I fully agree with the Deputies who stated that the limited amount of money allocated for the purposes covered by this Vote has been efficiently spent on useful local and national schemes. My concern is that much more money should be allocated for this purpose until such time as schemes of the kind for which the money is allocated will have been exhausted. That will take a long time. I intervene in this debate mainly for the purpose of urging the Parliamentary Secretary and the Government to bring about some revolutionary changes in the conditions under which citizens are employed on minor relief schemes. I have considerable experience, as other Deputies have, in dealing with the Department of Public Works in connection with proposals put forward by groups of constituents, by individuals and by local authorities, and, so far as I am aware, the moneys allocated to my constituency by the Department of Public Works have been so allocated without reference to political considerations or representations. I am sure that, if the Parliamentary Secretary and the Department had more money at their disposal, much more satisfactory work could be done. From observation of some works carried out in my constituency, I am satisfied that much better results to the ratepayers and taxpayers would have accrued if full-time employment at decent rates of wages had been provided for those employed on the schemes. Deputies have been furnished, from time to time, with white papers and brown papers giving details of national development schemes which the Government propose to carry out, such as rural electrification, arterial drainage and turf development, but I see no commonsense plan in relation to the carrying out of minor relief schemes. Surely, it is the policy of the Government to provide full employment for our able-bodied unemployed whenever the opportunity is available. I understood from Ministers, speaking here from time to time, that their policy was a policy of full employment at decent rates of wages. Nobody in this House —I invite the Parliamentary Secretary to do so—could stand up and defend the coolie conditions under which workers are conscripted on minor relief schemes in rural areas. I use the word "conscripted" advisedly, because, unless they were registered at a labour exchange, they could not be forced to work under the coolie conditions appertaining to those schemes.
I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to say how he justifies the allocation of the same amount of money this year for this purpose as he did last year. The total is virtually the same. In the Vote itself, there is a certain manipulation of figures. £40,000 is taken off the rural employment item and £10,000 off sub-head I, which deals with development work in bogs used by landowners and other private producers. That makes £50,000. He allocates that £50,000, taken off other sub-heads, to the Vote for farm improvement schemes. That is purely a book-keeping arrangement. In round figures, the total amount of the Vote is the same as it was last year. How does the Parliamentary Secretary come to assume that we shall have the same number of unemployed persons during the coming winter and spring as we had in the winter of last year and the spring of this year? I have here an extract from what, I think, is an inspired article in a leading British paper in which it is suggested that all the Irish workers who were recruited for civilian employment in Britain during the war period will be forced to come back here. If a fairly large percentage of them are forced to return, will the situation not be different from that which the Parliamentary Secretary envisaged when arranging the details of this Vote? Is it not a fact that, since the Estimate was prepared and approved by the Parliamentary Secretary and the Government, there has been a considerable increase in the number of unemployed as a result of the demobilisation of thousands of able-bodied men from the National Defence Forces? The Parliamentary Secretary is, nevertheless, basing his figures on the position that existed during the winter of last year and the spring of the present year. Although I have no definite reasons for so doing, I question the wisdom of that policy. May we assume that if the number of unemployed persons in the rural areas is considerably increased, there will be an automatic increase in the Vote for carrying out works of this kind? The Parliamentary Secretary contrasted the figure of 57,000 unemployed men with that of 60,000 in January, 1945. So far as my constituency is concerned, large numbers of unemployed persons refuse to register at the local exchanges because they are not prepared to accept the conditions under which they would be compelled to work on minor relief schemes.
A number of urgently necessary schemes are lying in the pigeon-holes of the Parliamentary Secretary's Department. They were turned down because it was alleged that there were not at the local labour exchange the necessary number of men registered to carry out those schemes. I pointed out in correspondence that, in some of those cases, the men were available, although they were not registered at the local exchange, and I am now giving the real reason why large numbers refuse to register. If the Parliamentary Secretary will improve the conditions of workers on these minor relief schemes, he will find a considerable increase in the number of those registered in the labour exchanges in portions of my constituency, at any rate. I cannot understand why the Government and the Parliamentary Secretary refuse to improve the conditions of men working on minor relief schemes. On what grounds can the Parliamentary Secretary justify the treatment of those of its employees who carry out works of this kind less favourably than they are treated when carrying out works of a similar kind for local authorities or for farmers in the areas concerned?
The Government should be a model employer and should set a good headline in regard to wages and conditions of service. This Government should give good example to local authorities and to farmers living in the areas where these useful schemes are being carried out. I have never yet heard the reason why they cannot provide continuous employment, a full week's employment, and at least the same rates of wages as are paid by the local authorities for carrying out the same class of work and by the local farmers or by groups of individual farmers. This Government has been described as a "Workers' Government", but nobody who is compelled to work on minor relief schemes and only gets work for four or five days, or in some cases three days, in rural areas, would agree that the title is a proper description of the people responsible.
I read a very interesting article on this matter and, with your permission, I will quote it. His Lordship the Bishop of Galway spoke in Galway on Wednesday last and is quoted in an article headed "Wages—The Church's View". I am quoting from theStandard, which is infallible in matters of this kind, although it may not be infallible in other matters. I am sure it is correct in quoting His Lordship, at any rate. The issue is dated May 17th, in connection with a lecture on the “Catholic Social Programme.” It says:—
"The Church," said His Lordship, "had pressed strongly not merely for the right of a minimum wage, but a family wage, and She never put a ceiling to the top, but always held that the higher the wages go, and the higher the standard of living, the better not merely for the worker, but for the whole community.
That had been proved, particularly in the last 20 years, to be absolutely true. In the great economic slump of 1929, which reached its climax in 1931, it was found that the cause of the slump and unemployment was that money was not being spent, and it was not being spent because it was not being given out in wages."
The next portion is in black type, and I hope it will sink into the Parliamentary Secretary's head, and that he will, in his reply, deal with the policy expressed there:—
"The policy of the Church had been that the higher the proportion of money given to the working man in wages, the better for the whole community, because the money given to him was circulated quickly, kept within the country and, therefore, kept the wheels of industry and commerce going. The higher the proportion of the national income given out in wages, the better for the prosperity of the country."
These are words I would like to hear refuted, if they can be refuted, by the Government spokesman in connection with this discussion and related particularly to the starvation rates of wages and coolie conditions laid down for men who are conscripted to work on minor relief schemes.
In summarising the employment value of this work during the financial year ended 31st March, 1946, the Parliamentary Secretary said, as reported in column 219, volume 101 of the Official Debates:
"The average period of employment given to individual workmen varies with the class of work, and in the different areas, but the total amount of employment afforded in 1945-46, apart from the Farm Improvement Scheme, which is of a different order, is equivalent to 31,000 men each receiving part-time employment for four or five days per week, for the average period of 12 weeks."
The Parliamentary Secretary is well posted by his efficient officials and I wonder if, without great trouble, he could give the number, in that 31,000, who have got four days' work per week, the number who have got five days' work and those who have got a full week, if any.