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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 Apr 1945

Vol. 96 No. 20

Private Deputies' Business. - Council of Education—Motion.

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That Dáil Éireann agrees with the recommendation of the Commission on Vocational Organisation that there should be established a council of education as a permanent institution to act as the accredited advisory body to the Minister for Education, and directs that a select committee, of which the Minister for Education shall be chairman, and consisting of 11 other Deputies, be appointed with a view to the early formulation of the necessary legislative proposals.—Deputies Mulcahy and O'Higgins.

On the last occasion I was explaining to the House that, under the system of collective authority and responsibility through which the Government works, there are opportunities for reviewing and criticising the work of Ministers. The Minister for Education is responsible to the Dáil, and in the course of the annual Estimates for his Department, or in dealing with motions affecting his work, there are opportunities for public criticism and public discussion, and in that way the national representatives and the people are informed as to changes which take place from time to time, and the reasons for them. They are made acquainted with the lines of reform which are in contemplation or are suggested. I think there have been hardly any changes, even in regard to details of the programme, in the different branches of education for which I am responsible, that have not been brought before the Dáil annually and discussed. It has to be borne in mind when it is suggested that it might be better to return to the old system of a board, that these boards, under the British régime, really had no responsibility to the Irish people.

Whatever their merits may be in regard to membership and in regard to their exercising administrative and executive authority, for example, in intermediate and primary education, the big fact is that they were not responsible to the Irish people or their representatives. In fact, the authority which they exercised was very largely negatived by the fact that the British Treasury kept a close watch on their operations and vetoed frequently proposals for expenditure. I do not see, therefore, how that system can be made appropriate to the present circumstances. It seems to me that there would be a clash of authority between the principle that the Minister responsible should be responsible to the Dáil and the idea that the board should have administrative or executive or financial authority. Some of the protagonists of the idea of an education council do not conceal that their aim would be to have a body based on their conception of these boards, that is to say, that, in fact, the entire control and direction of education would be administered through the council.

That is utterly misrepresenting the proposal that is in this recommendation.

I am not misrepresenting. I said some of the persons—some of the bodies.

We are discussing a proposal that has been put up in modern times, in modern conditions, by a commission selected by the Government. It has nothing at all to do with the British or any experience of the past. It is a complete misrepresentation.

We have to consider the history of this proposal.

The Minister is completely distorting.

As the Deputy knows, a proposal was made some years ago, I think about 1934, for the setting up of a council. That proposal fell through. It was in no way officially sponsored. I had no connection with it, but I know that the proposal was made, that a meeting was held and that the thing fell through. So it would seem that some, at any rate, of the interests or authorities who, it is claimed, now seek the co-ordination of their work through a council, did not feel at the time that that course was necessary. We have to ask ourselves what are the aim and purpose of the council. If the purpose is to bring about co-ordination, for example, my reply would be that in the Department of Education, where we have the headquarters of primary, secondary and vocational education, co-ordination, to a great extent, can be brought about.

If it is suggested that the purpose should be inquiry, we can always set up commissions or committees of inquiry to deal with particular aspects or problems of education. On the other hand, as I have indicated, if there is a suggestion that this body should have certain responsibilities placed upon it, which might mean that interference in one way or another would take place in the administration for which the Minister for the time being is responsible or that there might be a misunderstanding as to whether the Minister is responsible— as is now the case and as the Constitution lays down, subject always to the principle of collective responsibility— or the council were to be responsible for these administrative matters, I think no good result could come from the setting up of the council.

Has the Minister read the motion on the Order Paper?

"Advisory body".

I have explained that the matter has not been determined by the Government. I have been asked to give my views and I am giving them, if the Deputy will have patience with me.

The Minister is not giving his views on the motion on the Order Paper.

Can the Minister not be allowed to proceed?

Deputy Mulcahy, in this matter, referred to the question of finances. For example, he referred to the question of school buildings and the provision of buildings. That is a matter, for example, which I am dealing with at present, dealing directly with the interests concerned. I do not know whether it is proposed or suggested that the question of school buildings for the future should be determined, should be considered and have recommendations made upon it by this council and that then these recommendations should be made public. I have adverted to the difficulty that is likely to arise, particularly in regard to financial matters, where this House is the supreme authority and where the Government alone has the right to put forward proposals for expenditure.

I have referred to the difficulties that naturally will arise if another body is to have the right to recommend proposals for expenditure, and to publish these. It is not as if somebody quite apart from the administration were making such recommendations, because clearly it is envisaged that this council should work in close co-operation with the administration. In fact, it is difficult to say that it would not be part of the administration if the recommendations regarding the setting up of the body made by the Vocational Organisation Commission were carried out in detail. Or take the question of salary scales for teachers. That is a matter of the greatest importance. It is a matter that may have to be examined at some time in the near future, perhaps, let us say, after the emergency. Supposing that this council is set up, and that it examines, and considers itself free to examine, this question of salary scales for teachers and that it makes certain recommendations. As I have indicated, even if the Minister were in sympathy with these recommendations, that is no proof that the Government as a whole may accept them. Nevertheless, in regard to finance or proposals involving finance, it seems to me that the principle is clear that the responsibility must rest with the Minister and with the Dáil, in its turn. If an education council be set up by the Government and entrusted with certain responsibilities, entrusted with power to make recommendations, to consult with the Minister, and to examine educational questions and, if having these powers, such a council should make recommendations upon that particular question, for example, of salary scales for teachers, is it not likely, unless it were made absolutely clear that the functions of the council were to be purely advisory, purely subordinate to the Minister, and that they should have no approach other than through the Minister, that there might arise serious difficulty?

It is stated in the report of the commission that State control is growing in education: "There is the danger that the State may be urged to go beyond its legitimate sphere and to usurp the sacred rights of parents" and so on. If it is suggested that the setting up of this council would prevent such a development, I think the course of events in other countries has made it clear that a national education council in itself will not prevent such a development. But, if it is suggested that there is any danger of developments here contrary to the wishes and intentions of the Irish people, and the ideals and wishes of the Governments that we have had up to the present, I would point out that there are certain safeguards there at present and I think it is not clear from the particular paragraph from which I have read an extract, that these safeguards have been put in their proper perspective if we are to regard this question from the point of view of safeguarding parents and citizens from the danger of usurpation of their rights by the State.

In the first place, we are working under a denominational system of education. The Church has a predominant interest in education. She controls to a very large extent the primary and secondary system. For example, in the case of primary education the schools are owned and controlled by the managers, and the teachers are appointed by them. In the case of secondary education, the schools are almost altogether controlled and managed by the Church, which is, in fact, entirely responsible for them. The only function the State has in connection with either system may be described briefly as supplying the necessary finances, seeing that the work is inspected, that value is being given for the money, and that the curricula for the time being are being followed. If there were any further doubt on that question as to whether we have sufficient safeguard in the control which the Church itself directly exercises at present in the two most important branches of education, you have the fact, as I have said, that you have a forum here in which educational problems from time to time can be discussed, and we have seen that, even if the Oireachtas should pass legislation which is considered to be antagonistic to the Constitution, you have a further safeguard in the way of appeal to the courts. You have sufficient and ample safeguard there, even if the Oireachtas itself should err in not ensuring that the rights of parents and the people generally are safeguarded. I think, therefore, that the principle underlying the establishment of the council will have to be very carefully examined so as to ensure that, if it be set up, there would be no conflict between the Minister and the council; that it would be quite clear that the responsibility for policy rests with the Minister; that he cannot share that responsibility with any other body.

Consultation, as I mentioned on the last occasion, is going on all the time with the different educational interests. It has always been the practice to have these consultations with the most important interests. I have been informed by representatives of some of these interests that they prefer the system of free access to the Minister, direct and candid consultation with him, and free and untrammelled discussion, to this alternative system. From my point of view I feel that it can be argued that the system of consultation leads to more effective and better work and would probably lead to better results than the loose organisation which it is proposed should be set up in the shape of a council of education. It means that the Minister and his staff, who are responsible for the administration of the educational services from the State point of view, can come into direct and immediate-touch with those charged with the running of our schools; with those who are entrusted with direct responsibility for teaching and looking after out pupils. These representatives are persons of practical knowledge. They have the training and experience, they have the special qualifications, which enable them to give advice regarding projects or proposals and, above all, being, by virtue of their positions, in direct touch in a way that outsiders cannot be with the work of the schools, they are in a position to give a very direct, immediate and complete answer to any question that may be put to them regarding developments or reforms. They can immediately answer and give the Minister the benefit of their advice as to the reactions of the proposed reforms or developments on the work of the schools.

Now, if it is suggested that a body is necessary to co-ordinate all the different opinions and to get advice, to make inquiries and to review the position from time to time, we need not confine ourselves to consultation, though that, I believe, is by far the most valuable agency by which proposals can be examined and considered and, if thought worthy, be put into effect. We can set up at any time commissions or inquiries for the special examination of certain questions. The Hadow Commission in England was really in the form of a permanent consultative body, to which the Minister from time to time referred certain important educational problems. That commission, having dealt with one particular branch or with one set of problems affecting education, having spent a considerable period of time examining these, was able to pass on to other fields of inquiry.

As I have said, however, it appears to be clear enough, from the way in which the recommendation is set out here, that the proposed council would not confine itself to mere inquiry. It would have the right to send for officers of the Department, for example, and could question them regarding proposals. It could question them on the methods by which these proposals would be carried out and on any other issues arising there from. Moreover, each year it would review the chief educational activities of the Department and question higher officials on those activities. It would publish a yearly report, dealing with defects or with possible developments in various branches of education. Especially, it would deal with the co-ordination of the whole educational system, from primary school to university, and the relation of primary education to the more important fundamental education as a whole. All these questions would seem to me to lie within the sphere of educational policy entrusted to the Minister for the time being. No doubt, the Minister could from time to time refer questions of the nature mentioned to such a council, but it seems to me that, if the council is to be entrusted here and now with all these responsibilities, it would be difficult to see where the Minister's responsibility for educational administration and policy ends and where the responsibility of the council begins.

Under the vocational education system, which is administered through local statutory committees representing the trades, occupations and professions of the area, the bodies concerned should be familiar with the needs of their respective districts and they should know the wishes of the parents. I think members on all sides of the House will agree that there is popular and democratic control there in the fullest sense. There is an annual congress of the representatives of vocational education and there is a council set up. First, there is the Irish Technical Education Association and, secondly, there is a committee or council of that body. When the Department of Education was asked why we had not set up a consultative council, as contemplated under the Vocational Act of 1930, we replied that, in fact, we regarded the Irish Technical Education Association as a consultative council. The commission, in paragraph 353 of its report, does not consider that this council is adequately representative, or if it is, that it can look after vocational education as a suitable consultative council. The paragraph goes on to state:—

"But this body, representing local vocational education committees, with a standing council including officers employed under such committees, cannot be said to be independent of the Department, for both committees and officers rely on the Department for their grants and the approval of their schemes. Moreover, the association's annual congress; attended by large numbers and with constantly changing personnel, has neither the time nor the means for a thorough review and annual report; the smaller standing council meets very infrequently and cannot be considered an adequate consultative body, which should include persons of national standing representing the universities, secondary education, organised employers and organised labour."

I should have thought that most of those interested, particularly organised employers and organised labour, would be represented in one way or another in the Irish Technical Education Association. However, for the reasons stated by them, the commission did not consider this body to be adequate.

I shall not trouble the House at this stage by going into the comments of the commission on vocational education and technical education generally, but I should like to call the attention of the Dáil to the foreword written by the Most Reverend Chairman of the commission, in which he states that—

"vocational organisations should develop from existing institutions and should follow the laws of organic growth."

Except for the body to which I have just referred and which, I think, can claim to speak for vocational education, there is no body, so far as I know, which can claim to be considered as the basis for the establishment of a council representing primary and secondary education.

What about all the bodies of which the Minister has been speaking?

If the answer to that should be: "Well, why not now set up such a body?" I have referred to some of the difficulties. I should like to refer now to one very serious difficulty, to which I have not already alluded—the problem of allocating representation between all these different bodies, apart from the fact that, if the council is set up, presumably the system of consultation to which others as well as myself attach the greatest importance will go by the board.

Presumably, if these different vocational interests or organisations wish to approach me, they could scarcely do so, or may not consider it proper, it seems to me, to do so, except through the agency of the education council on which they would have their representatives. If all the bodies directly concerned in the various branches of education, religious and secular, viz., the churches, universities, headmasters and teachers, are to be accorded representation—I take it equally, for it seems clear that the recommendation of the commission aims at securing representation on the commission for all those bodies—it seems to me that the council will be a very large body indeed. In the sphere of secondary education, I think we have at least seven associations. Representative bodies of agriculture, industry and commerce also will demand fairly good representation and will not be content to be in a very small minority, in a body consisting predominantly of teachers and representatives of the teaching profession.

If these are added and, as well as these, representatives of parents, whose interests in education are preponderant, the council will certainly be very large and, in my opinion, an unwiedly body. When this question was mooted in the Dáil, in the course of a discussion on the Education Estimates, in the time of my predecessor, he rather scoffed—I think that would not be an incorrect or improper way to describe his remarks —at the idea of parents' representatives being on such a body. We all know that different parents have different views; they have the most divergent views; but, quite apart from the fact that parents as a body can scarcely be said to have uniform views and that each individual parent may have different views to the next one, there is the difficulty that there is no machinery at present by which such representatives could be selected. Failing any better assembly or any better representation, it has been suggested that the Dáil, in the annual discussion on education, takes the place of the parents' representatives on such a council, and I think that is true enough.

In any case, it is suggested by the commission that, in the event of a council being set up, parents' representatives should be appointed from a panel proposed to the Minister by the National Vocational Assembly. In the absence of this body, it is not clear how they should be selected. Neither is it made clear what should be the basis of representation between the different educational bodies which would be represented on the council. Will all the bodies receive the same representation, the same number of delegates— one, two or three—or will some receive a larger representation than others because they have a greater number of members or are obviously of greater importance? These are rather difficult questions and, while the commission's report has given some indication of how representation should be built up in respect of other vocational bodies, I am afraid that we have no light from them on the question of the details of representation to the education council.

There is also the important point that the problems that arise in connection with the different branches of education vary very much and the knowledge and experience of education possessed by many members of a council of education constituted on the lines proposed in the report would frequently be confined to one branch of the subject. Difficulties would inevitably arise if such persons were placed in a position to offer advice regarding other branches about which they had little or no knowledge or experience. Instead of the system of consultation under which discussion of a fruitful nature takes place between representatives of the Department and of that branch of education who are most closely in touch with its problems and who are best qualified to speak for it and who have the best knowledge, training and experience, we would have a very large and unwieldy body. It might very easily happen that all the representatives of secondary education if, for example, the seven associations were all to be represented and should vote together, could be outvoted upon an issue of secondary education by these other representatives, many of whom might have really very little, if any, acquaintance with secondary education, if the decision was to be determined by the majority. One can easily see that in a very large body of perhaps, half a hundred members, discussion would become difficult and fruitful results, I think, would become scanty if this council had under discussion all the problems dealing with all the different branches of the service. The question would inevitably arise whether it would not be necessary to have three or, perhaps, four councils or advisory bodies to deal with, let us say, the four main branches of education—primary, secondary, vocational and university —not including the institutions of science and art.

I do not think there is anything further that I can usefully say at this stage. To enter in detail into the arguments as regards the present state of education or the alleged defects in the system of education or in the results of that system, to which the report of the commission refers, would take me too far afield and, possibly, I may have other opportunities for dealing with the matter. I must say, as the House will, no doubt, have gathered from the trend of my remarks, that while the issue is still open and the Government are entirely free to decide to set up this council should they think fit, I, as Minister for Education, having regard to the manner in which the proposals are set out and the implications which I see in them and to which I have referred, do not think I could, in my present state of knowledge, at any rate, recommend to the Government that such a council as is contemplated in the report, with the powers that are spoken of be established.

We certainly had a few gems from the Minister in the course of a rather involved and, may I say, rather irrelevant speech. I think his concluding remarks were priceless. Having spoken for nearly 40 minutes in the strain in which he did speak, he would up by telling us the Government have an open mind on the report of the Commission on Vocational Organisation as regards this council of education. I said the Minister's speech was largely irrelevant. May I remind Deputies that what we are supposed to be discussing here is:

"That Dáil Éireann agrees with the recommendation of the Commission on Vocational Organisation that there should be established a council of education as a permanent institution to act as the accredited advisory body to the Minister for Education—"

Perhaps I had better finish reading the motion in view of the Minister's talk about vagueness—

"and directs that a Select Committee of which the Minister for Education shall be chairman, and consisting of 11 other Deputies be appointed with a view to the early formulation of the necessary legislative proposals."

That is the motion before the House. No one would gather from the Minister's speech that that was the motion which we are supposed to be discussing. Listening to the Minister, one would imagine that we were proposing that the Minister and the Department of Education should be removed and supplanted by the proposed council.

The Minister quoted from a number of paragraphs in the report of the Commission on Vocational Organisation. It was rather strange that he did not quote from the paragraph which has the nearest bearing on this motion, which is the basis of the motion. I will ask Deputies to listen while I give a short quotation from paragraph 540, page 335:—

"We recommend, therefore, the establishment of a council of education as a permanent institution to act as the accredited advisory body to the Minister for Education. It should be a vocational non-political body without any executive or administrative powers."

"...without any executive or administrative powers"—that is the recommendation of the commission. What has the Minister been talking about for the last 40 minutes? It seems to me that the Minister did not read the motion. He certainly did not address himself to it and certainly did not address himself to the paragraph of the report from which I have just quoted, or, if he did, why does he suggest to the House that this council asked for in the motion would be in a position to direct the whole policy of the Department of Education?

The Minister talked about the alleged defects in the present educational system Does the Minister suggest, and does the Taoiseach agree, that the present system of education is satisfactory? Does he suggest that he could not get from a body such as that contemplated in the report and in this motion information which would be of value not only to him and his Department but to the country? What is the use of the Minister talking about reforms and advances in education when we find to-day the position in which 80 to 90 per cent. of our pupils finish their school lives at 14 years of age? What is the use of talking about reforms, improvements or advances when, on that fundamental, we are still in the same position as we were in 30 years ago? What is the use of talking about this country's progress, about greater production from the soil and from the factory, of a higher sense of citizenship, of fitting ourselves to meet the battles we shall have to meet in the economic and other fields when the war is over, or of talking to farmers and farmers' sons and agricultural labourers and their sons about improved methods of agriculture, about leaflets from the Department, about fertilisation, about compound manures and percentages and so on, and about going in for cow-testing, if the education they are to get to fit them for these improvements is to cease at 14 years of age when they leave school?

I want to say here publicly and plainly that so far as the vast bulk of our people in rural Ireland—perhaps even to a greater extent in urban Ireland, but certainly in rural Ireland —is concerned, they are not fitted by the education they receive to understand one-fifth of what the Departments set up by the State are trying to teach them.

There is no Deputy but knows that as well as, if not better than, I do. We have this Department of Education plodding along in the same old way year in, year out, and, as an ordinary plain citizen without any qualification, if I may put it that way, to speak on education as such, because my own education was rather limited—perhaps for that reason I want to see other people get a better chance—I venture to say that if the educational standard of those leaving school at 14 years of age now is no lower than it was 15, 20 or 30 years ago, so far as I can ascertain through the country, it is certainly no higher, and we are not doing justice to the children of the country so long as we tolerate that position and a Department of Education which is prepared to sit down and allow that to go on is not doing its duty.

The Minister does not want an advisory council because he has people whom he can consult, people who know more about it than anybody else, the officials of his own Department.

Who are they?

The representatives of all these organisations — all the interests in education outside.

Will the Minister answer this question: when, if ever, was he prepared to listen to the only people who could give him that information, the national teachers, and act upon their suggestions?

He refused to meet them.

We have met them frequently.

Not only has he not met them frequently, but he has refused to attend their annual congresses.

He refused to meet deputations, too.

As a matter of fact, the Taoiseach has just met the representatives of the teachers, and, if Deputy Morrissey consults the teachers' organisation, they will answer that question, as to whether the Minister has met them or not, whenever they wished to meet him.

Will the Minister say what good it did the teachers to meet him?

It is very valuable to meet them.

One knows something about the Taoiseach, and perhaps the Minister, meeting people. The Taoiseach is the most charming person in the world in meeting people. He can be very charming and will be still more charming when those who come to see him are leaving, but they will not have changed the Taoiseach's opinion, and I doubt if they will have changed the Minister's. I put the question to the Minister: has he ever acted on recommendations made to him by the teachers' organisation out of their experience?

Yes. One of the faults this report on vocational organisation finds with me is that, on the recommendation of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation and their representatives, I removed rural science from the programme of national schools as an obligatory subject in 1934.

So far as I know, the teachers made two major recommendations within the last few years. One was on the question of the school-leaving age and the Minister turned it down flatly. The second, if my recollection is correct, was an inquiry into the results of the policy of Irish in the schools over the past 20 years. The Minister smiles. I am speaking purely from recollection, and, if I am wrong, I should like to be corrected here and now.

Did the Deputy see the sort of inquiry suggested?

I understand——

Oh, you understand, but you did not read the document or see the questionnaire sent out?

I am not talking about the questionnaire. I say that I read in the public Press like every other ordinary plain citizen that the Irish National Teachers' Organisation made a proposal with regard to the teaching of Irish in the schools which the Minister turned down. I am concerned mainly, and almost wholly, with this question of the school-leaving age.

That is a public question for this Dáil, mainly.

And that is why I bring it in here. I frankly admit that I am not competent to go into this question of teaching in primary, secondary and vocational schools and in universities, but I am going into it to the best of my ability and I say it is fundamental and plain, even to a person like myself, that we cannot have an educated race of people if we cannot afford to keep children at school beyond the age of 14 years. I am sure the Taoiseach, as one who has been interested in education all his life, will admit that there is very little use in trying to get our people to take advantage of the latest improvements in industry, agriculture, or any form of our life, if the best we can do for them is to leave them in a national school until they reach the age of 14 years. We know that 80 per cent. of them never see any other school. That is the position as I see it, and I would like to have a clear pronouncement on this from the Taoiseach or the Minister on that question. I think that until such time as we have settled that——

If the Deputy will put down a motion on that, instead of bringing it in as a side issue on this motion, he can have all the information and statements that he wants on it.

There is no side issue at all.

It is a side issue in connection with this motion—that we should have a continuation of primary education after the age of 14 years. That is a very big public question that would merit the attention of the Dáil. I am perfectly certain that, if there is a motion to that effect put down, the Minister for Education would be very glad to meet the Dáil on it. It is a big public question into which a whole lot of considerations enter—finance and other matters.

Of course, there are.

It is, as I say, a big public question.

The question we are entitled to ask is, what is the Government's mind on this? It is the Government's responsibility.

I have said that we would be delighted to meet the Deputy on that matter if the Deputy puts down a motion. The motion before the House deals with the question of a council of education.

One of the reasons why we want a council of education to advise the Minister is because nothing is being done. We are hoping that, if we get someone to advise him, something may be done. There is no use in the Taoiseach trying to sidetrack this by saying that he would love to meet the Dáil on it. The Taoiseach, when he wants to do anything, does not wait for the Dáil to tell him. He tells the Dáil what he thinks should be done, and very properly as the head of the Government. What is the mind of the Government on this question of the school-leaving age?

That is a matter that has been under consideration. The pros and cons of it have been considered, but the matter has not been definitely settled. There is a commission sitting at present, and before the final decisions are reached one of the things we will want to know is what the commission has to say.

The position, then is more hopeless than I had thought. There is a commission sitting.

Well, the Deputy is looking for advice.

There is a commission.

Very well, let us deal with that.

We are now told, after listening to the Minister for 40 minutes telling us that there was no necessity for any commission or any council to advise him——

He did not say that. He said that we had any amount of advisers already.

The Taoiseach rebuked me once for making an interjection while the Minister was speaking, but the Minister did say that he had no earthly use good, bad or indifferent for any sort of council, advisory or otherwise, either the one suggested in this motion or the one which apparently he has in his own mind. He was satisfied that he could not get better advice from a council than the advice he was already in a position to get. That is what we had from a man who has been Minister for Education for 13 years. We are now told that the Government has no policy on the school leaving age, and that it has never made up its mind on it. That is all I have to say on the matter.

Because of the time limit I intend to be brief. I cannot congratulate the Minister on the case he attempted to make on this motion which seeks to set up a select committee of the House to advise us as to how a council of education could be constituted. The Minister pointed to many ways in which great difficulties might arise in the formation of this proposed council. We have before us the definite suggestion that a committee of this House should meet to find a solution of the problem of consituting a representative council of education. The grave difficulty which the Minister sees in connection with a council of education is that there might be a conflict between the views of the majority of it and himself and his Department. I ask the House, is that a valid reason why this council should not be set up? Is it not better that we should have a definite conflict of ideas in regard to education than that we should allow the situation to drift along as it has been drifting for 20 years? Would it not be better that this council of independent advisers should shall we say, occasionally rile the Minister as other Ministers have been riled by the report of the Vocational Commission?

Would it not be reasonable to assume that, if the Minister's anger were aroused by the decisions of this council, he might be spurred into doing something definite something really effective in order to provide the country with a better educational system than we have at present. But the Minister says that it would be disastrous if there was a conflict of opinion between this council and himself, as Minister, or his Department.

The council envisaged in this motion will have no administrative or executive functions. It will be a purely advisory body, and as such will be far superior to the various deputations or delegations which may meet the Minister from time to time. We all know that when deputations meet Ministers they have the feeling that they are dealing with a superior individual: that they are going to ask some favour or concession. Here we could have an independent body which would not feel itself in that inferior position of having to approach the Minister for some favour or concession. It would be a body which could make its decisions in the same way as, for example, a local authority. If the Minister's arguments against this council of education are sound, then the same arguments could be applied for the abolition of all locally elected bodies. On frequent occasions the latter clash with the Minister or the Government, but I think that a clash of ideas is always desirable. If we want to bring about reforms we do not want to have everything stream-lined and the official point of view the only one that can be heard—the only one that can be effectively put forward. I believe that democracy can only function at present through vocational bodies such as are advocated in this motion and by the Commission on Vocational Organisation. I know that propaganda is being used at the present time against vocationalism in every shape and form. It is possible that the Minister for Education is lining up to-day behind Flann Campbell and other Communists who advocate that vocationalism is the enemy of democracy, and that vocational organisation is a form of Fascism and of Nasism. I think that under the present complex system of our national life democracy can only function through vocational bodies such as are being proposed in the motion.

If we are not prepared to set up vocational councils such as this, then we shall eventually have a servile State in which the official view point is the only one that will be heard and the only one that will be effective. I ask the House to consider, in the interests of a better system of education, in the interests of democracy functioning effectively, to accept the motion. I think it will be found that, while it may cause occasional headaches for the Minister for Education, it will have the ultimate effect of raising the educational service to a higher standard.

There was objection made that the Minister for Education did not speak to the motion. He was dealing with the general spirit behind it. I will try to keep very closely to it. The first thing is that it is a vote of censure, simply and solely, on the Government. There is an organisation set up here by the Constitution—Parliament—with an executive responsible to Parliament—the Government. That is the body that is primarily responsible for considering and bringing before the House proposals for legislation. Although the Government has indicated that a certain report has to be considered in its broadest aspects, namely, the whole Vocational Commission Report, and that this whole question of vocationalism has to be considered in its broadest aspect, the proposal here is that the Government should be set aside, that its desire to examine that matter in its broadest aspects should be ignored, that, although the principal executive committee of the Dáil, that is, the Government, has not had an opportunity of examining this thing in all its bearings, the Government should be set aside, that the Dáil should here and now come to a decision that it was desirable to set up this particular council, and that it should immediately displace the Government also by setting up a select committee of eleven who were to replace the Government and to bring in this legislation. I say that a proposal of that sort, unless it had the agreement of the Government, who wanted to bring in Deputies of the House, must turn the whole organisation of legislation by Parliament topsyturvy. If the Government is not going to have the support of the House in giving reasonable time for the discussion of these things, the sooner the Government is got ride of the better, and if there is a majority in the House who want this thing done, let it be done but, as long as the Government is here and has responsibility to the House, it must see that its responsibilities are not taken from it, that its duties and functions are kept to it and are not handed over to some other body. When all is said and done, that is what is behind that resolution, apart from any merits that there may or may not be in the question of an educational council.

The Minister did not address himself to that particular aspect of the question but I do and I think it is a very, very serious aspect, because the whole question is whether countries have been quite wrong in the past who have built up this system of a representative institution, where the people are represented in Parliament and where Parliament deliberately puts in an executive to do the executive work from day to day and to be at the will of Parliament, to be thrown out if they do not do their work properly. That is the view I take of this resolution. If passed, I feel it is equivalent to a vote of no confidence in the Government. If that is the intention of the House, be it so, but let us not lose sight of that fundamental fact, that that is what is contained in the resolution.

Coming to the question of the merits, Deputy Morrissey immediately brought in a question of great public importance, the question of whether primary education should end at the age of 14 years or not. I say that that is not a question for a council of education. They may give certain advice and so on, but ultimately the decision on a matter of that sort, which involves general public policy, the whole question of the social life of the people and the result that would come from this education, is a question for this Parliament. It is a question for the Government to consider and it is a question for Parliament then to decide either that the Government has a proper policy which it will support or else turn out the Government and say that in this vital issue the Government does not represent the country and is not looking after the country's interests in the proper manner. The school-leaving age is not the question here at issue. If Deputy Morrissey's point is that we might get advice from such a council of such a body, that is another question. As far as we are concerned, it is a matter that came up for discussion on more than one occasion. It is a question in which I do not mind admitting I have the greatest interest myself, personally. I should like, if I could, to see every individual in the country getting even university education. I do not think that anybody is the worse for it. It may make it a little bit more difficult for people who are taken away from a certain life and given higher education to go back and to take up a spade and shovel and work as a farm labourer. There may be social reactions and it may be held that I am wrong in thinking that every human being ought to cultivate his mind to the utmost that it is possible for him.

I have, of course, to bear in mind that, whilst, we would desire an extension of the school-leaving age—every member of the Government would desire that as much, I am sure, as members of the Opposition—there are reactions which would follow and there are financial and other problems that would arise from it. Ultimately, I think, we will have to come to a decision on that particular matter one way or the other, but one of the reasons why a decision on the matter at the moment has not been taken is because there is, in fact, a commission sitting which may regard it as one of its functions to consider just that particular aspect and to make recommendations.

I pass away from that particular subject simply saying this, that the Government are quite alive to the importance of it. We regard it as a great public question and we regard it, normally, that the place where that has to be debated and worked out has to be here in this Dáil. I may say also, whether it be a commission or any other body that talks about representation of the parents, that I know no place where we are likely to get such a fair representation of the parents' point of view as here in this Dáil. That is my view. I feel that otherwise you will be selecting particular sections and may find that you will want to have a very large body indeed to represent parents of different classes, with the different interests they have and the different angles they have upon the education given to their children. Most of us are parents. One would imagine that the Ministers and the officials of the Department of Education were not parents themselves and had nothing but the remotest contact; that the teachers, inspectors and the rest of them were not parents, that they were some isolated sort of queer individuals that lived some sort of life that kept them far away from the realities of parenthood and the realities of parents' obligations. That is not so. Everybody knows that that is not so.

Nothing is easier than to criticise something in general terms, with a vague general background. The less you know, the easier it is to criticise. There is some inhibiting of your criticism when you know all the fact— it curbs your style. Your style is much freer when you know nothing about it and you are not deterred by the fact that you have knowledge in your own mind about it that stops you from saying ridiculous things.

One of the positions with regard to education is this, that there are many critics of it who have never taken the slightest care to make themselves acquainted with what is being done—not the slighest care. They do not know what is taking place; they do not know the methods that are adopted in the Department of Education in regard to consultation or anything else. The fact is—and it is true of other Ministers just as well as of the Ministry of Education—but, keeping to education, the fact is, as the Minister pointed out, that there is considerable consultation with the various bodies that are immediately and directly in touch with educational matters. I will admit that there is one big gap, and that is the parents. I wish there were some way, other than the Dáil, in which the parents could be represented, but I cannot honestly see how you can set up such a committee that will be in any big, real way representative and I believe it is the duty—one of the principal duties—of representatives here, in this important matter, when the educational Estimates come up and at any other time that occasion presents itself, as public representatives to bring up this question of education and present it from the point of view of the parents who, as everybody admits, have the primary responsibility with regard to education and the chief interest in education. They may not be educational experts, but they know where the shoe pinches. Their judgment is often a great deal better and far wiser than that of a lot of those people who set themselves up as experts.

The truth is that in primary education there is very little scope for a variety of subjects, and that is one of the reasons—I do not mind admitting it—why I personally would like very much to see the school age extended. One of the reasons why I should like to see it raised is that I know that within the period which is available for children from the age of seven to 14 say, it is not possible, even with a reasonably restricted programme, to do it sufficiently soundly and sufficiently well to form the basis for the education which everybody must get for himself ultimately in life. The period is too short. Although there is a variety of subjects which I should like to see taught to children in primary schools, I am not such a fool as to think that you can give it to them; I am not such a fool as to think that you can cram into the head of a child from eight to 14 years that amount which older people might like to get or all the knowledge that can be crammed into the heads of people who are of university age. It cannot be done.

Wherever I have had an opportunity of pressing it I have pressed time after time with regard to primary education that though there is very little that can be done you must see that that little is well done. I am not going to repeat it now, but I spoke for a very long time on a former occasion about the whole thing as I saw it. I am perfectly certain that all those people who try to get in nature study and all those other things from the age of seven to 14 are on the wrong track. You can do a lot; a good teacher can do a lot and good readers can do a lot. You can teach a child certain important facts contained in the readers. You have a whole lot of things that you try to get in in the period, but it is very difficult to devise a reader which will be of such a general all-round character that you will be able to give the child such things as a child ought to know before it leaves school.

Coming back to this question of a council of education, I say that the Minister at the present time is getting advice from every section, except the section of the parents as such. He gets it directly otherwise. The only people under the whole system who are not directly in consultation with the Minister are the parents. You do not hear about the meetings which the Minister has with the representatives of the Catholic and Protestant headmasters. Deputy Morrissey spoke about not accepting advice. Surely it is not the position that he is to accept everything that is put up to him.

He accepts nothing.

There may be very good reason. If he has a good reason for not accepting, why should he not refuse? Surely there must be some reason behind it. The question is, will a composite council consisting of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant headmasters, the primary teachers, the secondary teachers, and some parents thrown in give better advice to the Minister than the Minister is getting from the specialised bodies at present? I think it is very doubtful. I do not think that the vocational commission even asked these various bodies; perhaps they did. Did they ask the Catholic headmasters? Did they ask the Protestant headmasters? Did they ask the National Teachers' Association?

Perhaps they need not ask the teachers, because I think they have already committed themselves to it. They could assume, I take it, from the steps which the national teachers took before, that they would be in favour of a council. But remember what the Minister said, that we have here a system of denominational education and that the Minister, having met the Catholic headmasters and the others, has to devise a course which will be suitable and satisfactory to all. I do not want to be committed to this because I have not examined the matter fully, but at first blush I would be inclined to say that I would like to have representatives of the groups meet occasionally just for a general look-over the whole programme, a sort of discussion. But, if they come to a decision, the question is, what value is the decision to have?

That brings in the question of representation for each body, if it is to be by majority vote. You will have this complicated question as to the number of representatives you will give to the various bodies. You can, for instance, say that the vote of three representatives of one body is as good as the vote of three representatives of another. During the time I was in the Department, I do not mind confessing that I had at the back of my mind that I might try to get the representatives of the various groups that were meeting me separately to meet me as a body for some general discussion of one kind or another. I was not too sure that, if I approached the groups and asked them to come to me as a body, they would be willing. I may be wrong about this, but I do not know that the commission asked these bodies if they would be willing, or if they thought it would be desirable. Surely one of the first things that the Government would have to assure itself of, if it proposed a council of this sort, would be that the various bodies that it would be proposed to bring together would be willing to come together and whether they would think it was the best way of dealing with the matter or not.

As I have said, the position of the Government is that we have not taken a decision on this matter. Let nobody go away with the idea that we are against vocationalism altogether. If we were, we would never have established the commission; the commission would never have been set up. It was set up by the Government and I must take the primary responsibility for the setting up of that commission. It was a very important question which I was anxious to see examined. When we set up the commission to examine it, that did not mean that we would necessarily accept the findings of the commission.

It is a very broad question and we had to satisfy ourselves that it would be examined from every particular angle, that all the difficulties would be clearly envisaged, and where difficulties came in the way, that the solution of these difficulties would be suggested. But it is not true to suggest that the Government were opposed to the idea of vocational organisation. My own faith in it was that I did believe that government in modern times is becoming so complicated and complex that it is almost impossible, with the duties now being placed on a Government, to see all questions from every possible angle. In the old days, when the duties of a Government were more confined and when Parliament had more time to deal with these matters, it was a different question. If, to-day, Parliament had sufficient time to consider all these questions, I believe that the need for vocational organisation would be very slight, because I believe that the representatives who were sent here by the people on the present basis of representation are a fair cross-section, of the community as a whole and that in the long run the decisions which they would take on any particular matter are as likely to represent the public good as decisions that would come from any other body. I do know that, up to the present, the time which Parliament could devote to the consideration of any particular question has necessarily been limited. Very often, in the case of some important issue, we have seen that some members on the Government side of the House would have liked to speak, but if they did so, the Government would not have been able to get through its programme at all. As a result, there has been a self-imposed silence in the case of members on the Government side. They allow the Minister responsible for a particular measure to pilot the measure through; and very few people on the Government side speak to support it. It mainly becomes a question between the Minister, representing the Government policy, and the Opposition.

Of course, that is not as healthy as it would be if you had time enough and had no urge to get through with public business. If there were plenty of time, every member of the House could express his views, whether on the Government side or the Opposition side. I realise that, in modern conditions, there are considerable difficulties in a Government giving time to having questions examined. I had a hope that if, side by side with the territorial organisation of democracy which we have here, it were possible to set up something else, something like a vocational organisation, these things might be complementary one to another. We might then be able to place before the vocational bodies many of the questions which come before Parliament and they would already have been sifted and discussed by such bodies.

I have not been blind at all to the difficulties of that. As a matter of fact, I believe that, when the commission was being set up, I did say that, if it failed in one thing, it would have failed practically completely, that is, if it failed in getting a satisfactory organisation of the rural community. One of the principal difficulties we have in regard to agriculture is that it cannot organiser itself to protect its own interests. It cannot organise itself, in the nature of things, in the same way as, say, building organisations organise themselves. That was one of the problems which the commission had to face. I do not know if members have read the report of the commission, which is a fairly long one and would take some time to read. I am very doubtful if the solution that has been suggested is adequate to the task. It is an extremely difficult task as, in this country, we have not been organised very much on that basis and, being largely a rural community, I doubt if we lend ourselves to it in that way. It is easy enough for the professions to become organised. That has been done already and has not presented any real difficulty. The organisation of trades and industries has been somewhat more complicated, but has not been altogether impossible. I still believe that the problem of the organisation of our rural community on a vocational basis has not yet been solved. The question then arises as to whether the State is going to organise the rural community from the top or is to encourage the natural organisations from below, by making suggestions or giving facilities of various kinds. That was clearly before the mind of the chairman when he mentioned this.

It is a very big question, which cannot be settled quickly. The examination which has been going on in the Departments has been for the purpose of testing the practicability of the suggestions that have been put forward. Everybody admits that it is easy enough to propose a scheme, if you have not placed upon you the responsibility of seeing that it is a scheme which will work in every detail. It has been sent to the Departments, which have experience of these things, in order to find out the flaws that may arise if a particular scheme were put into operation and the difficulties there would be in its working. Again, that takes time and that examination has not been completed so far by the Government. We have got preliminary reports and we are waiting for further reports.

Therefore, two things stand against our acceptance of this resolution, apart from any question of principle. Firstly, this council of education has to be fitted in, if possible, to the whole scheme. Secondly, the question of the council of education has to be closely examined on its own merits, apart from that. The big question arises as to whether, in fact, such a council as is proposed can be brought together by the State and whether it is desirable that that should be done. Even if it were desirable, can the State influence these bodies to come together? And, if so, what relative representation, and so on, will be given to them, what value will be placed on a decision by a majority vote? The question immediately arises as to whether a vote on one side by one particular representative is as good as a vote on the other side.

As one who is very interested, I would say that, as this question has waited over for solution for a considerable period up to the present, it can wait over until this fundamental question has been examined. If we have proposals in respect of that, they will come before Parliament. If not, after a reasonable time, it will be for Parliament to ask what are we doing about this matter. It will be for Parliament to ask what the Government's policy is regarding a council of education and whether it is in favour of it or not. It would be for Parliament to ask what the Government's policy is regarding the school leaving age and such related problems. I ask the House not to press this motion at the present time. In all the circumstances, it is in fact, though slightly covered over, a vote of no confidence in the Government. If there were confidence in the Government, the motion would not have been brought forward at all. That is my view of it.

While I am disappointed in the speech of the Minister, I am shocked at the speech of the Taoiseach. His free interpretation of this motion, which every Deputy can read, is actually a deliberate distortion of the motion before the House. When there is an application by a couple of Deputies in Parliament, that a select committee under the chairmanship of the Minister should be set up, to make recommendations with regard to certain matters, to read into that a vote of censure on the Government is not giving an honest lead to this Assembly. How is a select committee established by this House? With the majority Party having a majority on it, with that committee presided over by a Minister, with the type of majority we have opposite—obedient, docile, disciplined—it is suggested that the appointment of such a committee, to make recommendations, to advise with regard to legislation, is turning the whole Parliamentary machine topsyturvy. The man who uttered that challenge to Parliament does not know how to spell the word democracy. The man who uttered that challenge in Parliament does not know how a Parliament should work. Surely a Parliament should work through discussion and not through the ringing of bells and gagged votes? A Parliament should investigate questions, either by the whole of Parliament or by a committee of the Parliament.

Policy is not just a thing to be decided and imposed on the people by a secret caucus or by an individual's whim, by an individual with a mind as non-elastic, as inflexible, as a cannon ball. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 9 p.m. to 3 p.m. on Thursday, 19th April, 1945.
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