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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 22 Feb 1940

Vol. 78 No. 13

Supplementary Estimates, 1939-40. - Vote 33—Gárda Síochána.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim Bhreise ná raghaidh thar £10 chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1940, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí an Ghárda Síochána maraon leis an Taca Síochána (Uimh. 7 de 1925, Uimh 10 de 1926, Uimh. 5 de 1937 agus Uimh. 28 de 1939).

That a Supplementary sum not exceeding £10 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending 31st March, 1940, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Gárda Síochána, including the Taca Síochána (No. 7 of 1925, No. 10 of 1926, No. 5 of 1937 and No. 28 of 1939).

This Estimate does not mean that there has been an increase in expenditure over the amount originally estimated for. At the beginning of the year the Minister mentioned that it would be necessary to recruit about 220 permanent men for the Gárda Síochána and provision was made for that number. When war broke out, and an emergency situation arose, precautions of an exceptional nature had to be taken, and it was felt that a much larger number of Guards would be required immediately. As that number would be in excess of the number provided for a new force was set up, called the Taca Síochána, on a temporary basis. The actual amount spent on that force in the year will not exceed the amount provided, for the Gárda Síochána. It was thought that 500 of these temporary people would be required, but finally authority was got for 400, and that figure was also revised, and the number is now somewhere in excess of 300. Already about 230 have been recruited, and about 100 more are in process of recruitment, or expecting to be called. All of them have been summoned and would be in the Depôt some time ago but for the frost, owing to which it was not found possible to provide for their training. I believe that about the 28th of this month the balance of these men will be due to arrive. Additional stores, clothing and equipment and medical stores are required. There is one other item in the Estimate, amounting to £6,500, required for a wireless transmitting equipment for Dublin and district. The provision of such an apparatus is long overdue. The idea is to have a transmitting set at headquarters in a suitable place, and to provide patrols, both foot, cycle and car patrols, with receiving sets. The car patrols will have a two-way apparatus, and can both send and receive messages.

Is it proposed to "jam" 2 R.N.?

Mr. Boland

As far as that is concerned, this is not the only country in the world where pirate sets were in being. We did capture one of them. I understand that another one is intermittently operating, but we hope to get that soon.

That was not what I meant. It was the "jamming" of 2 R.N.

Mr. Boland

The Deputy is too clever. This will meet a long-felt want.

Is this for calling all cars?

Mr. Boland

I am sorry we had not it in operation about Christmas, when it would have facilitated us very much. I do not agree with a statement made by Deputy Dillon that the Post Office here is as bad as he suggests, but it is not good enough to have to send out an S.O.S. to each station. It must be done simultaneously. As we felt that loss very much we have been trying to get this apparatus. Now that the difficulty is out of the way we hope as speedily as possible to instal this badly needed apparatus.

The Minister is not entitled to say that the Post Office was three days late in the information given about the raid on the Fort.

Mr. Boland

I never suggested any such thing. If there was a difference, not of ten minutes but only of one minute, it would have been of the greatest advantage to us. Everyone knows that if steps can be taken one or two minutes after an occurrence it makes the greatest difference.

Is not the Minister forgetting something? Were not some of the sentries at the Fort stone deaf?

That does not arise.

It would arise on this, arising out of the result of the Army inquiry, if we got it. Were not some of the sentries stone deaf? The lame, the halt and the blind were at the Fort.

Mr. Boland

We are making provision to advise instantly all posts of anything in the nature of a bank or other robbery.

And you send stone deaf men into a post. That will be great provision.

Mr. Boland

The Deputy is too clever.

We were told earlier in the year that it was proposed to recruit something like 200 extra Guards. That recruitment did not take place until the emergency occurred. Now the Minister told us that it was then proposed to recruit 500, that the number was then reduced to 400, then to 300, and that only 230 were recruited. This new force is differently described from the Gárda Síochána. What is the meaning of that? Are the members less reliable?

Mr. Boland

They are temporary.

And they will be pushed out subsequently?

Mr. Boland

Yes, they are liable to be.

I suggest to the Minister that that is not a good principle by any means. If you propose to take any men into the Gárda Síochána, do not let them be temporary men. You cannot do that with advantage to the State or to the service. If the Minister proposes to get 100 more I advise him not to get another 100, but to content himself with 230. Is it an advisable thing to have temporary policemen? They will not have the satisfaction of doing their duty properly, nor is it likely that their services will be of advantage to the State. Whatever the idea was, when it was originally proposed to increase the number to 500, and now to 400, and to call them temporary, it does not appear to me to be good business. I should like to have a further explanation of that. The Minister said nothing about sub-head H, Transport and Carriage, except that an additional sum was required for the purchase of a reserve stock of necessaries, and to meet a rise in the contract prices for petrol and spare parts. Does he intend to buy any new motor cars? The amount set out is £2,768, less savings on other subheads of £700.

Mr. Boland

I do not.

Within the last two years a number of Dodge cars have been purchased. There are cars made in the City of Cork, the Ford cars, which were used for State purposes for a great number of years. Suddenly the Minister launched out and bought a number of Dodge cars. Can he tell us what was the reason for the departure from the previous policy? I understand the new cars are more expensive. In the ordinary way, as far as local authorities are concerned, when it is proposed to advertise requirements, they are bound to accept the lowest tenders, and if the local authority exercises discretion by the purchase of an expensive car instead of an inexpensive car, the members of the local authority are surcharged. In this case, I think we ought to know what was the difference in price, what was the reason for the change, and so on.

The explanation for an increase in this force is not convincing. We got no reason for it. I looked up the returns of the numbers of Guards engaged by the Department over the last eight or nine years. I gave the figures here to the Minister for Finance, and I gave them as they are returned in the book issued under his name. I am speaking now of the ex-Minister for Finance. He opened up telephonic communication with the Gárda Síochána and he got different figures from those presented in the Estimates. I am not concerned with what untruths the Minister puts his name to, but he did put his name to this document, the Book of Estimates, and it appears in it every year-Seán MacEntee, Aire Airgeadais, February, 1939. That is all we can go on. The Minister, I am sure, does not expect us to ring up the headquarters of the Guards to see whether the numbers are correct, but apparently the Minister for Finance thought we should do so. The figures are up on the figures for 1932, and, as I have said in another place, we have no more peace here now than we had in 1932.

Mr. Boland

We have more work.

More work in keeping it?

Mr. Boland

There are Traffic Acts and other Acts which were not in force then.

Is that what the Taca Síochána are for?

Mr. Boland

No. I explained what they are for, if the Deputy had been anxious to listen.

More crime of a political tinge?

So far as traffic is concerned, there are traffic lights which were not set up in 1932, and they were put up at very considerable expense. Assuming that you have some road traffic services to be rendered, you are getting paid for them now, and, apart from the numbers being up, the costs are up in addition, but, strangely enough, the Minister told me that there were only 11 more Guards than in 1932, although the return shows—I could not say how many now as it is 12 months since I saw it——

It was in the hundreds.

It was, and I think the Minister ought to give the House more information on the point.

Unlike Deputy Cosgrave, I think there are more Guards wanted in certain parts of the country. I know rural areas where they have been understaffed for a number of months and, in consequence, I assume, of that, some of the Gárda did not receive any holidays at all last year. I should like to know from the Minister if that is the reason. There are a number of Guards in my constituency who got no holidays at all last year, and I submit that is a great hardship. One wonders if that is in consequence of the fact that some of these Gárda stations are understaffed.

There is one thing that the Minister did not tell us when introducing the Estimate, and that is the wage, salary, or whatever you like to call it, which the Taca Síochána are supposed to get. There was a statement published recently in the Dublin Press to the effect that these men were in receipt of only something like £2 or £2 5s. a week. I suggest to the Minister that to ask a man to take up the position of policeman at £2 or £2 5s. a week is a joke. I agree with Deputy Cosgrave in this respect. It is not desirable at all to have temporary Gárda, and especially it is very undesirable to have temporary Gárda at a wage of £2 or £2 5s. a week, because a great many temptations are put in the way of men in that position, and one might expect that some of them might take advantage of these temptations when they have such a low wage as £2 or £2 5s. I say that it is absolutely ridiculous that men should be recruited into the Gárda Síochána, that advantage should be taken of three or four of the best years of their lives at a small wage, and that they should then be thrown out on the scrap heap. I think the Minister ought to reconsider the position so far as wages are concerned, and that they should be paid a decent wage and, if at all possible, they should be taken into the permanent force.

I want to stress the points raised by Deputy Corish with regard to the subsidiary police force referred to in the Estimates as the Taca Síochána. My information is that the salary of the members of this force is round about £2 per week, but a more serious aspect of the matter is that this new body is widely known as the "cut-price police force," and I think that in respect of a State force of the importance of a police force, whose duty it is to keep the peace in difficult times, that will surely have a demoralising effect all round, and I should very much like the Minister to clarify the position with regard to these matters.

I do not believe in saying things under the rose that I am not prepared to say in the House, and to give the Minister a chance of answering. Is the Minister satisfied in his own mind that all the elements in the Gárda Síochána at present are dependable? That is the kind of thing nobody likes to say, but it is much better to say it in public and let the Minister answer it, than to listen to its being whispered all through the country, and preserve a kind of scared silence. Is there a Deputy who has not heard that rumoured in the country?

Mr. Boland

I think that most of it started from this House, unfortunately.

And here is the best place to settle it.

I certainly think it is a fact.

Mr. Boland

I have no evidence of it.

It will serve the Minister better to join with us in exertions to make an end of the rumour, or the root of the rumour. An efficient and effective police force is as necessary for him as it is for us, and it is as ardently desired, I have no doubt, by the Minister as it is by any Deputy on this side. He ought to rest assured that in any actions he deems it necessary to take to that end, he is certain of all the help he wants, and he might well remember that his predecessor had to take certain disciplinary measures and certain reforming measures and very little comment was made upon them because it was known that he was dealing with a difficult situation, albeit he was largely responsible for creating it. But when he made up his mind to deal with it, no new obstacles were put in his way and there was very little talk about the measures he felt it necessary to take. I am not going back on them now.

I suppose that when you enrol large numbers of men all of a sudden, you are liable to get some undesirable characters in, particularly in the circumstances in which the Minister's predecessor enrolled most of the new members of the Gárda Síochána. If a mistake is made then, let us not, for the purpose of saving face, persist in our error to the grave detriment of a very fine body, the Gárda Síochána. I am not satisfied that the personnel of the Gárda at present is completely satisfactory, and I think the Minister should take steps to improve it. I do not believe in victimising anyone. The toughest "egg" that ever appeared may turn over a new leaf and become a very good man. But I think it ought to be made perfectly clear that discipline is going appreciably to be tightened up in the Gárda Síochána, and that any man who fails to measure up to the highest requirements of discipline and integrity will be ruthlessly disposed of, no matter what his record.

I take so grave a view of the present situation that I urge Deputies on all sides of the House not to canvass the reasons for the situation that at present confronts us. Many of us may have different views as to what has created this situation. I believe it is there and that it is not an easy situation to remedy. So far as past incidents go, I urge Deputies not to go into them. But I recognise that a difficult situation exists that we have got to tackle. So far as the present circumstances are concerned, I have the utmost respect for the Chief Commissioner, but I think a gesture requires to be made in order to indicate quite clearly to the youngest Guard and the most senior chief superintendent, that there is going to be a general shake-up and reform. I suggest to the Minister that he should consider the appointment of an inspector-general of the Gárda, charged with the enforcement of discipline and the maintenance of proper standards throughout the ranks everywhere, in all stations, and on and off duty.

We heard a lot recently after the arsenal was robbed to the effect that, if the routine drill and procedure had been carefully observed, no one would have gone in there. Does any Deputy believe that the routine drill is carried through in every Gárda station to-day? Does the Minister believe that the routine drill is carried through in every Gárda station to-day? Does not everybody know that it is not? Does the Minister believe that the full precision of discipline is enforced by every superintendent and every chief superintendent to-day? Do we not all know that it is not? I fully recognise the hardship involved in a member of the Gárda keeping himself up to a very high standard of neatness and precision when he feels that a lower standard would do the job just as well. But, what that individual does not understand is that, unless a high and seemingly unnecessary standard is constantly maintained, a disaster analogous to the arsenal disaster could happen in a flash. It is the duty of the officers, of the high officers, understanding the importance of these things, to enforce them rigidly.

What I am afraid of is this, that if you have in the ranks of the Gárda Síochána a number of persons, be it a small number of persons, who are not doing their job, or who are acting the part of a sort of spies in the ranks, you are going to create throughout the ranks of the Gárda Síochána an atmosphere of distrust, suspicion, and uncertainty that paralyses it. I am apprehensive that that is happening. I want to try to restore the position in which the youngest member of the Taca Síochána and the most senior sergeant in the force knows that, if he does his duty strictly in accordance with the regulations, not even the Prime Minister himself will be able to do him injury without precipitating the resignation of the Minister for Justice.

That is not the present case. There is never smoke without fire. You ask the people of North County Dublin why certain sergeants were removed from stations there and sent down the country, and you will hear what the rumour is. You ask the average Guard down the country: "Is it expedient to enforce the licensing regulations on certain public houses?" and I do not think he would say to you: "I would not touch so-and-so's house," but what he will say is: "The less you have to do with the licensing business, the better for you. After hours, stay in the barracks; it is the safest place for you, because you never know where you are. If the publican is not able to wangle it on you, you may find some fellow in the public house, and he will destroy you if you prosecute him." Does not the Minister know that that suspicion is abroad? Honestly, there are many shortcomings of which I believe the Minister to be guilty; but I do not believe he wants that, and I do not believe the Chief Commissioner wants it. But some dramatic departure is requisite to reassure the Gárdaí up and down the country that it is not going to happen, and that, if officers below the chief superintendent attempt to interfere with the due course of justice and the proper execution of a Guard's duty, the most summary penalties will be visited on them.

I should like to draw attention to the fact that this is a Supplementary Estimate.

I want to be most strictly in order. I note that this is a token Estimate for salaries and pay which seems to me to open up the question.

Not general policy.

The general administration of the Gardá Síochána itself. I would not venture to do it, but I see this is a token Estimate which seems to me to open up that, especially in this connection. Of course, if it were out of order, that would put an end to the matter. I raise the matter because I have heard so much talk that I think it is dishonest to allow such talk to continue without giving the Minister a chance to grapple with it. I have gone to the Minister on another occasion in relation to rumours which were in circulation about landings on the Kerry coast and he agreed with me that the only way to dispose of rumours once they became formidable was to bring them out into the open and announce that you are going to deal with the evils which were alleged. I believe that there is substance in these rumours. I have not the experience of administration which many of my colleagues have and the Minister has acquired, but it does seem to me that one way of dealing with that situation would be to appoint an Inspector-General of the Gárda Síochana to cooperate with the Chief Commissioner for the purpose of ensuring that unreliable members of the Gárda Síochána will be disposed of summarily; that discipline in its highest sense would be restored from one end of the force to the other and that contact between the Gárda and the Gárda officers and between Gárda officers and headquarters would be effectively established and above all that it would be made clear to the Guards that if they found a T.D. or even a Minister committing any breach of the law and prosecuted him, they would be commended for their impartiality rather than victimised for their temerity. Now there are some details to which one might make reference but I do not propose to do so. I am I confess grieved that so fine a body of men as the Gárda Síochána should be suffered to disintegrate. As the Minister knows, I come from the County Mayo. The Minister is familiar with the County Roscommon. I have heard it said that in respect of the County Mayo, one could do anything at all with the Gárda because that was the ex-Minister's county. I do not know what the situation there now is, but I hope it is better than it was in the time of the ex-Minister. I do not know. None of us could hope to derive much benefit from making any observation on that head during the time when Deputy Ruttledge was Minister for Justice. During that time, at all events, the impression was abroad that one could not expect very much because no matter on what side the person was, the Gárdaí might find themselves acting against somebody who had been personating agent for the Minister for Justice at the last election and any Gárda or Gárda officer who interfered in such a case was foredoomed to failure.

Mr. Boland

It is a wonder the Deputy does not say that is the position now, too.

If I had to say it I would say it; I would expect the Minister to give me credit for that.

Mr. Boland

In view of what Deputy Dillon has said, is it any wonder we have these rumours? Is it any wonder when we find the deputy leader of the Opposition coming out with such talk, that such rumours are about? What hope can we possibly have to establish any sort of confidence when we have that sort of uncorroborated statement from the Deputy? I say to the Deputy that if he will produce one case where a Gárda was prejudiced for doing his duty I will have a full inquiry made into it and——

If the Minister is going to meet me on that line by saying "produce a specific case", I will say at once that I cannot. It cannot be done, and the Minister himself knows it cannot be done. No one suffers more from a disability of this sort than the Minister himself. The Minister knows what is going on, and I believe that if he could get a specific case he would act vigorously, but he cannot get a specific case. How could he? Supposing a Gárda does find himself rapped across the knuckles, would it be in his interest to go behind the Chief Commissioner's back and make a complaint of that kind? What would happen to him? Suppose I wrote to the Chief Commissioner or to the Minister that this man had come to me and made a complaint about them, does he not imagine what would happen? Does he not know that it would go on the man's file at Kilmainham, and that the next time that man was due for promotion that file would be turned up, and when it was immediately seen that this was the gentleman who had made the complaint——

I do not think that this is relevant on a Supplementary Estimate.

This is a Token Vote for the salaries, wages and pay of the Gárda Síochána for a sum of £10.

Has the Deputy looked at the other side of the leaflet?

It says "including the Taca Síochána".

If you look at sub-head E, there is clothing and equipment for the Gárda Síochána.

Yes, I believe I am in order, Sir. That leaves this deliberately open on a general debate of this kind. Coming back to the point I have been discussing, it is more difficult for a Deputy to get a specific case of that kind than it is for the Minister. I do not know whether the Minister feels that he is constrained to say that there is nothing in my case at all. I believe he knows there is. Now, I submit if the Minister says: "I am going out to deal with that and I will do all I possibly can to prevent it," more than half the battle would be won. If we can bring back to the individual Gárda the confidence he felt that so long as he did his duty impartially he was immune from exterior pressure of any kind, there is material in that force which is enough guarantee for satisfaction in the future. At the present the evil is in the suggestion (1) that if a Guard does his duty he will injure himself rather than be commended; the second point is the belief even amongst the Gárda that there are commissars on behalf of the Government anonymously watching the force; that there are certain sorts of privileged members of the force who have some kind of direct contact with the Minister at headquarters. That makes it extremely difficult to correct that situation and the only way, as I suggest, is a clear pronouncement from the Minister and the appointment of an inspector-general whose mandate will be supported by the Minister against all-comers. It is of vital importance that it should be brought home to the Gárda, new and old, that a higher standard of efficiency and the strict observance of the regulations will be required in the future and that anyone who fails to come up to that standard will be summarily disposed of lest his failure to meet the higher requirements should demoralise the whole force. That is a matter requiring urgent attention and I do not believe there is a Deputy in the House who does not agree with me in that, though some of them do not think it politic to do so publicly.

I just have a few remarks to make about Deputy Dillon's statement with regard to confidence in the Gárdaí. The Minister made a reference to the recent recruitment, and he said it was first intended to recruit a certain number. That number was increased but subsequently it was reduced and, finally, 230 men were recruited. Am I correct in assuming that these were not recruited through the Civil Service Commissioners? I know they were not.

Appointed by the Chief Commissioner?

Mr. Boland

I explained that here at the time.

May I ask the Minister if it is his intention in the future——

——in the matter of recruitment to the Guards to have the appointments made by the Chief Commissioner direct—that in future all appointments to the Gárdaí will be made by the Chief Commissioner?

Mr. Boland

Yes.

A Deputy

And no hanky-panky?

Yes, and no hanky-panky. I put it to the Minister that whether Deputy Dillon was right or not in mentioning these rumours there is a great suspicion that all of the 230 appointments that were made some time ago were not giving satisfaction to Deputies on the Government Benches and the position was that Deputies on the Government side and their supporters are asking:—"How did that fellow get in; he was not one of our supporters?" The suspicion is that that was why they stopped at 230. If the Minister can assure the country that there is no danger of the wrong type of appointment being made in the future, confidence in the Gárdaí will be greatly increased. The Minister seems to be a very innocent man; he is taken as a very innocent man and he gets away with it in this House pretty often because of his assumed air of innocence. But when that air of innocence will not work the Minister gets indignant, hits out and makes a statement like he did a few moments ago. His case about the necessity for increasing the Guards was based on something like the Road Traffic Act, I believe. We were told that the appointment of increased Gárdaí to examine hackney vehicles was necessary. It is hard, however, to see where the extra work came in under the Road Traffic Act. In the course of the past three years a number of Gárdaí were released from active service and these could have taken over these duties. There is the new type of flying squad, but there does not appear to be much necessity for that now. The Minister says there are a number of stations under-staffed. But one of the ways out of that would be to shift down the country some of the extremely well-dressed plain clothes men we have here and get them to do a little of this extra work.

This is a Token Vote for £10. The total, without reference to the savings on other sub-heads, is fairly alarming. It is quite possible that, with the savings on other sub-heads, the Minister requires only £10, but it shows that the tendency of the Gárda Vote, like that of every other Vote, is to go on steadily increasing. There are items here and there in this Vote that, with a little foresight on the part of the Minister, might have been avoided. There is an item of £31,000 as an additional sum required for clothing for the Taca Síochána and for reserves of clothing for the Gárda Síochána. I assume that one of the reasons for that is that the Minister for Justice was "caught out" in respect of stocks, as every other Minister was. In every Supplementary Estimate coming before the House to-night, there is a little item to cover increased stocks of something the Department in question ran short of. The Minister for Justice, like the other Ministers, did not realise what was going to happen and walked into the soup.

I do not like the Minister's attitude to the references made by Deputy Dillon. If the Minister believes that there is no suspicion in the country as to the efficiency of his administration of the Gárda Síochána, he is quite entitled to his belief, but he is wrong in thinking that when he says "That is all nonsense" that ends the matter. Is it not well known that if there is any demoralisation in the Gárda Síochána—we have, of course, the Taca Síochána as well now—it exists since the establishment of the second new force which went all over the country and was planked into Civic Guards' Barracks, scaring the wits out of the Gárda Síochána during a period of political turmoil because they were quite sure that these people were planted upon them to see that they were good boys, not from the point of view of the State, but from the point of view of Fianna Fáil—that they were custodians of Fianna Fáil interests in the country. There is no use in saying that these things are all nonsense. Will the Minister go so far as this—will he make it a criminal offence on the part of any T.D. or public representative to approach himself, as Minister for Justice, or the Commissioner of the Gárda Síochána with a view to the removal, dismissal or other interference with the administration of the Gárda force? If the Minister would do that, he would achieve something, but I do not think he is man enough to stand up to it and say that there will be no interference, particularly from our friends on the opposite benches. If he would do that, or something like it, it would strengthen the country's confidence very much. If he convinced the people of the country that appointments to the Gárda Síochána would be on character and merit, he would do good work, but I do not think that anybody believes that the present Minister for Justice is the man who will do that. As long as the people have the opinion that appointments to the Gárda Síochána are being made by our friends on the opposite side, God help the force.

I ask the Minister, when replying to the debate, to tell us something more about the pay of the temporary men. If it is £2 or £2 5s. 0d., it is very small for a man doing important national work. I would ask him also to say if it is true that members of the temporary force are not entitled to sick pay. If that be so, I would make a special appeal to him to grant them a little concession, especially in view of the fact that men like them have to be up at all hours of the night and morning, and in all sorts of weather, and are particularly prone to illness. If, as would happen in a great many cases, their economic circumstances are not good and they are not entitled to sick pay, there is a temptation to them to go in to work although they may not be feeling well. I make a special appeal to the Minister to grant a little concession in this case.

I want to go back to the roots of this matter, if that is possible on this Estimate. I want the Minister to state, when replying, what exactly is the purpose for which this force is recruited. In an interruption, I gave the view that I gathered from a previous debate that it had to do with the growth of political crime in the country. My authority for that statement is the ex-Minister for Finance, the present Minister for Industry and Commerce. Speaking here on the Supplementary Budget, he indulged in what I thought then were exaggerated flights of rhetoric. He said that there was in the country a gang of murderous ruffians, with a perfected technique of terrorism, and that if we did not vote the sums provided for in the Budget, especially the provision being made for the Volunteers and the Taca Síochána, we could not sleep peacefully in our beds at night. That may be wrong——

Mr. Boland

That was said at the election of 1932—that no man would be safe with sixpence in his pocket if we were the Government.

I am speaking of what the Minister for Industry and Commerce said here with regard to the recruitment of this body of men. That was stated on the Supplementary Budget. If the Minister says that that is not so, I shall refer him to the page in the debates where the present Minister for Industry and Commerce made the statement. I spoke after him. I said that I had not understood that that was the purpose of the recruitment of these people, but I was assured it was. The Minister may have another story to-night. I gather that he does not agree that the growth of political crime is responsible in any way for the recruitment of these men. Is that so?

Mr. Boland

Go ahead!

Somebody will have to tell us to-night, or at some other time, what is the purpose of the recruitment of these people. It is on record that the purpose is to put down a gang of ruffians who have perfected a technique of terrorism. These are not my words. I am quoting the Minister for Industry and Commerce. This estimate covers 220 men. Deputy Linehan referred to this as the third special force. The people who preceded them were an experiment in the way of a special force. They were called "harriers". They were known throughout the country in odious and derisive fashion by that name and they richly deserved the odium and the derision cast upon them. So bad were they that we had it from a judge of the High Court that three of them were guilty of attempted murder, and he asked that the names be sent forward to the Attorney-General with a request that they be prosecuted. When, under the Emergency Powers Bill, I asked about these three men, I was told that one had certainly left the Guards. The then Minister for Justice thought that a second man had left, too, but I got the impression that the third man was still in the force. I hope that is not so. I would like to have an assurance, which would help to restore the confidence which was definitely shattered by the "harriers", that these three persons have been kicked out of the Guards.

That judge did make a distinction between the special force and the ordinary force, and it is a distinction which still prevails in the minds of the country people. It is recognised that the Guards have to attend to their duties. There is some doubt as to whether the duties they are asked to give attention to are worth all the attention which is showered upon them. In any event, however, it was not their duty to decide that; they simply did what they were told to do and they did their work effectively, but again this special squad came in and everybody knows that it was initiated for political purposes. Everybody knows that it was one way of getting political adherents for the Party, and possibly it was also one way of buying off a certain number of people who had paraded themselves as republicans, and perhaps it was thought that their republican sympathies could be diverted or merged easily into gathering particulars about licensed houses and into gathering statistics about crops and so on. That, of course, did not work, and the judge who decided the Marsh's Yard case did say that, while the citizens as a whole, he thought, had every right to have confidence in the force as a whole, they certainly had lost that confidence because of the infusion of these alien elements into their ranks. Something at least, it would appear, has been done, if, as is laid down under the Emergency Order, these people are to be appointed and recruited by the present Commissioner of the Gárdaí, because he has the confidence of the people.

I think it can be said that the present Commissioner absolutely has the confidence of the people, and if he is going to be allowed to recruit these men I think there is very little danger of any bias being given because of the political views that may be held by these people, and certainly there is going to be no bias in his mind in connection with people who have temporarily abandoned a career of something in the nature of roguery in order to become members of the police force and guardians of the people. Apart from that, however, there is no doubt that the force did suffer very much from the infiltration of these "Harriers." It certainly did, and I think nobody can deny it. They were a demoralising influence on the force and I think that they certainly led to a certain break-up of the morale of the Government themselves. At any rate, so far as the Guards are concerned, we have not yet had the spectacle that arose in this country the other day where a member of the Defence Forces had to be dragged to his feet in court, then saying that he did not recognise the court, and still allowed to go around with his uniform on him. As I say, we have not yet got to that stage so far as the Gárdaí are concerned, but we have the case of these three men who were before the High Court and who had the castigation thrown upon them by the judge that they were attempted murderers. Nobody can say that that was just a matter of one wing of the force, or that there was no question of the possibility of weakening confidence in the force as a whole. However, I hope that that kind of thing is a thing of the past and I hope that the Minister will give a precise answer to Deputy Linehan's request that the present Commissioner will be allowed to recruit these men entirely on his own, without any trouble and without any question of political bias, and that he will be enabled to make his choice on the standards that he thinks will best suit the force.

With regard to these forces themselves, the Minister knows very well that there must be a certain restraint of language in dealing with such matters. One comes in here and states certain things, and then one is challenged as to whether one knows that things are so or not. The Minister can always drive one further by asking for proof, and then when it becomes clear that the allegation is true, one is blamed for having brought it up here. Does the Minister think it wise to ask me or other Deputies to give him day and date as to people who have been dislodged from the Guards because something they did was repugnant to the Government? I shall give him some of these cases, if he likes. The Minister may not wish me to do so, but they are to be had. If the Minister likes to put a definite challenge to me to mention these cases in the House, I shall do so, but I should prefer not to be asked to speak of them in the House openly. Possibly, however we can leave that.

Now, the Minister is going to get a couple of hundred people, and I should like to find out from him, simply as a matter of curiosity, who drafted the oath that these people have to take. It is set out in the Emergency Orders. The judges have to take an oath in accordance with the Constitution, and that oath runs to about five lines, but these people have a double mouthful to swallow. They have to swear and affirm their good faith doubly, and apparently there is no appreciation of, let us say, the Quaker element or anything else in it. I think that, even prior to solemnly pledging their oath and making their affirmation, these people are made to promise certain things on their word of honour. I do not know whether that is supposed to catch out people who might have the "empty formula" conscience—it probably is—but I cannot understand the things that are to be put into the mouths of these people who, apparently, are to get £2 5s. a week and who are to be recruited by and under the control of the Commissioner. As I say, however, as a matter of curiosity, I should like to know who it was who drew up that oath. I do not think it was the Minister himself.

Mr. Boland

No, it certainly was not.

There is a variety of oaths laid down by statute for judges and certain other people, but this is something on its own; it is more involved and more cumbrous, and the net is flung very wide. It means, apparently, that anybody who objects, on principle, to an oath, cannot get on to that body, because the taking of the oath is compulsory. I thought that the reason for the existence of this force was for the putting down of definite crime, and if it is merely for the purpose of collecting more statistics about crops, and so on, for attending to the matter of licensed houses and the Road Traffic Acts, I do not think it is worth spending another shilling upon. I had understood that the reason for this new force was in order to deal with a new situation that had arisen here because of the impact of the war and because of the existence of people here such as undesirable aliens or of people who, if not aliens, may still be undesirable and objectionable in another way. I did understand that the proposition of the Government was that they needed more money and this extra force in order to meet an emergency—not in connection with road traffic and things like that, but in connection with definite crime. That being the position, we said: "Very good; we will accept the proposition, but we should like to know what type of crime has to be met."

In this connection, there is another matter to which I should like to refer. I do not know whether the Government are responsible, or who is responsible for the position in which Deputies coming into this House within the last couple of days have found themselves. It seems to me that we are almost having the experience of people entering a beleaguered fortress. Whether that situation of being locked up is the same as the Taca Síochána at the moment, I cannot say. It may be, but it may also be that the Government cannot depend on their own servants, and that therefore they must have a certain amount of rigidity and restriction on what used to be a fairly free access to this building.

As the person mainly responsible in this connection, I might say there is a committee in charge of these buildings. Certain recommendations have recently been made which, at the earliest opportunity, will be conveyed to the various Parties, possibly through the Committee on Procedure and Privileges.

Then, Sir, I gather that the particular conditions under which we are living at the moment here have been established by those who have the responsibility for the conduct and guardianship of this House, but I wonder whether or not the same reasons are at the back of this as in the other case? I can understand that certain precautions must be taken for the guardianship of this House, but I still want to know what has led up to these tightened regulations with regard to entrance to, and exit from, the House, because we are certainly in a very restrained position compared with that in which we were formerly. It may be that it is in connection with the same matter, and I suggest that it is. At any rate, certain people yesterday found that they could not get access to the building, and the excuse that was made was that the particular door concerned was locked and could not be opened, although it was pointed out that the key of the door was hanging on a nail.

Mr. Boland

Am I expected to reply to that?

The Ceann Comhairle may have been the person who decided that this building required better protection, but the orders were given that only a named person could handle the key and put it on a hanger. The key was hanging on a nail for the first raider to lift. Is the Minister, as the Minister for Justice, not consulted with regard to the arrangements made for the better protection of this House?

Mr. Boland

I would certainly want more to go on than the particular point mentioned by the Deputy.

Let us leave the detailed points aside and get down to the general question. Is the Minister in touch with those who have responsibility for the specific guardianship of this House? Has he had any case made to him for the better protection of the House and, if so, what is that case? Will it involve the utilisation of the Gárda Síochána generally, or the Taca Síochána? I do not know exactly what is the situation with regard to this new body. We were given to understand they were constituted for a certain purpose. I suggest it is an experiment again in the way of a temporary force and the Minister must realise the disadvantages that lie in bringing people into a position of definite authority and having them on this day-to-day or week-to-week or month-to-month basis. I suggest it is an experiment that is fraught with dangers and difficulties and that it is an experiment that cannot be entered upon lightly.

Already we have had experience of a body like that, but a lesson can be learned from the experience gained in that connection. That arrangement resulted badly because it was arranged badly. Is the Minister prepared to give an assurance that if these men are recruited by the Commissioner of the Gárda he will have full freedom in his choice and that there will be none of these manoeuvres that we had in relation to the last force and with regard to the Gárda Síochána generally, such as in the case of people who did their duty and, because they did, it made them unpopular and they were lowered in rank or they were sent to remote places in the country, where they had less amenities?

The Minister should tell us what his intentions are with regard to the new force. This is probably the only country in the world which has a permanent and a temporary police force. We have the permanent Gárda Síochána, and we have this temporary force, the members of which are employed, as Deputy McGilligan has said, on a week to week or a month to month basis. They have no security of tenure and, because of that, they cannot possibly have the same outlook in their employment as the regular Gárdaí necessarily have. No information was given to the House as to the circumstances under which it was found necessary to recruit this temporary force beyond the hysterical outburst of the Minister's colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who told us some short time ago, on the occasion of a Supplementary Budget, that there was going to be ruin, chaos and anarchy unless the pay of this temporary force was voted, and they were retained in the service of the State. Knowing the Minister's colleague, nobody believed that; nobody took much notice of his hysterical utterance; but his, nevertheless, was the only statement from a Minister which indicated the purpose for which the Taca Síochána was recruited.

I think the Minister for Justice should take the earliest opportunity of indicating that there is to be one police force only in this country and that a permanent one. It is very unsatisfactory to have here a permanent and a temporary police force. No other country would resort to an unsatisfactory experiment of that kind, and the Minister ought to try to get rid of the existing situation at the earliest moment. It would remind one of the "B" Special mentality of the Six Counties. We ought to have as soon as possible a statement from the Minister that it is intended to merge the temporary force into the permanent police force. The present state of affairs is unsatisfactory. The existing arrangement is bound to be unsatisfactory in operation. The sooner we get rid of the temporary force the better. If it is found necessary to retain these men, they ought to be merged into the regular Gárdaí.

I am loth to say anything on this matter, but the attitude of the Minister has rather disappointed me. I should like him to face the issues that have been put before him. Everyone here is quite friendly to him. He is the one Minister in this State to whom the country is looking with confidence. They look with confidence to this Minister fairly to administer the Department he controls, and I believe he will do that; I believe he is capable of doing that. I believe he has the rugged, natural integrity of a man who will do his job, whether it is pleasant or unpleasant. I do not like his attitude towards Deputy Dillon's speech. I could tell the Minister much more than Deputy Dillon told him, but I am not going to do it. We had better forget about what has happened. There is no purpose served in repeating the things that happened in this country and that everybody knows about. The Minister is a rugged, stern, honest man who will do his job and restore confidence in this body. I am not saying that in a flattering way at all. It is merely a statement of what I believe.

Mr. Boland

It makes me blush all the same.

I did not like the Minister's attitude towards Deputy Dillon. The Minister will only injure himself in the job he has before him if he adopts an attitude of that kind. Everyone knows what Deputy Dillon has said, and they know far more; I know more, and if the Minister will only look up some of the documents in his own Department, he will see a lot of things there that will confirm what Deputy Dillon has said in this House, and what many other people know. I will ask the Minister to adopt all that has been said, and, what is much more important, all that was implied. No Deputy wants to say here everything that he knows. We can give plenty of information if we like, but the Minister has it in his Department. There is no purpose served in blinking this thing, and the Minister will do himself an injury if he attempts to condone the things that happened, and that everybody in the country knows. Now, that is that, and I do not want to say anything more about it. The Minister will only do himself an injustice. The country looks to him as the only man in the Cabinet who has the honesty and the courage to get this force on its feet again. I support the plea made to the Minister in regard to this new force. So far as I know, they are a splendid body of young fellows. So far as I know, they were selected from different parts of the country on their merits and with utter impartiality. I happen to know some fellows who were called up, and I know them to be good chaps.

Donegal men?

Yes, Donegal men, some of the best men in Ireland. However, that is aside from the question. I look upon it as a disastrous thing that young men like them would be, as it were, a body within a body. If the Minister asks us to establish these men as part of the permanent force, he will get our support. Deputies Cosgrave, Dillon, McGilligan and Norton have pointed out that it is a dangerous thing for the State to have a body of this kind outside or within another body, and the sooner that is definitely settled the better. Some of these men, as Deputies are aware, have been taken out of reasonably good employment and they expected to become permanent in the Guards. What is going to happen those men in the course of three or four years? What will happen a fine body of men taken for three or four years into the Guards and then disbanded? Does anybody look forward to that situation with pleasure? Seeing that they have been called up, I submit that they should be made permanent members of the force.

I should like to ask some questions in relation to the sub-heads. I observe that under sub-head (B) provision is made for plain clothes for members of the new force. I would like to know from the Minister if some of the members of the new force are doing plain clothes duty. I am curious to know what special qualifications young men brought up here from different parts of the country have for the performance of plain clothes duty. With regard to sub-head (E), I understood that provision for the expenditure here outlined had been made in the Supplementary Budget passed about four months ago. Are we to take it that the increase referred to is due to the increased cost of material, or is it because of a miscalculation that the sum set out here is required? I agree that nothing very substantial is involved.

I would appeal to the Minister to do something to restore to Deputies the rights which they formerly enjoyed of making representations touching the Gárda Síochána. As a result of their constantly reiterated criticisms, the untrue, unjust and unfair statements of the Opposition, any representation made by a Deputy, and particularly a Fianna Fáil Deputy, is damned from the beginning as being untrue. I am not now referring to representations concerning the administration of the licensing laws or the transfer of Guards. But there are many matters which crop up from time to time, and in regard to these it does not matter what a Deputy says about them, particularly a Fianna Fáil Deputy, his representations are ignored. I say that is due to the untrue, unjust and unfair statements that have been constantly reiterated in this House by the members of the Opposition, the effect being to poison the Minister's mind.

In one particular instance, a very serious one, I myself had to break through all the rules and regulations made by the Minister and the Government with the object of preventing Deputies from making representations. I was very glad I did it because I believe that by so doing I prevented very serious consequences ensuing in that particular instance. I am not going to go into details. I think that Deputies ought to have the right to make representations, and that those representations should not be made by irresponsible people. As I have said, I am not now referring to frivolous representations concerning the transfer of Guards, or "footy" things relating to the administration of the licensing laws. There are many other things on which Deputies should be allowed to make representations. In conclusion, I appeal to the Minister to develop some sense of proportion on this and restore to Deputies the rights that they ought to have as representatives of the people.

I desire to say that I was rather glad when the circular in question was sent out to Deputies with regard to making representations on behalf of people to get into the Guards. I am prepared to support it. During the past 12 months I had many applications asking me to give references on behalf of people seeking to get into the Guards. I may say that I have definitely set my face against it and refused to give the references.

If the Deputy was aware of abuses growing up inside the Guards, does he agree that it would be a proper thing to prevent him from bringing those abuses to the notice of the authorities: that it is a proper thing to have rules and regulations made preventing Deputies from bringing these things to the notice of the Gárda authorities? The position at the present time is that, due to the smokescreen that has been created by the Opposition, any abuse can grow up inside the Gárda Síochána, and Deputies are prevented from bringing it to the notice of the authorities.

I think the less interference there is on the part of Deputies the better for the Gárda.

When we were on the Opposition Benches I felt compelled, because of my experience in the County Meath, to pay tribute to the Gárda Síochána for their efficiency, courtesy and attention to duty. After the speeches that we had from the opposite side this afternoon, I feel bound now to pay a further tribute to the Guards. Since this Party became the Government we have, I think, increased the strength of the Guards by 300 or 400 men. From what I have seen of these young fellows on the streets of Dublin and elsewhere, they are an adornment to the force. They are an excellent body of young men. In view of that I do not think that Deputies on the opposite benches, men who have had some considerable experience of discipline, have been playing fair towards the Guards. We had speeches made on the opposite side to-night with the very definite intention of destroying that discipline, of creating suspicion and general disruption. It is not fair to the force, the Government or to the Minister that that should go on.

We have now reached the stage when commonsense should prevail. Each and every one of us here should make our contribution towards establishing an effective discipline, because discipline is really what is wanted. In view of what was said from the opposite benches I thought I should make these few remarks. Whether I heard aright what was said, I, at all events, came to the conclusion that the main object of Deputy Dillon, Deputy McGilligan and Deputy Linehan in their speeches to-night was to create uneasiness and a want of discipline amongst the members of the force.

I agree with the views expressed by Deputy Hickey, and I welcome the regulation issued preventing Deputies from interfering in the matters referred to. I think it is highly desirable that appointments in the Guards, or matters concerning the administration of the force, should not be subject to influence by any member of the House. If any matter comes to the notice of a Deputy that he thinks is important enough to be brought to the attention of the authorities, then the Minister is there to be acquainted with that. Personally, I should prefer to make my complaint to the Minister. I am certain that most Deputies welcome the regulation that has been made forbidding Deputies to interfere. The proper channel to make representation through is the Minister.

Mr. Boland

I thought that at the start I explained the reason for this temporary force. I agree with the Deputies who have said that it is most undesirable to have temporary men in the force. But the trouble was that when the force was first recruited it was to deal with an emergency following the outbreak of war. At the time we did not know what the situation was going to be. I think nobody did. At the beginning there was a black-out in the city here, and extra police were required. Men had to be brought up from stations all over the country until we had these temporary men recruited. It was not clear at the time what places might have to be specially guarded, places in which previously there had been no guard. In other words, there was an unknown situation here to be dealt with. When I assumed office as Minister for Justice it was thought by the Commissioner that he would require, ultimately, if things developed in the way it seemed likely they would at the beginning, something like 1,000 extra men to deal with the emergency. Then, very quickly, it appears, it was found too large and it was cut down to 500; and finally, as I said when I brought it before the House—in reply to a question, I think —we were satisfied that 400 would meet the situation. It is reduced now to roughly, 300. We are all hopeful that things will not get any worse in the world, but we do not know, and there is therefore necessity for a temporary force during the emergency, undesirable as it is. I admit that it is undesirable, but I do not see any way out of it. If we were permanently to take 400 or 500 men whom we did not require, that would not be right. I do not know what the position is in other countries, but I believe that in circumstances like this there are temporary police in other countries. I am almost certain that it is the case in other countries where they are up against an emergency which it was considered would pass. That is the reason our force was recruited.

If the ordinary Guards had been recruited—that is, the 220 which the Minister indicated it was intended to recruit during the year—they would have been recruited in accordance with the regulations laid down before the House. It was a sort of Civil Service examination, that is, a qualifying examination, but the actual recruitment was to be done by the Commissioner. There was no time to do that when the emergency arose, as an extra number was required immediately. I announced here, at the time, what was done: the Commissioner drew men, up to the number he required, from a list registered some time in 1938; he drew them in accordance with the qualifications that the candidates themselves said they had, that is, both physical and educational qualifications.

That is really what happened; it was to deal with an emergency. As far as the men are concerned, I think it is very likely that most of them will be absorbed into the permanent Guards whenever the recruitment to the permanent Guards again takes place, though I do not know when that will be. I should say that, until we are satisfied that there is going to be no abnormal situation here, we will require a temporary force and will probably adhere to that temporary position. Regarding the pay, it is £3 a week, with medical attention and uniform.

For men coming in now?

Mr. Boland

For the Taca Síochána.

For the men coming in now?

Mr. Boland

Yes.

Do they get the ordinary allowance for uniform as well?

Mr. Boland

Yes; it is given here on the back of the Estimate.

Is that a maximum or a minimum rate?

Mr. Boland

They start and remain at that rate.

The newspaper reports are misleading. What is the position regarding sick leave?

Mr. Boland

They get sick leave as well. If Deputies have not got the regulations already they can easily get a copy and also a copy of the oath. Deputy McGilligan put a poser to me when he asked me if I drew up the oath. I disclaimed responsibility, but I find it has been copied word for word from the oath in the Gárda Síochána Act.

Would the Minister state why so many permanent Guards did not get holidays last year?

Mr. Boland

The oath has been copied word for word, and so I wish to tell Deputy McGilligan that I am not guilty.

I wonder if the oath was signed by the members of the Gárda Síochána, or did they take it?

Mr. Boland

It is testimony to the wisdom of our predecessors that we could not do better than follow their example, and we cannot be accused of bringing in new phrases. The biggest question of all is the question of confidence, which was raised by Deputy Dillon. I do not want to be misunderstood now, but I think that a lot of the mistrust started here in this House, when unmeasured language was used here. There may have been—and I am prepared to admit it—amongst the temporary force recruited in 1934 some people who were not up to the standard, as in every body in the world, as there was in the force recruited under the last Government and as in any human society. However, I will say that, on the whole, they did their job well. I do not want to raise any trouble at all now, or to refer to the past, but I must remind Deputies that a very serious situation arose here which had to be dealt with, and which was dealt with. I am not going to allow the police recruited at one particular time to be pilloried and held up as the worst in the whole force, just because a few may not be up to the standard. We know that, under the last Government, there were undesirable people in the force. That is unfortunate, but it happens in human nature that there always will be such a thing. Is it doing any good to the Guards to hear speeches like those of Deputy McGilligan? I will not say Deputy Dillon made such a speech, but that of Deputy McGilligan was not at all a helpful speech from the point of view of establishing confidence in the Guards.

On the question of rumours, I have heard all sorts of rumours, and I know they are prevalent. I am satisfied there may be something in them, but I know this much—and Deputy McGilligan has said as much and is satisfied, too—that the man in charge, the Commissioner, will deal rigidly with any breach of discipline in cases brought to his notice. But, it is difficult to deal with vague rumour; we must get a concrete case. I do not want it trotted out here, but I must point out the difficulty there is in dealing with vague rumours of that kind. I think there can be no doubt whatever that the Commissioner will insist on rigid discipline and will deal with a breach of it wherever he finds it. Certainly, I have not interfered, and I do not intend to. I do not believe the Commissioner would allow me: if I tried, I believe he would not remain there.

I think Deputy Bartley was wrong in the suggestion he made. It is only right that the Commissioner should be responsible, and as long as we have confidence in him he should be allowed to carry on without interference. If any Deputy makes representation—I do not care to what Party he belongs; I think Deputies of all Parties come to me from time to time—that there has been abuse, perhaps by an officer in charge of a particular district, who may be allowing an abuse to continue without dealing with it, the Deputy will be within his rights in coming to the Minister and telling him that. Then it would be my duty to draw the Commissioner's attention to the reports that have reached me. I think that is one of my duties here; it is my belief, anyway, that I should do that. However, as far as recruitment or changes are concerned, that is not my job—it is the Commissioner's.

Is it clearly understood that, if a Deputy comes to the Minister and makes a complaint about a chief superintendent, a superintendent, a sergeant or a guard, that he must do it in the full knowledge that he must be prepared to substantiate his allegation to the officer against whom that allegation is made?

Mr. Boland

Certainly.

That is fair enough.

Is it to be taken that if a chief superintendent or superintendent is doing his duty, he will not be interfered with?

Mr. Boland

That is the sort of thing I am not going to be drawn into. I am not going to answer: "Will I stop beating my wife?" I am not in the habit of doing it.

That is all the more reason why there should be no interference.

Mr. Boland

That type of question is very tricky. It is a very old trick. I am not going to be walked into it.

It is not a trick. It is put up for no other purpose than to get a straight answer.

Mr. Boland

I hope I have given a straight answer. That goes without saying. I do not know whether I am expected to go into details. There was a round figure given for the number, and there was a difference between the actual number and the round figure, and that was, I think, misleading. I will consider whether it will be possible to arrange that in future the actual figures for the year can be set out in the Book of Estimates.

There has been a continual discrepancy.

Mr. Boland

There has been for some years, I believe, but it is only slight, and the discrepancy was not in the amount of money but in the number to be provided for. I should like to draw Deputies' attention to this fact—it seems to have escaped even experienced Deputies like the ex-President and ex-Ministers — that the Gárda Síochána are a young force. When they were recruited, they were mostly very young men. There were increments in their salaries every year, and marriage allowances have been paid, and those items have considerably increased the cost of the force. I do not think the actual numbers have increased very much. The total strength in the year 1931-32—that is the year this Government came into office —was 6,873. In 1939-40 the total strength was 7,122. There is not a big difference there.

That was at the beginning of the financial year? That would be in March last, not now?

Mr. Boland

Yes; at the beginning of the year.

Does that include the Taca Síochána?

Mr. Boland

No. The Taca Síochána, a temporary special force, were recruited in September, 1939, and 232 men were taken on. Four were discharged, two in October and two in November, leaving a strength of 228.

That is not the information I got from the Minister for Finance last year.

Mr. Boland

Those are two extreme figures—at the beginning and end of the period. I will take the middle of the period. There was an increase undoubtedly. In 1935-6 the total number was 7,447. In regard to the Dodge cars, they were believed to be a better car which would give longer service. I do not want to be drawn into a comparison between the Ford car and the Dodge car. Of course the Dodge car is a dearer car, but the belief was that it would last longer and give better service. They are a very steady car. I certainly say they are very steady on the road, but I do not want to be drawn into a comparison. I have given the reason, and that is all I can say about it. They are a more costly car, but I do not think that they work out more costly in the end.

Would the Minister say how much more costly they were?

Mr. Boland

I cannot say offhand.

About £200.

Mr. Boland

Extra?

Mr. Boland

I cannot say. Then £2,068 was required to buy tyres, tubes, spare parts, grease and oil. We have used all the money allocated for that purpose. I do not think there is anything else I need deal with.

Would the Minister say, in relation to the question which Deputy McMenamin asked under sub-head B, if it is the intention to put any large numbers of the new force into plain clothes?

Mr. Boland

No. None of them has been put into plain clothes, but it may be necessary to do it at some time, and provision has to be made for it.

From the provision of £300 it would appear as if a good number of them might be put into plain clothes.

Mr. Boland

The Deputy will want to bear in mind that plain clothes duty does not always mean the detection of crime. It may be certain types of Guard's duty. I should like to remind Deputies of that. Of course a detective who is employed on the detection of crime has been very well trained, and Deputies might possibly think there was some idea of putting young untrained men on work which would require a lot of training. There is no intention of doing anything like that, but there might be some necessity to put some of those men into plain clothes, and provision has to be made for it.

Estimate put and agreed to.

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