I have seen no evidence anywhere in County Cork or in the other counties I travelled of a disposition not to pay rates. I have seen the very poorest men struggle in order to pay their rates. "Whatever about the annuities," they said, "we have got to pay our rates." There was an impulsive Irish feeling in favour of maintaining the people who were not able to maintain themselves. That feeling was not confined to Cork but was common to the State. Let me continue the case I was making. There was an increased liability on us for that year of £115,000. I admit that the first £56,000 could be foreseen, but the subsequent amount could not and no provision could be made for it. The county council was enabled to carry on only by the generosity of the bank in increasing their overdraft. I know that the Minister will point to the sum of £300,000, our share of which was £24,000. The Minister did not tell us that that £24,000 was in full and complete payment of the cumulative arrears of £63,000 and that we are to expect no more. That is the story of last year's activities.
What is before us this year? On Thursday last we got notification that we were to have deducted from us a sum of £118,000. I shall deal with that point briefly. Leaving aside for the moment the disastrous effects on the rates of the Minister's action in connection with the unpaid annuities, what is the position of the Guarantee Fund to which the Minister has referred? The Guarantee Fund, as its name implies, was created to repay out of moneys due to the local authorities the principal and interest on bonds held by people who advanced money to the Irish tenant farmer and thus enabled him to buy his land and become the owner of his farm. The Guarantee Fund was established for that purpose and no other. When that liability is publicly accepted by another authority, when the two things covered by the Guarantee Fund are being met by another authority and no other obligation is placed on that Guarantee Fund, I question the necessity for a Guarantee Fund at all. What was the Fund created for? To repay principal and interest on moneys advanced to the Irish farmer. That is being met by the British authorities, as has been publicly admitted. Therefore, the object of the Guarantee Fund ceases. Does the Minister accept that in answer to his question of a few moments ago? I go somewhat farther. When the liability which the Guarantee Fund was created to meet is met in the way I have described, it is doubtful whether there can be deductions for any other purpose. In my opinion, deductions for any other purpose are unjustifiable. The Minister's exercise of his power does not justify his action. But the Minister has not yet finished with us. For the conditions which have been brought about, the activities of the Minister are far more responsible than the activities of the non-paying ratepayer. The Minister sends us Orders by which we are compelled to repay certain borrowed moneys. We borrowed from the British Board of Works sums of money to build hospitals, cottages and similar structures. We have those buildings. In this case there can be no claim of inherited right, as in the case of the annuities. This was an ordinary contractual obligation between borrower and lender. We are now fulfilling our obligation. As the Minister knows, if we do not pay by a certain date, we are charged penal interest and even compound interest in respect of that penal interest. We transmit to the Minister £67,000 every year in this regard. Does the Minister transfer that money to the purpose for which it is owing? On what grounds does he hold it? As I said, there is no claim of inherited right in this case. It is an ordinary transaction between borrower and lender, but the Minister holds the money and uses it for Treasury purposes. If, in his opinion, it was not good tactics to transmit the money at the present time to the proper authority, surely, knowing our financially embarrassed position, he might have left it with us. What is the use of blaming the ratepayer when the Minister acts as he did in this case?
We hold that the least that might be expected from the Minister would be not to collect that money from us but, above and beyond all, we hold emphatically that the Ministry has no power to devote that money for purposes for which it was never intended. In many other ways, the Minister has increased our liabilities by indirect taxation, by Customs duties on medicines and requirements for hospitals and by the coal duty of 5/- per ton.
The Minister, in his late activities, by applying protection and by various subsidies is increasing the burden upon the ratepayers. Then his recent stamp duty is another imposition. All this goes to prove that by every means, such as the withholding our grants and compelling us to pay moneys which are devoted to other purposes than that for which they were intended, and by a load of indirect taxation the burden on the ratepayers is greatly increased. And although the burden of the local authorities was foreshadowed by the Minister for Lands on February 10th, the Minister for Finance must accept the premier responsibility. The Minister for Local Government and Public Health in his demands for increased services has contributed something; not much. I support the Minister when his demands are for services that are in the interests of the State. Considering the power of the ratepayers, I shall support him with that limitation. I say that he and his Department—I hope he will not take it in any offensive way—have my most sincere sympathy because the activities of the other Departments of the State are rendering his Department practically impossible to carry on. I would like to point out to the Minister, as he must be aware, that he has the premier responsibility for the welfare of the local authorities of the country. After all, we are one great unit of which the Minister and his Department are head. The people in the country are contributing to the work of his Department and the least we may look for is protection from the marauding excursions of the Minister for Finance.
The sum of £30,000 was deducted from our grants in 1933-34; £60,000 in 1934-35; and this year the estimate is £80,000. In his confusion and in his desire to protect himself the Minister for Finance has deducted these sums. What better proof could there be of the inability of the ratepayers to meet their obligations? These amounts which should have been paid to the local authorities were agreed to by all sections of the community and the Minister's own Department sanctioned them. What better proof could there be of the need for these grants than the acquiescence of the Minister and his Department and of every member of our County Council that these sums should be transferred? By his action he has himself agreed that the ratepayers are unable to meet their liabilities. I am aware that the Minister is going to give a supplementary grant of £30,000, little more than one half of a month's requirements. It will help, but it is very little, considering what the Minister for Finance has deducted in the last two years—practically £230,000.
Here is one of my principal reasons for supporting the motion before the House. The Minister is aware that when these grants are given they are applied altogether to agricultural land. When they are withdrawn the loss falls on the general body of the ratepayers. The people in an urban area are made liable for the unpaid rates and the unpaid annuities in the county. They have no redress at all. The taxpayer, even with the least bit of furniture, is liable to have it confiscated for a debt for which he is not liable. That is quite wrong. It is quite sufficient for the ratepayers to try to meet the obligations for which they are liable without having to pay the unpaid rates and annuities of other people.
As I said, one of the reasons why I support this motion is the utter helplessness of the local authorities to protect the ratepayers. I have dealt with the effect of the deductions made by the Minister for Finance from local authorities, and I have dealt a little with the efforts of the Minister for Local Government to deal with these matters. I do not want to deal with the general policy of the Minister in depriving people of the power to find redress. I confine myself merely to pointing out that the only answer we get from the Ministerial benches is their weakness to enforce the payment of rates and annuities. That is an exaggerated and indeed a nonsensical claim. All the evidence is to the contrary. The Government were presented with a petition and a resolution from my own County Council, moved and drafted by a supporter of the Ministry, bearing evidence of the admitted distress of the community. Even in the court yesterday a former Minister for Justice in the present Government bore testimony to the impoverished condition of the people. What further evidence is necessary?
What is the use in saying there is an organised attempt to withhold the payments of rates and annuities? I know there was some slight, despairing and futile efforts by some people to resist seeing the danger of their livelihood and the security of their families being swept away. These indiscretions gave the Ministry a kind of smoke screen to hide behind in order to cover up the disastrous effects of their own policy. One of the things that we get from the Government Benches when they try to explain away the position is that some people are trying to destroy the credit of this country. No man can destroy the credit of this country; no politician and no agitator can destroy the credit of this country. The credit of this country was built up by the generations that went before us, availing to the full of all the opportunities offered by external trade. The millions invested outside the country, the millions on deposit, the Savings Certificates all guarantee that, as a nation, small as we are, we stand unrivalled in the amount of our assets over liabilities, so do not hurl at us again the accusation that we destroyed the credit of the State. What we are doing is questioning the misery that has been brought on the country.
As to our internal welfare, there is the embarrassed position of local authorities, the uncertain position of everybody on whom the welfare of this State is built—farmers, business people and workers, and everybody who in any way contributes to the upkeep of the State. I do not want to develop that any further, but the Minister, the House and the country thoroughly understand the implication. Everybody on whom the State is built up is embarrassed. What is it to them individually—the credited position of the country I refer to? There is no use telling a business man who has no credit and who is being pressed by people who gave credit to him, that this country is a creditor country and there is no use in telling it to the unfortunate farmer who is bringing home his stock from the fair, with the sheriff waiting for him, and when he cannot get any credit or meet his liabilities. What does it matter to the worker of a local authority which cannot pay him whether the national budget is balanced or not? He knows that he cannot balance his own. Is there any necessity to deal with that any further? There is not a member of the House, no matter on what bench he sits, who is not as well aware of the facts as I am and who could not tell harrowing incidents as well as I could. Why then cover it up?
Up to the year 1922 there were no deductions from the agricultural grant. From 1922 to 1932 the amount deducted from my county in respect of unpaid annuities was £13,000. In the last two years the Minister has deducted £164,000. There is not a representative of a local authority on any of the benches who is not aware of the impending collapse of local authorities through the activities of the Minister for Finance and the inability of the ratepayers in present circumstances to carry the burden. Every one of them, it matters not on what bench he sits, will appear before the investigation committees now being got up in every local authority to appeal for mercy for people unable to pay their rates. It is quite evident and everybody knows it.
It is only a few short months ago since they all—we all, if you like, and I am one of them—appealed to the electors for a mandate to preserve the public services which they require and to preserve the institutions they require. I challenge any one of them to deny that in present circumstances these institutions cannot be helped and I put it to them: Are they now going to repudiate the undertakings they gave to the electors or are they going to bring pressure to bear on the Minister to give the necessary finances to maintain those local authorities? I do not wish to delay too long, but as I see the position and from the figures of deductions which I have given—and I submit no one can challenge the figures—the Minister has three courses open to him. The first is to accept the motion. The second course is the course in respect of which I appeal to the representatives of local authorities who got the confidence of the people in their efforts to preserve the services essential to a civilised State, to bring pressure to bear on the Minister, so that, if he cannot see his way to accept the motion, he will refund the entire grants due to us.
The Minister, with as intimate a knowledge as any man in this House can claim, with as keen an association with, and as active an interest in, local government, knows that I have given unstintingly of all I was capable for eight or nine years, since the new state of things arose in this country, and I did it for one reason—I could not stand under the accusation levelled by others that we were unable to govern ourselves. I said that it did not suit me to be in public life. Politics had no attraction for me, but the honour of my country appealed to me and when it was hurled at us that we were unable to legislate for or govern our country, I said: "It is clearly my duty to go in and do what I possibly can." The Minister knows well that, for eight years, I have given unremitting attention and I point out to him now, with this knowledge, that there are three courses open to him—acceptance of this motion, returning to us our grants or the total collapse of the Ministry and the public services committed to his care.