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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 15 Dec 1943

Vol. 92 No. 7

Private Deputies' Business. - Allowances to Members of Defence Forces—Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That Dáil Eireann is of opinion that the present rates of marriage and children's allowances payable to members of the Defence Forces are inadequate to meet the cost of living, and that these rates should be increased accordingly.
—(Deputies Alfred Byrne (Junior), Alfred Byrne.)

As nobody else is speaking, I suppose that I might as well reply to the statements that have been made. I might say that I have listened with very great sympathy to the views which have been put forward by various Deputies on the motion before the House. I fully appreciate the feelings which imbue the various Deputies desiring that everything possible should be done for the members of our Defence Forces and their families. I might say that I myself yield to no one in the extent of my desire to do whatever is possible for these men, but at the same time I must point out that the language of exaggeration—and a fair amount of that has been used in the course of the debate upon the motion—does not in fact help me in whatever I desire to do.

Deputy Byrne (Senior) in the course of the debate gave us details of a case which he said was fairly typical of a soldier's wife. He pointed out that a soldier's wife had met him recently and pointing towards the child which she was carrying in her arms had said she was getting 3d. per day for the upkeep of that child and that a bottle of milk cost 4½d. I presume that that child that she was pointing out had to be at least the fourth child of the family. There would have to be three children as well as that child, and I should make it clear to the House that the first child is entitled to 7/-, the second is also entitled to 7/- and the third child is entitled to receive 3/6, and from that onwards it is 1/9 per child. Actually for these three infants, for that is all they could have been, there was some 17/6 available for the purchase of food. Now the Deputy also stated that the children would not be entitled to free milk. I understand that the question of the distribution of free milk is a matter purely and solely for the people who administer these schemes. If they deem the children of a family deserving of that free milk in the cities and towns where the scheme operates this free milk can be given to the children. The same thing I think applies in respect of school books. If the manager deems the family to be in such circumstances that it would be desirable to give them books he can do so, but the decision of course rests with him. Deputy James Larkin (Junior) in the course of this debate again referred to the fact that a sergeant's wife, I think it was, with nine children was only getting, I think, £2 5s. 6d. I pointed out that the husband was getting 28/- in addition to that. The point that the Deputy wanted to make was that the 28/- should not in any circumstances be considered in addition to the marriage allowance and the children's allowance which the wife was receiving.

I cannot see how he can in the circumstances relate that type of dis cussion to the fact that there you have a family with £4 8s. in the coin of the State going into the hands of the husband and wife. I cannot see how he cannot count that £4 8s. as being money available to that family for the purchase of the necessities of life. £4 8s. is a reasonably good wage. There are large numbers of people in this country at the present time who would regard themselves as being considerably well off if they had that amount of money. But apparently Deputy James Larkin wants to divorce the 28/- from the amount that the wife receives: in other words the soldier should have no responsibility whatever for his family but the State should be solely and entirely responsible. Now that is the sort of argument that is not helpful to me when I am making efforts, as I usually am, to secure improvements not only in the pay of the members of the Army but in the allowances of their wives and other members of their family. I suppose there is no member of the Government more harassed than the Minister for Finance especially at the present time. Everybody, at least every Minister, is trying to secure improvements for the particular people who come under his care.

I do not suppose there is any Minister who harasses that Minister more than I do in trying to secure improvements for the members of the Defence Forces. I can assure the House of that, but I do not think it is necessary for me to go into any great detail on this question, because, as I said in opening here, I fully appreciate the motives which have moved every Deputy who has spoken. They are in sympathy with my own ideas, and from that point of view we are at one. Beyond saying it is my intention as far as it is humanly possible to continue my efforts to secure still further improvements, if they can be secured, I do not think it is necessary for me to say any more on the subject.

I just desire to say a few words in support of this motion. In doing so I have the honour to speak as an ex-soldier who had the experience of a smaller rate of pay than is paid at present to privates in the Army. Since I left the Army, or rather after I was promoted, the rate was increased by 6d. per day. Prior to that the wage of a private was 13/2 per week. Now I can say quite honestly, and I think every Deputy here, including the Minister, must realise that many private soldiers living on the 13/2 as it then was, or 17/6 as it now is, are helping to support a widowed mother or possibly other members of their family. I do not pretend that I had to try to live out of the allowances which I was paid, but the vast majority of the soldiers had to exist on that allowance, and as well as existing on it many of them were sending home something to their dependents. Now such an allowance is totally inadequate, even at 17/6 per week, to meet the cost of the bare necessaries of life. While the Minister has argued that the cost on the Department of Finance is already high, and that he cannot see his way to raising it any more, this whole question of Army allowances is one of extreme importance. First of all, many of the men in the Army at the present time joined at the start of the emergency. and at that time they considered, possibly wrongly, that the emergency might not last very long. It has, anyway, lasted longer than most of them expected it would. Anyone might be prepared to suffer certain privations which he would not be willing to endure in ordinary times on account of the danger which then threatened the country, but I think it is absolutely unfair to expect men who joined the Army out of a sense of patriotic duty to try to exist on 17/6 a week, as it is for single men, and on the allowance made to men in respect of marriage. In regard to the marriage allowance, there are not a great number, but there are a fairly substantial number of married soldiers who are not in receipt of the marriage allowance. We go back to the question of the marriageable age permitted under the regulations. Again I must draw the Minister's attention to the fact that these regulations were originally fixed for a peace-time Army.

I submit that we cannot discuss that on this motion, that is, the question of the age for marriage in the Army.

I submit that while we are not discussing the question of the marriage age in the Army we are discussing the question of marriage allowances. A number of soldiers are not in receipt of marriage allowances due to the fact that they were under 23 years of age when they joined the Army or they have less than two years' service or in some cases, if they have two years' service, they are under 23 years of age. It may be unpleasant, but I think that it has a harmful effect on the welfare of a large number of soldiers. I think the motion is a fairly general one. It is not worded very closely, and I submit that I am in order in mentioning the question here. Many of these men if they had not joined the Army might have wished to get married in their civilian occupations. The position is that while outside they would have been permitted to get married, in the Army, due to this regulation, they are not allowed to get married, or if they do get married, they do not get the marriage allowance. One of the best methods of securing a serviceable fighting army is by ensuring that the members of that army are contented. I maintain that married soldiers who are not in receipt of a marriage allowance have a genuine grievance. Many of them joined for a short period, as they thought, and they are now being penalised for coming forward at a time when recruits were called for by the Government and by all sections of the House. I maintain that they should get better treatment.

The allowances have been increased on a couple of occasions, particularly on one occasion since the emergency, and that was in September, 1942. But the vast majority of the soldiers at present are what are known as Class II privates whose pay at present is 2/9 per day. Out of that 1/- per week is stopped for his wife, if the soldier is married, and also 10d. for haircutting and widows' and orphans' pensions, which leaves that soldier with 11/5 per week. The wife gets 10/6 marriage allowance, which leaves her with 17/6 per week; the soldier gets 11/5 per week, making a total of 28/11 per week. Nobody in this House can say that it is possible to live in any kind of a decent way on an allowance such as that in view of the steep increase in the cost of living. Eggs are 4d. each and butter is 2/4 per lb. Then soldiers are allowed 3d. per day for each child in excess of three. Even a small bottle of milk will cost 4½d. Surely the Minister realises that such pay as that is absolutely inadequate to meet the increase in the cost of living which has taken place since the emergency.

I quite agree that an improvement has been made in the rate of pay since September, 1942. But these allowances were originally fixed at a time when the cost of living was about half what it is at present. While 6d. per day deferred pay is also credited to the soldier, I submit that, at the present time, so far as most people are concerned, what they have in hand is worth three times what they are likely to get at the end of the emergency.

We are living in a time of rapid change. No one can visualise what conditions will be at the end of the emergency. No one can visualise what the conditions will be for these soldiers when they come out of the Army at the end of the emergency. But they realise and Deputies, I am sure, realise the conditions under which they are living at present. It does not require much imagination to see that 6d. per day paid to him now would be better for a soldier than deferred pay at the cessation of the emergency. There is a possibility that there will be a reduction in the cost of living at the end of the emergency. There is a possibility that supplies of necessary commodities will then be available in greater quantities and at reduced prices. The 6d. per day deferred pay is retained to meet that situation. But, at present, when the cost of living is far in excess of what it was when these rates were fixed or, at any rate, what it was prior to the slight increase which was given, the vast bulk of the soldiers are expected to live on the allowances which I have mentioned. If we take pride, as we must, in our Army, I think that we owe them a duty. There is no doubt that, if it were apparent to people that a grave emergency was upon us at present, every section of the community would strain every nerve and give everything they could in order to see that our rights and our territory and our people were protected. Such a situation existed in 1940 when these men were asked to come forward, and the reward they get is an allowance wholly inadequate to meet the cost of living at the present time. Surely that is not the thanks which we should give to those who came forward to defend our country and to guard our homes.

I wish to endorse what has been said by the Deputy who has just spoken. Soldiers' wives with four or five children get £2 per week, and out of that it is impossible for them to provide anything in the way of footwear or clothes for their children. They are just able to eke out a miserable existence on that sum. Great hardship is also suffered by men who were classed as A1 when they joined the Army, and who have been discharged as unfit for further service, and are now thrown on to home assistance or the dole. That is a very bad recompense for some of our youths who joined the Army and got into bad health as a result of their service. If they had joined the British Army they would now be drawing good pensions. I am sure that when these young men joined the Army they never imagined that they would be treated in that way by the Government. I have particulars here of the case of a married soldier at the Curragh who has not got any marriage allowance. When I wrote to the Department about the matter, he was interviewed by his officer, who writes:—

"I have interviewed the private, and he has promised to send his wife 10/- a week of his pay. I trust this will meet the requirements of the case."

That man, with 17/6 per week, has to send 10/- per week out of that to his wife. Up to that time his wife and child were existing on home assistance. Is it any wonder that members of our Army are crossing the Border to join a foreign army? I do not see what is to keep them in our Army under these conditions. I say that the wives of married soldiers in the rural areas and towns throughout the Twenty-Six Counties are starving because of the miserable sum given to them. If we are to have a contented Army we must pay them. Nothing is more dangerous than a discontented Army—they could revolt any day because they are not being properly paid. I ask the Minister to go into the matter very carefully. A few weeks ago we voted money for the relief of distress in India. We should be able to find money to pay our Army properly. I say that there would not be any objection on the part of the taxpayers to our Army being paid properly.

I ask the Minister to give special consideration to these men who are being discharged from the Army as unfit, some of whom have to go into a sanatorium. Those men, after serving two or three years, have been discharged. I understand that, when joining, recruits have to sign a document providing that they will not make any claim when they are going out. Recruits will not be obtained by that system—by telling them to join up and, if anything happens, they will get no compensation. There is another matter to which I should like to refer. There are a certain number of men in the Army who, after serving two years. are entitled to 6d. a day, which has been held back. If these men could get that money, especially during the Christmas season, it would be a great help to them. Will the Minister make any extra allowance to the dependents of soldiers during Christmas time?

I should not speak on the issue before the House if it were not for the question which I put to the Minister for Defence this afternoon in connection with the number of deserters from the Army. It has been reported—it is public gossip—that the number of deserters from the Irish Army——

We are now discussing allowances in respect of the dependents of soldiers—not desertions.

I agree, but the reason we have desertions is that the allowances are too small. Why should soldiers remain in the Army at present on a very mean wage which the Minister for Defence should be ashamed to stand over? The Army is supposed to be the mainstay of our defence. A soldier has at present a very responsible duty to the nation to perform. When the country was in danger in 1940, we had the Minister and many members of the House appealing for volunteers for its defence. We want the volunteers and the soldiers in times of emergency and we should be prepared to pay them. I agree with everything that Deputy O'Leary and other Deputies said—that the soldiers are not being paid. There is no use in the Minister telling us that he cannot do this or that. If he wishes to pay the soldiers, are not we the Dáil and do not we make the laws?

A Deputy

And the money.

I suppose that question arises again. The taxpayer has to meet the bill. That is because we have not control of our own money, and that is why the Minister cannot give the soldiers a wage on which they can live. I know the position myself because I am meeting and speaking to soldiers every day of the week. The last Deputy who spoke referred to the way the soldiers were leaving the country. The reason is that they are not being paid. The Minister is responsible for the desertions from the Army. Why should the soldiers remain when they can get better pay elsewhere? If we want to keep our Army, we shall have to pay the soldiers. I am in full agreement with the terms of the motion in the name of Deputy Byrne, and I ask the Minister to give more sympathetic consideration to it and to see that the soldiers, whom we are so proud of, get a wage on which they can live and bring up their families in Christian decency.

Twice the statement has been made during the past half-hour that desertions from the Army are so numerous that they should be a matter of grave concern to us. Personally, I never heard that that was the case and I had not seen the English periodical which, apparently, started the scare, until it was mentioned the other day. The Minister should, I think, make it doubly clear that the position is not as it has been represented. These statements should not be made unless the people who make them are prepared to stand over them and give figures in their support.

Desertions are less than 1 per cent.

Deputy Flanagan prefers his own sources of information to the sources of information at the disposal of the Minister.

Why does not the Minister take steps——

I cannot do anything more than I did. I gave you a categorical reply to your question and you will not accept it. You prefer your own sources of information to those which I have.

I am sorry that more Fianna Fáil Deputies did not speak to this motion. While I put it down mainly on my knowledge of the facts as affecting Dublin, the hardships which soldiers' wives and children are undergoing in the country are also well known. I have been very seldom outside Dublin but I get many letters regarding this matter from different parts of the country. If I had not been taken, more or less, by surprise in having to propose this motion to-day, I should have made an effort to read a few of the many letters I have received. No useful purpose would be served by my doing so now. I am pretty, confident that every member of the House receives many complaints, verbal and written, concerning this grave matter. I am sorry that the Minister did not make a better effort to justify the continuance of the present stage of affairs and that no other member of the House made such an effort. The Minister merely asked for sympathy in the dilemma in which he finds himself in having to ask for the money——

I did not ask for sympathy.

The Minister has our sympathy.

That is a different thing.

The Minister needs the sympathy of the House because of his inability to get the Government to realise how vitally necessary and urgent it is to increase these marriage and children's allowances to a reasonable figure. As a result of this debate, we are faced with the position that these allowances are to be continued on a scale which means that a wife with one child receives. 17/6, a wife with two children 24/6, a wife with three children 28/-, a wife with four children 29/9, a wife with five children 31/6, a wife with six children 33/3, and a wife with seven children 35/-, with an additional 1/9 per week for every child over the seven. Consider a wife and five children who are receiving 31/6. A fairly average rent would be about 10/-, light would be 1-——

The Deputy is misquoting the allowance.

A wife and five children 31/6—is that right?

Will you give the first figure again?

Wife and child 17/6.

No, that is wrong.

The latest figure that I have, and I got it from the Department of Defence, is that the wife's allowance is 1/6per diem.

A wife alone has 17/6 without any allowance for the child at all.

A wife and five children is 31/6.

You did not get these figures from the Department?

Well, if the allowances are a little more than these figures they are very little more, and they are still very inadequate. They could not possibly provide, and are not providing, for the people who receive them. That is the fact of the case. These allowances are not providing the comforts for the soldiers' families to which they are entitled. Even since September, 1942, the time of the last increase, the cost of living has gone up further, and if the allowances were brought up at that time with a view to making them more commensurate with the cost of living. surely they must go up again because the cost of living now is much more than it was even in September, 1942.

Even in the two weeks that have elapsed since I put down the motion we have a position in which a family of a wife and five children must pay at least 1/- per week more for butter, and the day before yesterday they found themselves having to pay at least 6d. per week more for bread. All these little things mount up. There are things such as footwear and cloth ing which have gone absolutely beyond the ability of the soldiers' wives to pay for. No matter what way you reckon up the family budget of the soldier's wife you will find that she is hard put to pay for food and rent and the bare necessities of life, and there is no margin left for such things as hospital expenses, which very often crop up, or the cost of school books, which frequently is heavy, and nothing whatsoever for such little things as the tram to Dollymount in the summer, or the cost of a picnic in the country or at the seaside.

Very many men in the Army have to try to provide a little out of their miserable allowance towards the maintenance of an old or infirm relative—a mother or father, or an invalid brother or sister—apart altogether from their wives and families. Many of these noble women are, in fact, doing without a sufficiency of food or clothing in order to give a little more to their children. Many of them will tell you that, and those who go into their homes will not deny that the women are almost hungry themselves in order to ensure that the children will have a little more.

We have the position too that many soldiers' wives at the present time find that they have exhausted the little savings which they had put together before their husbands had given up good jobs and had entered the Army four years ago. These savings have been used to supplement the income from the State. Others, we will find, are depending on help from relatives. The point I want to stress is that the general body of the public does not know of the hardships which these women and children are undergoing. If they did, they would not have the slightest hesitation in saying to us: "Go ahead, increase the allowances that you are paying to soldiers' wives; we will willingly give up a little towards them." I am sorry that the Minister did not announce his intention to do that to-day. I thought he might possibly do so, and I will not give up hope that he will very shortly realise that those who have property and money will have to be told straight and fair: "Look here, you are very lucky to have property to be protected, and if you want to have a continuance of that protection which has been afforded by my Army to you and to your property, the least I will expect you to pay for it is a reasonable standard of comfort for the wives and children of your protectors."

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 53; Níl, 55.

  • Beirne, John.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred (Junior).
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Esmonde, Sir John L.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Heskin, Denis.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Linehan, Timothy.
  • Looney, Thomas D.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • Mahony, Philip.
  • Meighan, John J.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy J.
  • O'Driscoll, Patrick F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Ryan, Jeremiah.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Stapleton, Richard.
  • Tunney, James.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Martin.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Byrne, Christopher M.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Corbett, Eamon.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Fitzgerald, Séamus.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, Séamus.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Cléirigh, Mícheál.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan James.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies A. Byrne (Junr.) and Flanagan; Níl: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy.
Motion declared lost.
Barr
Roinn