and that one of the terms of reference should be to inquire into the conditions of the lower grades and incidentally the lower-paid civil servants.

Now coming to the question of staff officers, they are engaged in work of a supervisory character over the work in which the clerical staff and writing assistants are engaged. They have to supervise the work of lower grade civil servants. A while ago I gave the figures and rates of pay of those staff officers who are supposed to have an initial salary of £250 increasing by increments of £10 annually to £300. As I already stated that is really an exceptional case. As a rule we find many of these officers starting on an initial salary of £200 per annum instead of £250 which is mentioned in the Civil Service advertisements. In a circular from the Department of Finance in answer to some correspondence and representations made from the Civil Servants' Organisation, it was stated that salaries may vary according to the particular post but that as a general rule the salary would be £250 rising to £300. This is a matter that I consider should have the immediate attention of the Department, with a view to bettering the position of those men, many of whom are men of culture and education, in addition to possessing the ordinary qualifications civil servants must have. It has been argued, I understand, that for certain higher posts in the Civil Service certain educational qualifications are requisite. We all certainly agree with that. But one of the reasons given for the ban operating against the promotion of writing assistants and clerical officers is that they have not the educational qualifications necessary for the higher grade posts.

Not alone in this country but in other countries we find heads of Departments who began their careers as boy clerks in the Civil Service. I think if the Minister will examine the records of some of his own officials he will find that many of them entered the British Civil Service remembering Napoleon's maxim that every private soldier carried a field-marshal's baton in his haversack. I think it must be very discouraging to every civil servant to learn that there is no avenue of promotion to the higher grades open to him. I think that in a country such as ours with a new Government and a new Parliamentary institution we should be able to attract to the Civil Service the best types of candidates and the best class of intellect, and this ban on promotion from the lower grades to the higher grades should be removed and that very quickly. I know that even in those lower grades of the Civil Service we find people having educational qualifications for the higher grades. I know that the best training for the duties appertaining to the higher grades of the Civil Service is work. It has been proved by experience that those working in the lower grades of the Civil Service are often the best fitted to administer positions in higher grades as vacancies occur. From time to time you will find in every walk of life that men perhaps only eight or ten years in a given industry or profession may be far more proficient than those that may have been engaged in that profession for fifteen or twenty years.

The point I want to emphasise is this: that in the lower grades of the Civil Service, even among the clerical officers, you often find men who, in addition to the ordinary qualifications for the Civil Service, have taken out professional degrees. Many of them are B.L.'s or B.A.'s or hold other University degrees, yet, apparently, our Government says to these people they are not qualified to hold executive positions in the Civil Service because they entered through a certain grade. In that case I suggest that the Minister should have inscribed over the portals of the Ministry of Finance: "Once an office boy, always an office boy." The Minister appears to be in a conciliatory mood this morning and I ask him to take particular note of the suggestions I made to him some time ago.

There is every necessity at the moment, because of the dissatisfaction in the service, that something in the nature of a safety valve should be provided, and for providing this safety valve I suggest to the Minister that a special Committee of the Oireachtas should be immediately set up. That Committee would go into those matters and having discussed and examined them, it would subsequently draw up a report for submission to the Minister. There is no reason whatever why the Minister himself should not be represented on that Committee. Out of that might evolve something in the nature of a conciliation committee or an arbitration committee, call it any name you like. To this Committee matters of this kind could be submitted. As one who has had some acquaintance with and some working knowledge of committees of that character, I am confident that it would be a lasting benefit to the Minister's Department and to the State in general.

The Whitley Councils in Great Britain, whilst they have met with a certain amount of opposition and a certain amount of condemnation from people holding, let us say, Communistic views, and while they have met with opposition from many of the employing classes, have achieved a considerable amount of good. I am at once prepared to admit that you have impossible people on both sides in labour disputes. You have extremists, as they are commonly called, on one side and on the other. I do suggest to the Minister that he might consider this proposal of mine. These Whitley Councils have been found to give very good results across Channel, and I feel certain from what I know personally of the House, that in the way I have suggested we would be able to get a Committee which might evolve some scheme that might be of assistance to the Minister's Department and to the whole State.

The joint industrial councils across Channel are doing very useful work, and I suggest that this Committee of the Oireachtas might usefully take a leaf out of the book of the joint industrial councils established in Britain. In these councils you have both sides represented and in that way strikes are frequently obviated. I am not going to suggest that civil servants are going on strike. Whilst there is no such suggestion there is nothing to prevent them going on strike. I want the Minister to give some serious consideration to that suggestion of mine with regard to conciliatory machinery which I want set up in the interests of the State. I feel that in asking for that I am not asking for much.

I wish to join with the other Deputies in asking the Minister to expedite as much as he can the refund of payments made by those who contributed to the Dáil Loan. In the county I represent there are very large numbers of Dáil subscriptions outstanding, and many of the subscribers to these loans are very poor persons. To some these moneys would be a very small item, but to many of those people to whom I refer the repayment of that money would be very welcome now. I have investigated a very large number of claims. Some of them have been paid, a very large number of them remain unpaid. I hope the settlement of these sums will be a matter that will be taken up and dealt with very expeditiously by the Minister's Department in the near future.

I am aware that there are many difficulties about this matter. I know many persons who subscribed to the Dáil Bonds but who afterwards lost their receipts or tore them up and burned them at the time when the Black and Tans were raiding their houses. These people are not now able to produce their receipts. In many cases the people who subscribed hold letters from responsible people showing that their claims are genuine. In many other cases they are able to produce the blocks of the cheques. It is certainly a hardship on these people who were so patriotic at that time that they had to wait so long for the payment of that money. I certainly want to press very strongly on the Minister to have these matters dealt with, and I do hope that my appeal will receive the immediate attention of his Department, and that the cases which appear on the face of them to be genuine and to be supported by clear proof will be immediately settled.

I desire to support the remarks of Deputy Shaw and the other Deputies who have spoken on the matter of the payment of the Dáil Bonds. I notice that last night, in reply to Deputy Carty, that the Minister promised that by the end of this financial year a very small amount of money will be left outstanding and a very small number of cases will remain undealt with. I think that promise has already been made in this House. If there has been an improvement I think the Minister might have told us when that improvement took place. I am aware of cases where Deputies have asked for particulars of the amount of money returned or not returned to subscribers.

In these cases we were told it would take too much trouble and that it would be difficult to ascertain it. It is not difficult at all for Deputies to be annoyed by correspondence from large numbers of these people looking for the payment of these moneys and to whom these sums mean a great deal. It is no difficulty for Deputies to be dealing with that correspondence and to be confronted with all these cases. When correspondence from these people ceases it does not mean that the money has been refunded or that the claims have been met. It is because the people have grown disgusted, because after having written to Deputies to take up this matter they find there is no result. If the Minister has discovered a method of dealing with these suspense cases I wish he would let the House know what that method is.

There are different types of cases. There is the type of case where the money never reached Dublin, but still, where the Department does not deny that the money was paid and where there is strong local evidence to show that the money was paid. I think in such cases the State is under an obligation to return the money which was subscribed in good faith, and which reached the local collectors. If that money did not reach headquarters the subscriber is not responsible. Some attention should be paid in other cases where the collectors have disappeared, but where evidence can be got to show that the money was paid. There are cases where the collectors have emigrated. In cases where the collectors are available and where there has been a great deal of abuse and discredit attached to them locally because of the fact that the money was paid to them in the first instance and that it has not yet been refunded, I submit that even in these cases where the collectors have submitted a list of the names and made a statement that the money was collected by them and was forwarded, the Minister and his Department should in fact accept these statements. I refer to cases where there was no receipt but where we carried out the instructions that were given from headquarters.

My experience of this branch of the Department of Finance is that whatever the intentions of the officers in charge might be they are very slow in carrying them out. Whether it is another section of the Ministry that is responsible for vetoing their recommendations or whether it is that branch itself that is responsible for the delay I do not know. In my opinion, the delay that is occasioned is causing more annoyance to people than the whole thing is worth. What makes me feel doubtful about the bona fides of the Minister is that I have heard him talk about the carelessness of the subscribers in the sending in of their applications to the Department. This section of the Department has been working for a great number of years. It has not been suggested to anybody how the applications should be made. Why is there not some form drawn up and supplied to the people through which they could furnish information? The Minister tells us that the claimants have not made proper application for these moneys. Yet his Department has never taken steps to give these people a chance to make their applications properly. He could do that by supplying them with forms on which the particulars of the loans could be entered. He also says that some of these people are themselves responsible for the delay, and he speaks of the attitude that pervades the people responsible and says that if some of these people did really wish to get their money back they might have furnished the particulars.

Then the Minister says that many of these people subscribed not to the Dáil Bonds but to the fund for self-determination, or to some other fund. Considering that some of these people whose cases are still outstanding live in inaccessible places and are not in the habit of carrying on correspondence, and are not instructed in the matter, more consideration might be given by the Department. I would appeal to the Minister to set up as soon as possible a committee to go into this matter. I know his good intentions have induced him to put the best side of the case to the House. If he has not discovered a method of dealing with suspense accounts such a committee might be able, within a few months, to come to a definite decision on the remaining cases, and he could come to a decision on the basis of their recommendations.

I desire to support the appeal made for the more expeditious settlement of the outstanding claims in connection with the Dáil Loan. I know the principal cause of the delay is the fact that proper records were not furnished to the Department of Finance by the people responsible for making the collections. That was very plainly pointed out to me in the constituency of Leix and Offaly. For Leix a very accurate and up-to-date record is available in the Department of Finance, but the same position does not exist in regard to Offaly. I am glad to say that the person responsible for providing such an accurate record of the very large amounts raised in subscriptions for the Dáil Loan in Leix is now one of the principal heads of the Minister's Department that is dealing with this matter. It redounds to the credit of this man that such an accurate record has been made available for the Minister. There should be some effort made to hasten the repayments of these moneys. It is no pleasure to a person to have to make repeated applications for refund with interest of his subscription, and to receive successive acknowledgement forms sent out by the Department. It is a good business idea to acknowledge the receipt of the original application, but the second and further applications should be retained in the Minister's Department until such time as some clerical officer is in a position to give the applicant a definite reply one way or another. I hope that will be done in connection with the applications which still remain to be dealt with. It is a waste of time and money to be sending these people continuous acknowledgment forms which are really only a source of irritation rather than a source of satisfaction to the persons concerned.

About two years ago the Committee of Public Accounts dealt with the question of the legality of payments of military service pensions. A recommendation was made by the Committee, and it was subsequently referred to in this House, as a result of which the Minister promised that necessary amending legislation would be introduced to regularise the payment of military service pensions. I want to know when does the Minister propose to introduce the necessary amending legislation.

I make a very strong appeal also to the Minister in support of Deputy Anthony's statement about the ban affecting promotion in the Civil Service. I earnestly ask him to see that that ban is withdrawn. I know a good many Civil Servants, and it is not an exaggeration on my part to say that the lower ranks of the service are seething with discontent as a result of the ban, which to me is inexplicable. Almost every big business corporation in this country recruits its clerical and other administrative staffs through the medium of open competitive examination. Why is that so? It has been forced upon the banks, the railways, Guinness's Brewery, and other big concerns, through agitation created and fostered by the shareholders, who felt that in the past the different positions in these firms were nothing more than a nursery for the relations and friends of the heads of the firms. As a result of the agitation fathered and fostered by the shareholders, supported by public opinion, a position has now been reached when it is possible for men to enter through open competitive examination and take up positions in any of those big business concerns. They can start in the lowest position and gain the highest administrative post if their abilities permit them to do so.

Through the force of public opinion, through the electors and through the elected representatives of the people who were at the time responsible for affairs, the British Government had to do the same thing in so far as the Civil Service was concerned. Open competitive examination, generally speaking, is the best indication that we can get— it is not always accurate—of candidates' qualifications for clerical or administrative posts in any concern, including the Civil Service. Is there any Minister or Deputy who will have the hardihood to say that a clerical officer or a person holding a lower position in the Service is not more competent for one of the higher posts than any man who may come with a degree from a University? I take off my hat to the young man or young woman who, by means of State grants and their own energies, are able to take out degrees such as B.A., M.A., or B.Sc.

There are too many of them.

I suggest, however, that experience is a far greater qualification for a man, and the experienced man is in a more favourable position than any product of a University who has merely a degree. There is an opinion held very largely in the Civil Service, especially in the lower ranks, that there is too high a premium being placed on those who hold University degrees. I am sorry that Deputy de Valera, who is the Chancellor of the National University, is not here. He would be able to tell us whether he, as Chancellor, would regard as better qualified for an administrative position in the Civil Service the man who simply holds a degree but has absolutely no experience of administrative work, or the man who, though he might not have a degree, would yet have to his credit years of experience in the Service. I read an advertisement issued by the Civil Service Commissioners recently inviting application for five junior administrative posts that were then vacant. It is quite possible all those positions will be filled by men who never had any experience in the Civil Service. They will probably be brought in from the ranks of the unemployed because they are University students who hold degrees and who are looking for suitable employment.

Let us suppose that one of these vacancies exists in the Land Commission. Does the Minister or any Deputy suggest that a clerical officer with 30 years' experience of the Land Commission is not a more suitable person to be promoted to the position than a man taken in off the street who may have degrees but who has no experience of the technical work of the Land Commission? The same thing applies to every other administrative post in the Service. The present practice is nothing more or less than an invitation to discontented conditions in the Service. That position should not be allowed to continue. The people who forced the British Government of the day to recruit their servants through the medium of open competitive examination had it in their minds that it would be possible, especially under an Irish Government, for the men who came in at the bottom through competitive examination, if they had the brains, experience and energy, to go from the lowest to the highest positions in the Service. If that is the policy adopted by the big business corporations, the same policy ought to be good enough for the Irish Civil Service. I hope the Minister will withdraw that ban in the interests of the Service and in the interests of good Government. I hope that the men who are employed as clerical officers—and many of them too have degrees—will be given an opportunity to attain the higher positions. They are rightly entitled to such promotion and well qualified to take it.

I want to draw attention to a small matter which affects a number of civil servants. Attention has been drawn to it already, but perhaps it did not come under the Minister's notice. The Civil Service Clerical Association some time ago directed the following communication to be sent to the Minister:

"I am directed by my Executive Council to refer to the starting-pay of five ex-sorting clerks and telegraphists serving in the Engineer-in-Chief's office of your Department who were promoted to the Clerical Grade on the 1st April, 1926, and to point out that these officers have not been granted the special allowance of £20 in accordance with established practice. It has been represented to my Executive that these officers have been engaged on duties proper to the Clerical Grade for a period of three years and that officers in a similar position who were transferred to other Departments two years later were promoted to the Clerical Grade with special increments. Having regard to the fact that appointments of a similar nature are not likely to occur in the future and that all other promotees from the Sorting Clerk and Telegraphist Grade to the Clerical Class received the special grant of £20, I am directed to request that arrangements be made to have the terms of appointment of the officers concerned revised in order that the special increment of £20 may be granted in accordance with established precedent. I am to express the hope that you will favour me with a reply at an early date."

To this communication the following reply was sent:—

"In reply to your letter of the 25th ultimo respecting certain Post Office Assistants promoted to the Clerical Class in the Engineering Branch of this Department, I have to state that the starting pay on promotion was fixed by the Minister for Finance after full consideration of all the circumstances and that this Department would not be justified in seeking a revision of the Finance decision which is regarded as final."

In the original letter which has been forwarded to the head of that particular Department I think that good grounds are contained for feeling that there is a grievance on the part of this small group of men. I would request the Minister to call for the file and see whether he could not remedy that grievance.

There are a number of Dáil Loan cases in Waterford. In some cases difficulty has arisen owing to the fact that the preliminary certificate, which, of course, is generally taken as prima facie evidence that it is all right, was signed by a person who took a very prominent part in the movement and who is still prominent, but his method was to sign a number of receipts, and afterwards they were handed to people and filled in. It was like filling in a blank cheque. There is no doubt that many people have not received their money back owing to this unsatisfactory arrangement. There were other collections made at public meetings. where people were given to understand that the money they gave was being given to the Dáil Loan. These are examples of some of the most difficult cases that have to be dealt with. I suggest to the Minister that the ordinary rule of equity holds good, even in the case of the Ministry of Finance, and that there is a duty on the debtor to seek the creditor and pay him. The person who owes money should seek the person to whom it is owed, but the attitude of the Minister is that you not only have to knock at the door, but you have also to get well inside before you have any chance of being paid. For that reason I think it is only fair that the Minister should accept the suggestion of Deputy Derrig, that a committee should be appointed to deal with difficult cases so that there may be no breach of what has been a very sacred trust. I am sure that the Minister will agree that it was a sacred trust, because the money was paid at a time when really it was an act of heroism to pay it. The Government should not be found wanting in fulfilling that trust, even though it should be found that money was paid in a few cases where it was not clearly proved that it was due.

I wish to refer to a matter mentioned by Deputy Davin in regard to discontent amongst lower grade civil servants. There seems to be an erroneous impression abroad that the majority of civil servants are highly remunerated. Anyone who knows the facts knows that that is not so. The majority of civil servants are in clerical grades. The present salary at entrance ranges from £70 to £150 per annum. On behalf of these grades, and not on behalf of the higher paid officials, I wish to speak. Reference has been made to the discontent existing amongst those grades, and I would point out that no effective machinery for negotiation or for arbitration is in existence. It is true that there is what is known as a Representative Council but, so far as that Council is concerned, it has been condemned and ignored by the majority of civil servants who do not believe that, as at present constituted, the Council could be effective. In fact it is looked on as a glorified admiration society whose policy is "you pat my back and I pat yours."

It should be recognised that machinery which has not the confidence of the majority of civil servants fails to achieve the purpose for which it has been set up. Some time ago I understand that the Civil Service Clerical Association made suggestions to the Minister in regard to the re-organisation of the Council. Amongst the suggestions were the following: (1) That the Council should have power to arrive at decisions. I understand that, so far as the Council is concerned, although it can consider certain questions it has no power to arrive at conclusions. The staff believes that it should have such power). (2) That full-time officials of Service Organisations should be entitled to attend meetings as representatives of the staff side. (3) That the Council should have the right to appoint its own chairman, who should not be a civil servant. (4) That the Department of Finance should furnish the representatives of the staff side, prior to meetings of the Council, with replies to memoranda on cases which appear on the agenda of the Council. (5) That no action should be taken by the Department of Finance in relation to matters which are on the agenda of the Council while such matters are still sub-judice. (6) That a joint report of the proceedings should be submitted personally to the Minister by the secretaries of both sides.

These suggestions have been submitted to the Minister but so far he has not given a decision. I submit that the Representative Council could function more effectively than it is functioning because at present it has not the confidence of the lower grades and discontent in the Civil Service does not tend to efficiency. Another matter on which Deputy Anthony has spoken is the ban on promotion. In my opinion it has been referred to erroneously as a ban on promotion. It would be more correct to describe it as a ban on efficiency. At present writing assistants cannot go to the clerical grades. There is a ban on promotion from one grade to another and there is also a ban on promotion from the clerical to the executive grade. No matter how much ability a person in a clerical grade might display he is prevented from proceeding to the higher grade. In commercial concerns, such as banks and railways, where a number of clerks are employed it is realised that the most efficient people are those who have graduated step by step in the service. The Minister apparently has not realised that although it exists in Britain. I understand when it was first put into operation it was mentioned that the ban was only to exist for two years. As that period has elapsed the Minister should remove the ban as it does not tend to bring about more efficient civil servants.

Another matter to which I desire to refer is the application made by lower paid civil servants to the Minister's Department to have their salaries paid bi-monthly instead of monthly. There is no doubt that those with small salaries find it awkward to carry on from month to month. It would require very little reorganisation and no additional expenditure to carry out their wishes and to pay them bi-monthly. I hope that the Minister will consider these matters as a discontented Civil Service is not an efficient one.

I want to deprecate the tendency on the part of Deputy Davin, when raising this matter, to speak of civil servants on one side and university graduates on the other. I do not think there is any necessity that their claims, whatever claims they may have should be made to rival each other in such an absolute manner as has been done by Deputy Davin, and to some extent also by Deputy Anthony. I agree with what Deputy Cassidy said—that it is altogether erroneous to talk about civil servants being overpaid. It can be said of all grades of civil servants that, if anything, they are rather underpaid. I am very much inclined to agree with those Deputies who urged the Minister, if possible, to remove the ban that exists on promotion in order to allow competent civil servants to make their way to higher grades. At the same time I think the Dáil should bear in mind that while experience has its value in the Civil Service, and while nobody should stand over admitting inexperienced university graduates to important Civil Service posts, there is also a disqualification perhaps attaching to some extent to people who have spent many years in a Civil Service Department, and who went into the Civil Service with no very high standard of education or initial qualifications. This country, like every other modern country, tends to become more bureaucratic. and nothing conduces more to the setting up of bureaucracy than the creation of a purely professional Civil Service, or civil servants whose qualifications are derived almost entirely from the experience of running an office and nothing else. For that reason though I should like to see the ban lifted to some extent. I should also deprecate any tendency to recruit the higher grades of the Civil Service exclusively from the lower grades.

The Minister has recently explained to the Dáil that the method of recruitment for administrative posts has been changed, and that an effort is being made to find for administrative posts men who combine with university qualifications as much experience of business and public life in general as possible. Some system like that would seem to be the best to adopt, while at the same time, if possible, allowing all those members of the lower Civil Service, who show real capacity and who, in addition, possess really high educational qualifications, apart from their administrative experience, to make their way from the lower to the higher grades.

In regard to the question under consideration at the moment, I think I can say on behalf of our Party that we would be particularly anxious to see that there is no barrier in the way of promotion, provided that promotion were not automatic and that the determining factor in making promotion was efficiency rather than length of service. Having said that we hope, provided that it can be done in accordance with that principle, the Ministry will lift whatever ban has been placed on promotion since 1926. There is another matter to which I would like to refer. That is the case of a civil servant who was recently reinstated by the Minister as from a date early last year. I refer to the case of Dr. Murphy. I do not want to press the point unduly, but I think that the Minister by reinstating him has possibly felt that the previous action towards Dr. Murphy was over-harsh. I do not want to enter into the merits or demerits of the dismissal of Dr. Murphy, but it does seem to me that if it had not been for the circumstances which then prevailed. Dr. Murphy would not have been dismissed for what he did. He was a civil servant with a considerable number of years service, right back for 37 years. He had entered the Civil Service in a very humble way and had risen to be a responsible civil servant. In the early days of the Provisional Government, at any rate, he placed his experience at the disposal of the Government, irrespective of his own political opinions. He was a loyal, efficient civil servant. He did not permit his private view, at the outset nor at any time, to interfere with the effective discharge of his duties.

When the civil war broke out things which we all lament occurred and Dr. Murphy was a sufferer. He took a step in what he considered was an extreme emergency to approach certain Deputies in the Dáil, not in relation to anything which was occurring in the Civil Service or in his Department, but in relation to something which occurred in his home. I think he was in the circumstances justified, if his statements were true, and we are not in a position to say, if the things which he alleged did in fact occur, even though he was a civil servant, he was quite entitled in his capacity as a private citizen, as the head of a household and of a family, to approach, if he possibly could, the representatives of the people with a view to seeing that they, by bringing legitimate pressure on the Executive, would prevent these things happening. It was held that he was guilty of misconduct and he was dismissed from the Service. Afterwards the Minister for Finance, in view of certain considerations—I do not know what they may have been—reinstated Dr. Murphy from a date in February last year, and he was then permitted to retire on pension.

The point I wish to bring before the House is that at the time he received notice of his dismissal he had already applied to be permitted to retire under Article 10 of the Treaty. In the normal course that permission would have been automatically given unless the Provisional Government at the time thought that they should ask him or try to offer him some inducement to remain in the Service. If he had been permitted to retire, when first he applied, he would have been in receipt of a pension from 1922. As it was he has been deprived of any salary and has been disemployed for at least six years and, of course, the amount of pension which he might have received if he had been permitted to retire in 1922. In view of that and of what has since transpired, I think the Minister should consider whether he would not grant Dr. Murphy his arrears of pension since 1922. If we are going to be generous and considerate, and if we are going to reverse our previous action in any way. I think we should go the whole way. I think we should wipe the whole thing out, make a clean slate, and repay to Dr. Murphy the arrears of pension he has lost by reason of the fact that instead of being given permission to retire in 1922 he was dismissed summarily for reasons which I think the Minister on reconsideration will agree were over-harsh.

I would like some information from the Minister as to what the position is at the moment in connection with the transfer of the Irish Lights service. I took occasion during the passage of the Minister's Vote last year to refer to the position which prevailed in so far as pensioners in the Irish Lights service on this side of the Channel were concerned. I pointed out then that the Trinity Board people pointed out to the pensioners who had applied for better conditions that the Minister for Finance refused to sanction the payment of a bonus on the Irish cost of living figure. The Minister then promised immediately to have the matter investigated but up to now I have not received any answer to that point. One of my principal reasons for wanting to have the service transferred is that I am in a position to state that the attendance on the ships is anything but what it should be. I have known where men have not had attendance and food given to them for a fortnight over the time when it should be given. As the position stands now no proper representation can be made to any responsible Department. I think it would be better in the very near future that the service should be taken over by our own Government. I would like the Minister to say what is the position of the Irish cost of living figure, as far as lights service men are concerned.

There is another matter. That is the question of the appointment of temporary clerks. People were temporary up to the time a confined examination was held in 1925. A circular issued by the Minister for Finance in that year indicated to anybody's mind with any sort of commonsense that the period for which they were doing temporary duty was to be taken notice of and that they were to be given credit for it. It was so clear that even the Department to which these men were sent after passing the examination paid an amount of money which showed that that Department at least took cognisance of the paragraph to show that they were of the opinion that the time spent in the temporary service of another Department should be given credit for. It was with great surprise after being in the Department of Industry and Commerce for two months after the appointment was made that these people found their salary cut down considerably with the result that in fourteen or fifteen cases their position since their appointment has been worsened to the extent on the average of 15/- per week. The people concerned are very much discontented because, as was pointed out by my colleagues, it is not desirable that there should be discontent in a service like the Civil Service. We are of the opinion that an explanation should be forthcoming from the Minister as to why these people were not treated in accordance with promises made by him or his Department in a circular issued on the 13th May, 1925, previous to the confined examination which was held the same year. We would be very glad if the Minister would deal with that matter and let us know why the promise made in that circular was not carried out

As this seems to be the Vote under which we can discuss the question of salaries, I wish to draw the attention of the Minister to the other side of the picture, namely, the very high salaries paid in all those Departments and the question that those salaries still carry with them a bonus. Those are the higher salaries from £800 to £1,500. I think, owing to the present condition of the taxpayer, it is time that that policy should cease very definitely. At present, seeing that those who are to find the money for all those salaries, namely, the farming community, have no bonus, and that there is no question of payment of overtime for them, I would like him to look into it from that point of view. After all, the farming community have to face a condition of affairs in this part of Ireland at present which those in the same walk of life in neighbouring countries have not to face. We have to face the payment of rates which those who compete have not to pay. I think in the circumstances it is unfair and unjust to pay a cost of living bonus on salaries ranging. from £800 to £1.500. I think it is time that the Minister for Finance should look into it and put an end to it. I will also state that there is very unfair discrimination between the lower salaried people all round. We have cut after cut in their cases and we notice no cut whatsoever in the case of those gentlemen who are intrenched behind the barbed wire of officialdom. I had hoped from time to time from the commonsense point of view to see the Minister doing it, but that is a thing which he did not do. I move to report progress.

The Dáil went out of Committee. Progress reported.
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