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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 16 Dec 1948

Vol. 113 No. 13

Adjournment for Christmas Recess (Debate Resumed).

When the Dáil adjourned last evening I was dealing with a serious and important aspect arising out of Government policy. I was dealing with the subject of housing. Housing is one matter on which very specific undertakings were given by the Government when they took office on the 18th February last. In reply to queries addressed to him in the House, the Minister for Local Government told us that this year 400 houses have been completed by the local authority in Dublin and that he hoped in December to receive an additional 200 houses from the contractors, making a total of 600 houses. Considering that housing was a matter in which there was so much interest, that it was a matter on which so many promises were made during the general election, and considering that the solution of the problem demands the earnest and continuous attention of the Government, the building of 600 houses in one year in the City of Dublin is not seriously facing that problem at all.

When I had the temerity, on a debate on the adjournment here, to mention these matters, the Minister considered there was some type of personal affront to himself and that the Deputy raising the matter was doing so, not in the public interest but his own personal interest. That was an extraordinary attitude for the Minister to take. I endeavoured to ascertain by Parliamentary question how many houses would be built next year, and the Minister could give no information. He said it was proposed to build 20,000 to 30,000 houses within the next ten years. I endeavoured by Parliamentary question to ascertain if there was a plan of house building and how many houses that plan provided for in 1949. That question was considered a repeat question and was ruled out of order. I want to ask now is there any plan of house building at all. What plans have been made for the building of houses year by year during these ten years? Is the plan something that is up in the air? It is easy enough to talk about building 20,000 houses in ten years, but what I want to know is how many houses will be built in the City of Dublin next year and what plans are being made to build these houses? How many people now living in slum tenements can expect to have new houses provided for them next year?

The Minister for Local Government has indicated—and I have explained here and elsewhere that I accepted it—that he had every sympathy with the people who were attempting to live under these appalling conditions, but sympathy is no use. What the Minister has been installed in office to do is to build houses. That is the job the Minister took over. That is the Minister's responsibility. The Department of Local Government is the Department that deals with this matter of housing. The Minister has accepted the office of Minister with a full knowledge of the obligations that would be imposed upon him. I ask has the Minister satisfied himself that he has carried out his obligations to the people of this country in the very high office he holds. The Minister established a Housing Consultative Council. I read in to-day's papers that the Minister had a discussion with this Housing Consultative Council yesterday, and, according to the newspapers, the Minister was satisfied with the work that is being done by that Housing Consultative Council since its appointment. I am glad to know that.

When this consultative council was first mooted, I asked the Minister if he was satisfied that it was going to help in any way to provide houses. A director of housing has been appointed. I do not know whether an adequate staff has been provided for him, but I say that until this whole question of housing is tackled in a serious and determined way, there will be no possibility or no hope of 20,000 houses being made available in Dublin within the lifetime of the average person in this House—that is, provided the present Minister is to have the responsibility and charge of the Department during that time.

This is a matter on which we have got to get down to fundamentals, a matter on which we must speak strongly and I am not going to mince my words. If, after ten months in office, there is no plan to build, then I say that as far as the Minister is concerned, he is failing in his job, failing in his responsibility. I said last evening that this inter-Party Government is a peculiarly constructed affair. It is not like a Party Government which can carry on probably with an incompetent or inefficient Minister. This whole inter-Party structure will collapse and must collapse unless every particular link in the chain of Government is a strong and satisfactory link. I regret very much to have to say that, in this matter of the failure of the Minister to deal with this problem of housing in the way in which it should be dealt with, the inter-Party Government is in danger of collapsing right round his ears. That must be faced not only by the Minister; it must be faced by the other Minister and by everybody who supports the inter-Party Government. It would be quite easy for the Minister to get up and reply and to abuse me personally, but abuse by the Minister of me in this House is not going to build houses for the people.

In my constituency and in other constituencies in Dublin there has grown up a voluntary organisation known as the Emergency Housing Association.

That is an association with which I have no connection except as a public representative invited to their branch meetings and their public meetings from time to time, but that association is comprised of thousands of people in the City of Dublin looking for houses. The chairman of that association is a member of this House, Deputy Fitzpatrick of the Clann na Poblachta Party. The principal aim of that association is to get the Government to declare housing a national emergency and to deal with it as such. The thousands of people who comprise that association, wanting houses as they do, have called upon their public representatives to impress on the Government, on this House and particularly on the Minister that when they were demanding houses they were not doing it as a joke; they were doing it seriously and deliberately. Many Deputies in the City of Dublin can express those views in the same way that I have done.

We have had a tremendous amount of publicity—advertising if you like— in regard to the things that were to be done. We were told about prefabrication and a deputation consisting of the Minister and others went across to Scotland to see these "prefabs". I do not know if any tenders for these prefabs have been received yet by the corporation.

I wonder if the Deputy read the paper this morning.

I read the paper, and I understand that the time for the reception of tenders is some time in the month of January. As I say, I do not know whether any tenders have been received nor do I know whether, if the tenders were received to-morrow, there are sites available for these prefabricated houses in the Dublin Corporation area. Those are matters on which I have no information, and on which I can get no information. If 600 houses this year, in the first year of office of the present Minister, represent the full effort of the Minister and of the Government in regard to the Dublin City areas, then I say it is a poor effort. That is the position and the position is a serious one. No night or no evening do I go home that I have not at least five to ten people calling to see me in regard to this matter of housing—large families living in single rooms and in insanitary basements. It is no use to me to tell them that we have the sympathy of the Minister. What these people want to know is what plans have been prepared for the building of those houses. Even yet, I ask the Minister can he tell me how many houses will be built in the year 1949 in the City of Dublin. I shall be satisfied if he gives me the approximate number. What plans are being made to recruit labour? What practical plans are being made to induce skilled building workers across in Britain to come over here and help to build the houses that are needed? What plans are being made for any of these things?

The normal period of office for a Government is four or five years. By the time we reassemble after this Adjournment the Government will have been one year in office. I certainly should not like to be in the position if the responsibility were on me, after one year of office, of being only able to say that I built 600 houses in the year and that I have no practical plans for 1949, but that I would build the houses in ten or 15 years from now. This, as I say, is a serious matter. The Minister must, if he is to have the support of this House—if the Government of which he is a member is to have the support of this House—provide the plans. He must give us facts and figures to show that nothing is being left undone to tackle and deal with this serious problem.

Another matter that was before the Government, and it was one of their declared aims on the 18th February last, was a reduction in the cost of living. What has been done to reduce the cost of living in the last ten months? We know that it is impossible for the average family in Dublin or in the country to make ends meet. We know that, because of the cost, many essentials are outside the capacity of the average person to buy. The Minister for Finance threatened certain people that he would deal with them if they did not help to break prices, but they did not respond to those threats. What is the Government doing to carry out their threats and to break the prices? I should like a clear statement on this matter from whatever Minister of the Government is going to reply. I hope that that reply will not be confined, as most of the reply given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce last night was confined, to a comparison between ten months and 16 years.

I am listening to this at Question Time and I am listening to it shot across the House every day the Dáil is sitting. The people are not concerned with that. It may be all right for the schoolboyish atmosphere of the House, but the people outside are not concerned with these eternal squabbles about 16 years and ten months. What they want is a practical plan. They are reasonable and sensible people and if they are told what has been done and what will be done in the near future they will be reasonable and accept it, but they want to know that there is a plan. I agree with Deputy Lemass that there is a tendency to set up the old idea of free enterprise. If I can read correctly the statements made by Ministers, the idea is to get away from all Government control of Industry. I agree with Deputy Lemass that industrial development in this country needs Government stimulus and Government help. What Government stimulus has been given to industry in the last ten months? What Government help has been given to industry in the last ten months? What Government stimulus will be given to industry in the next ten months? What Government help will be given to industry in the next ten months? Is there any plan in regard to these matters? If the plans are there why conceal them? Why refuse to let this Dáil know what those plans are?

It has been mentioned here that unemployment has increased. I am not altogether certain whether unemployment has increased or not, but I do know that it is almost impossible to find employment for a person who is unemployed and who is anxious to get work of any kind. Every Deputy in this House must know of cases of hardship—married men with families depending on them, who are anxious and willing to work, but where can a person find work for them? Write to the Labour Exchange; write to the Board of Works; get in touch with private employers—it is almost impossible to place a single individual in employment in this city at the moment. We knew ten months ago that unemployment was a serious problem. We knew and we condemned the drain of emigration. The drain of emigration has continued. It is a very dangerous haemorrhage, but I see no improvement in the matter of employment. Whatever little chance there might have been that private employers would obtain capital and build up small establishments or small industries and thus provide employment has been killed by an attitude adopted by the banks shortly after the change of Government. The banks have restricted credit. They will not make credit available except under impossible conditions. The Minister for Finance has denied that that was done by the banks on the orders of the Government. This House must accept his unqualified denial, but the fact is that the banks have restricted credit very seriously, and that that restriction of credit is affecting employment. If that is so, and attention of the Minister has often been drawn to it in this House, it is his duty and the duty of the Government to inquire into this particular attitude of the banks.

Last night the Minister for Industry and Commerce told us that certain industries were dismissing people from employment on a suggestion from members of the Fianna Fáil Party. Is there the suggestion that the banks have restricted credit because of any influence brought to bear upon them by the Fianna Fáil Party? I want it to be perfectly clear. The banks are doing very serious damage by their attitude over the past six or eight months. What steps, if any, have been taken by the Government to deal with that situation or is the Government going to allow the banks to run and control this country in their own interests? There are many matters with which I would like to deal but I want to be fair to the other Deputies who may wish to participate in this debate.

For nine months past, I have been asking that certain pensions payable to discharged soldiers should be increased. Others Deputies have mentioned the matter of pensions for retired teachers. There have been increases in pay for members of the Gárdaí. All these matters have been raised from time to time. Yet, we seem to have made no progress whatsoever in the ten months' period in which the Government has been in office. As far as I could judge, the country as a whole welcomed the change of Government last February. There was a sigh of relief right throughout the country when that change took place. The people looked forward with renewed hope in the belief that this Government would do the many things the individual Parties promised to do both as Parties and in combination. They expected the Government to get down to matters of bread and butter, the problem of unemployment, the problem of emigration and the problem of housing. They looked forward to this Government solving all these. It is a fact now, and the Government must face it, that there has been some damping down of the ardour of the ordinary people. Political thinkers may agree that it would be disastrous for Fianna Fáil to resume office until such time as that Party has built up a new front bench of young and enthusiastic members.

Would the Deputy come over here? He fulfils all the qualifications.

Political thinkers may look at it from that point of view. The general public are not deep political thinkers. Fortunately, their memory is not too long. We have evidence of that. We have seen people in the wilderness for a considerable time and we have seen them come back on the crest of the wave. That is due, to a large extent, to the fact that the ordinary people have not got long memories.

A Deputy

It is due to the fact that Clann na Poblachta resurrected them.

There were people down before Clann na Poblachta appeared. Those people came back again. That is the way of politics. It is a good thing for many people that the public does not look back too far.

There is a general feeling of disappointment right throughout the country now. That disappointment is due to the fact that the Government has failed to live up to the promises it made. It has not lived up to the promises made because the Ministers responsible for all the important matters, such as housing, unemployment, the cost of living and emigration have not carried out the promises they made to the people. If there should be a general election in four or five years' time, as there must be, and if the result of that general election were that we should have the Fianna Fáil Government again on this side of the House, the responsibility for that position will rest on the shoulders of our present Ministers. They will be weighed in the balance and found wanting. It will not be the people's fault. I want to make it perfectly clear that it will be the fault of the individual Ministers of this Government.

In a general way, the small Parties combined together in this inter-Party Government will sink together with the Government. They will sink because of the failure of the Government to do the job properly and because of the failure of the individual Ministers to shoulder their responsibilities. I do not want to introduce any note of hope for the Fianna Fáil Party. If they look back a few years they will see that their failure this year was due to the incompetence of a few of their Ministers. That must be accepted. No Government can afford to carry Ministers who are unable to face the responsibilities of office. There are certain Departments of State that run themselves. In these Departments one does not require the energy or ability that is required in certain other Departments. That is the chief trouble that I see at the moment. If particular Ministers can even now get down to the job before them, if they make a serious and determined effort to deal with the practical problems that confront them, it is possible that they may be able to revive enthusiasm and gain again the respect of the people as a whole. The responsibility rests on them. I can do no more than draw the attention of the House to these particular matters. I can do no more than criticise in as constructive a way as I can in these matters and give advice in so far as I am able to give advice. But I do say that, unless the Ministers answering for the Government are in a position to hold out some hope of real plans for the immediate future, I will join with Deputy Lemass in refusing to agree to the long adjournment of the Dáil that is now proposed.

The speech to which we have just listened is a clear warning to the Coalition Government that the honeymoon is over. Deputy Cowan, of course, is still faithful because he refused to come over and see me some time. But if the Government do not change their tune, the fate which Deputy Cowan has prophesied for them is surely awaiting them. We are all interested in the economic progress of the country. I thank God that now that the republic has been recognised we are all agreed on the sole remaining political step which has to be taken. If we are to make economic progress this country will require, whatever Government is in power, to be given clear and reliable information upon the economic state of the country and, as far as it is possible for human beings to do it, a clear programme for economic development which the Government hopes to pursue. There are many grave economic problems left here as a result of 700 years' occupation despite the best efforts of Fianna Fáil during 16 years. We did not get rid of them all. I thank God we got rid of some of them and that during the period of the five years before the war we did succeed in building and reconstructing 20 per cent. of the houses of the country. The country knew what we intended to do with regard to housing. We had given proof of our willingness to spend money on housing. We reversed the Fine Gael policy of not building houses until prices and materials fell to the point where houses could be built and let at an economic rent, the policy announced by the present Minister for Education when he was Minister for Local Government under Cumann na nGaedheal. We reversed that policy and we proceeded to build all the houses for which we could get the local authorities to accept money to build.

The 1947 Housing Act was a clear indication of where Fianna Fáil Government intended to lead the people: to finish the job that we had so successfully started until the point was reached where every person in the country would have a reasonable chance of getting a decent house for himself and his family.

Deputy Lemass yesterday made a speech in which he clearly showed that lack of confidence in the Government's economic policy was bedevilling not only their own efforts, weak as they may be, but also the efforts of the ordinary private individual throughout the country who wants to improve his farm, build a factory, improve a factory, build a house or improve his house. We should like from the Government before this Adjournment a clear indication that they are going to get rid of as many obstacles to economic development as is possible. There is no reason, at the present time, why a private individual building a house of a modest size for his own requirements should have to go through all the red tape, green tape, white tape or whatever sort of tape he has to go through before he can build himself a house. There is no Deputy in this House who has not got hundreds of letters, if he is in any way in touch with his constituents, complaining bitterly about the obstacles which he has to overcome before a house can be roofed. I trust that the Government, particularly in regard to house-building, will get rid of as many obstacles as possible and have as few forms as possible which it is necessary to fill before a man can build and occupy a house for himself.

Apart from the number of considerations or reasons which Deputy Lemass gave yesterday for lack of confidence in the Government, I want to put forward a couple. I trust that the Government or somebody on behalf of the Government will give an authoritative answer to my question. If we are to make economic progress not only will the Government have to be reasonable in its financial arrangements, in its taxation and in its subsidisation of activities, but it will also have to give a reasonable assurance to the people that they will not be interfered with by armed men forcing them to do their will. There are at the present time throughout the country——

No notice of this subject was given.

The Chair got no notice of any subject.

I got a list.

Yesterday there was notice of one matter from Deputy Peadar Cowan.

I know that this is a subject that the Government Benches do not like.

The Government Benches do not mind this subject provided they get notice.

There are in this country at the present time, to the knowledge of the Minister for Justice——

This is not on the Fianna Fáil list given to the Government.

The list that I got from Deputy Boland is: unemployment; emigration; cost of living; agricultural prices; relieving Exchequer at expense of ratepayers; housing and drainage. This was sent officially, I presume, by Fianna Fáil.

There was no agreement at all on that.

I do not want to discuss this particular aspect of the subject beyond hoping that the Government will make an authoritative statement.

On a point of order. Is it not usual on an adjournment debate, when the main opposition or any other Party gives the Government notice that it is proposed to discuss certain subjects, that Deputies are confined to those subjects? I submit the notice which the Government got and a copy of which I handed to the Chair does not contain the matter to which Deputy Aiken is now referring.

The Parliamentary Secretary is right, it does not contain that particular matter.

I do not intend to raise this matter.

But the Deputy is doing so.

If we are to get rid of unemployment and stop emigration, we must create such conditions, social, economic and political, as will give people confidence to go ahead and do their work.

More sabotage.

The urban council in Dundalk gave Deputy Aiken his answer.

Is it settled practice, or is it for the discretion of the Chair, that if a matter like this is brought in by Deputy Aiken, other Deputies will have an opportunity of dealing with it?

Unfortunately, for years I have not found a debate limited to the headings given to me. I deprecate that, but it is a fact. If Fianna Fáil handed in a list, it should adhere to that list.

I believe you will agree when I have finished, that I have adhered to it. If we are to make progress, we have to have such social, economic and political conditions as will encourage progress, and I want the Taoiseach to say authoritatively, on behalf of the Government, or on behalf of all Parties forming the Government, that all arms held illegally should be surrendered to the Garda.

The Deputy will have to leave it at that.

Deliberate sabotage.

The Deputy is disobeying the Chair.

Mr. de Valera

The Chair has said it has never been the practice to adhere to the list.

It was the practice, but for years that practice was not observed.

Mr. de Valera

I tried, when I was on the other side, several times, to keep to it, but Deputies who are now on the other side were not prepared, at any time, to do so. When arrangements were come to there were Front Bench members at that time who refused to accept them. If it were accepted generally, it would be all right. I do not think the rules ought to change when Deputies change from one side of the House to the other.

If a list like this is to be disregarded——

It has been, for ten years.

But we are starting a new session now.

We can meet you after Christmas and start the new year well. I want the Government to say that these arms, held illegally, should be handed in; that illegal military organisations should be disbanded; that the Taoiseach should give the young men who have these arms in these illegal organisations fair warning and that the Garda will no longer ignore breaches of the law in regard to such arms and organisations, but will enforce the law. That is all I want to say.

Dundalk told you where you got off.

Mr. de Valera

Surely, there is no more important subject to absorb the interests of the House?

There was no notice of it.

Mr. de Valera

But it comes in on the question of economic progress and stability.

What have guns to do with economic stability? Read another dictionary.

Mr. de Valera

Why are Deputies over there so nervous about it?

We asked for a list from the Opposition and we got seven subjects.

I gave notice of this a thousand times and you refused to answer it. I am raising it now because the Government have refused to answer.

We will discuss it with you at any time.

You may cod some of the people——

I thought the Deputy said he had finished on that subject? Now, there is a second row of Deputies who are persistently interrupting. They ought to cease doing so. The second bench ought to keep quiet. Deputy Aiken said he had finished on that matter. I take it he has.

The Dundalk Urban Council are not responsible for national discipline, but the Government are.

The Deputy said he was finished with that.

The Government know what I am talking about and it is up to them to answer the question I put.

Did you hand in your dump?

I do not want the young men of this country to be just simply court fodder. If we are to make progress and if any young man wants to fight for his country, his place is in the regular Army or in some other of the forces of the State.

The Deputy said he was finished with that subject.

I hope the young men will take my advice on that matter.

I hope the Deputy will keep his word to the Chair.

There is another matter that is causing lack of confidence and retarding progress, and that is that the Government's word cannot be taken, when they promise certain things to farmers and industrialists and others.

Oats again.

The second bench again.

I will deal with oats at another time and I invite the Deputy to be present. The Government are also engaged in what I call very shady financial practices. They are making collections surreptitiously and they are selling assets, and if we do not look out at some time they will sell the furniture of this Dáil. They have collected £1,000,000 or so on certain planes that they sold. We discovered the other day from the Minister for Finance that they collected £170,000 on sugar, and we discovered also that the additional tax they put on people who post letters will yield a couple of hundred thousands this year. Lo and behold! In this morning's Independent, that stalwart supporter of Fine Gael, I am accused of “taking money from the thrifty” to the tune of £466,000 when, as a matter of fact, it was the present Minister for Finance did it. The Independent, in its leading article, says in regard to the £466,000 taken into the Exchequer from the Post Office Savings Bank:—

"Now comes the possible explanation of the decision. Tucked away in the Finance Act of 1930 .—a Cumann na nGaedheal Act— is a section which enables the Minister for Finance to appropriate to the Exchequer certain moneys earned by the savings of the public."

It goes on to show that the latest accounts indicated that £466,000 was taken into the Exchequer and it hoped that would not occur again. I would like to examine when it did occur before. The Act was passed in 1930 by the Cumann na nGaedheal Government. For a couple of years afterwards certain amounts were appropriated for the Exchequer. They were taken in accordance with the provisions of a section of the Finance Act of 1930. No such sums were appropriated since then from the Post Office Savings Bank until Fine Gael got back, and this year they appropriated, for the first time in 15 years, £466,000. "Taking money from the thrifty." The Independent tries to put it on to me, on to a Fianna Fáil Minister, when, in fact, it was a Fine Gael Minister who did it for the first time in 15 years. Not only that, but they took in the money and made practically no provision for the reduction in the value of assets— only £51,000. For many years sums were set aside to provide against the depreciation of assets, at one time £274,000 and sometimes they went as far as £1,500,000.

Every possible thing that the Government could sell in order to collect money they have sold. That is bad national economy, bad finance, and it is going to disturb confidence in the Government. Every surreptitious collection of money that they could make, with authority and without it, they have made. Is that the sort of financial practice that is going to create the confidence we want? I trust that the Government will make up their minds, now that the honeymoon is over——

And yours has started.

——that when Ministers make pronouncements and promise something to the people, that they will keep these promises, that they will be as good as their word. They were better than their word, better than their bond, and better than their contract with the civil servants. Civil servants themselves pointed out that the reason that was so was because of political pressure.

Do you object to civil servants getting what they have got?

The civil servants, as I said yesterday, have pointed out that if the Tánaiste could put the screw on the Government, they were going to put the screw on the Minister for Finance, and they did. They got, as the Minister for Finance yesterday admitted, more than their contract, and the people who were promised increases—the Gardaí, the teachers and the pensioned teachers—have got nothing only more fair promises.

They got less from you.

Whatever we promise, we try to perform.

"Try" is right.

The Deputies comprising the Government Parties made many promises and fulfilled few. It is of the utmost importance that if this country is going to be saddled with this Government, as Deputy Cowan prophesied, for another four or five years, that the people ought to know where they are from day to day or year to year, and that if the Minister for Finance or the Minister for Agriculture promises a price for a commodity, then that price should be given. If the Minister does not wish to spend State money on keeping promises of that kind, then he should look before he leaps, and he should not make promises. Either he should keep his promise or he should not make it. I trust that standard of conduct will be adopted by the Government for as long as they remain in office.

There are certain other disturbing factors that have come out recently— new practices that have been adopted by the Government which are disturbing public confidence. I feel it is right that Ministers should take their salaries, as they are doing, and that they should have public transport, as they have, that they should use it on all occasions on which they require it, but I think that it is a rather dangerous practice that is being adopted by the Minister for Agriculture—to take public petrol and be serviced for a private car.

In lieu of a State car.

If he wants public petrol and a public driver, let him take a public car, but it is a dangerous practice and anybody in the country can see it as well as I can. If private cars are going to be taken in and serviced at State expense, where is that going to end? I think that the practice should be examined. That is all I want to say about it. I trust, however, that for the future we are going to have less of this chat that went on for so many years about Ministers using public transport, and that Deputies who were criticising that correct practice for 16 years will not continue that criticism any longer.

There are two Ministers not using public transport and you know it.

According to the Minister for Justice, transport was allocated to all Ministers and Parliamentary Secretaries.

That is not so.

Then have it out with the Minister for Justice.

In any event, there is sanction for it.

The question was asked of the Minister for Justice and he answered "yes".

Deputy Aiken knows that the Minister for External Affairs and the Minister for Health do not use public cars. He is well aware of that.

Deputy Lehane can have it out with the Minister for Justice.

Deputy Lehane will put down a question to the Minister for Justice the next day the Dáil meets.

I am only saying that it is right that Ministers of this State should have protection and the convenience and assistance of public transport for carrying on their work.

Naturally, they are on public duty.

If certain Ministers do not want to take them for political reasons, that is all right.

It is not true that they do not use them.

I must say, in regard to that, that if a Minister were involved in an accident driving his own car, it would not be a good thing for the State. It is a very dangerous practice in my opinion.

The position will be elucidated for the Deputy.

Very well.

One would want a lot of elucidation—

You will get it.

I want to conclude by saying that I hope that, if we are going to create the condition that I set out at the beginning, some of the Deputies on the Government Benches will drop this idea of having a citizen army in trade unions. A junction, in view of the absence of certain declarations by Ministers, of those forces with other forces is going to create a lot of trouble for this country. In view of the situation as a whole I hope that the Taoiseach will come into this Dáil and make the pronouncement that I invited him to make. I also hope that the Irish Independent will have the courtesy to give some little bit of my reply to the leading article.

Has this anything——

I can express a hope, A Leas-Cheann Comhairle——

A faint one in this case.

What a hope.

I want also to urge the Government and such of those Deputies who have influence with the Government to get ahead with housing —to cut the red tape and the white tape in regard to the building of houses for private individuals—and also to get ahead with land improvement and the land building scheme. These two schemes are very necessary if we are going to build up our agricultural output. We want to improve the land and we want to improve the housing for our stock. Funds for land improvement were made available for those purposes under the Fianna Fáil administration. It did very good work, particularly where the need for assistance was greatest, namely, in the congested districts and on the smaller farms. The farm buildings scheme would do equally good work. We want better housing for our stock of all kinds, and sheds for our fodder. It is most unfortunate that the Minister for Agriculture, in order to make his contribution to the saving of a sum of £2,000,000 which was not specified in the Budget, postponed that scheme. I suppose the Minister for Finance got about £350,000 out of that. He got another £150,000 out of the sugar. I suppose he saved several hundred thousand pounds on the farm improvements scheme. He has taken out of the Post Office Savings Bank practically £500,000. I do not know where the other savings are to come from to make up the £2,000,000. I do not know also whether it will be at the expense of the farmers or others that he will make up the extra £500,000 we passed the other day. The Minister for Finance has gone back to the old Cumann na nGaedheal financial system of taking the burden off the shoulders of the State Exchequer and putting it on to the local authorities. We passed two Bills the other day, both of which took a burden that properly fell upon the Exchequer and placed it on the local authorities. It may be said that it is only 4½d.—but it is 4½d., plus 4½d., plus 4½d... that mounts up the rates.

You should know all about that.

A Deputy

Yes, after 16 years.

We gave one undertaking at least to the ratepayers that was not given before, namely, that on the smaller farms the Government were going to bear two-thirds of the rates, and also, in regard to health, that the State would bear the additional charges in respect of health up to a certain amount. I read the other day that the Minister for Health allowed the local authorities to increase the scale of salaries—but he made certain to insert a clause that this was not to be done at the cost of the central Exchequer; that it was to be excluded from that other agreement.

To conclude——

For the second time.

The honeymoon is over.

Was there a marriage?

There was a very peculiar marriage.

A bigamy, in fact.

It was a Mormon marriage.

What kind of a marriage?

If the Taoiseach wants to remain in office, and if he remains in office for four years, I hope he will accept my advice for the sake of the country to lay down a fair rule that in regard to financial matters the Government will bring forward a Budget stating where they mean to get the money to follow through that scheme of getting money and that, if they change their mind, they will have a Supplementary Budget in order that the people will know where they stand. I also ask the Taoiseach to make it a rule, for the Minister for Agriculture as well as for everybody else, that when he makes a promise that he will live up to it and that he will be a little bit careful about making promises.

I have on the Adjournment to deal with one promise made by the Minister for Agriculture. He made another promise that all the surplus potatoes the farmers could produce would be sold for £10 13s. 0d. per ton and that the British were going to take 50,000 tons. That price was going to be a floor. He said that the price of £10 13s. 0d. was not very good but that, after all, it was no harm to have a floor of £10 13s. 0d. Now the British have refused to take the 50,000 tons. There is some arrangement whereby the 50,000 tons will be bought on Government account and processed at the alcohol factories. The alcohol factories throughout the country have an allocation of 30 or 40 tons a week at about £7 15s. 0d. a ton.

From the British.

They are going to the alcohol factories.

They are being sold to the British.

They are going to the alcohol factories in Ireland.

But they are being bought at £7 15s. 0d. per ton—and only a certain quantity of potatoes at that. If I go to a potato factor at the beginning of the week he will take my potatoes at £7 15s. 0d. a ton, but Deputy O'Higgins, for instance, cannot sell them for £7 15s. 0d. a ton because his quota is exhausted—but he can get his £5.

The Deputy said that the British were not taking the 50,000 tons. Does he stand over that statement?

All I know is that the Deputy can tell us all about it——

That is a serious statement to make if it is not true.

And it is not true.

The potatoes, instead of being exported, are being bought on Government account. It may be British Government account through our own Government. All that the people that I know are aware of is that these potatoes are being bought on Government account for £7 15s. 0d. a ton, and transferred to the alcohol factories. My information is that a farmer, if he goes early in the week before the quota is exhausted, can get £7 15s. 0d. a ton, but that if he goes in the day after the quota is exhausted he can only get £5.

I am interested in your statement that the British are not buying the 50,000 tons.

Tell us then that they are.

The Deputy knows that they are.

Deputy Aiken must be allowed to make his speech.

There is no market for an unlimited quantity of potatoes at £10 15s. 0d. a ton, as the Minister for Agriculture promised. He did succeed in getting a number of farmers to grow potatoes on the plea that they were going to get £10 13s. 0d. per ton. Now all they can get is £5.

He said: "We will show them how to do it."

Yes, he said: "We will show them." I also want to warn the Government that if they are going to enter into any more agreements with the British or other Governments they should be a little more careful—they should be as careful as Fianna Fáil was.

And get nothing?

You would get nothing at all if that were the case.

If they had been careful before the event the Minister for Agriculture would not now have to be insulting a lot of foreigners from day to day. What is responsible for the fact that cattle are not moving out of this country for the moment is the signature of the Minister for Agriculture to an agreement that he would not export more than 10 per cent. of our total exports in cattle to countries other than Great Britain. If we could export more than 10 per cent. the cattle would have been moving freely at a better price. I warn the Government to be a little bit careful and I ask them to take heed of that warning.

The Minister for External Affairs must have been somewhat perturbed at the Minister for Agriculture's tirade the other day considering that in his interview with the Manchester Guardian he had assured the English people that we could get a better price elsewhere, but that, in order to show our love for them, we were going to export to them at a cheaper price than elsewhere.

An old and valued customer.

Fifty thousand went to Europe this year.

Why not 500,000 if you can get a better price for them?

Because you slaughtered them.

We cannot live for ever on the calves that were slaughtered during the economic war.

We could if we had them.

And if certain gentlemen had supported our Government at that time there would have been no slaughter of the calves. I advise the Taoiseach to try to achieve some little co-ordination between the Minister for Agriculture and the other Ministers. It destroys the effect of the gracious gesture made by the Minister for External Affairs to the British people if the Minister for Agriculture comes along the next day and accuses them of doing something, the responsibility for which is his. I do not want to take up any more time. I trust that for the future of this country the Taoiseach will make the pronouncement that I have asked him to make in order that our young people may be guided along the proper lines.

This debate opened on the basis that a serious unemployment situation had resulted and that the present Government's policy was inadequate to meet the demands of the moment. It was suggested that the steps taken and the policy operated to provide employment were sufficient to meet the country's requirements. I believe that at the commencement it was intended that this debate should be conducted on a serious basis.

I gathered from the speech made by Deputy Lemass that he had some facts which he proposed to put before the House and upon which he expected to convince the House that a situation existed which required immediate remedial measures. Having listened to Deputy Lemass and having examined the unemployment position, I find that not alone is there not a serious position but that the change in the numbers of people unemployed in the last three years has varied very slightly. While it is true that there still exists on the live register approximately 65,000 people—that is the grand total for men, women and juveniles— over the last three years that figure has varied very slightly. Whatever unemployment problem is there is one which has existed over a long number of years and one which Deputy Lemass himself recognised as a source of trouble, not alone to the Fianna Fáil Government but to their predecessors and one which is still a source of trouble and a problem for solution for the Government which has succeeded them.

If we take the figures for 1946, 1947 and 1948 we find that in 1946 there were 66,878 people on the register in the month of December; in 1947, there were 64,834; and this year there are 65,474. The variation, therefore, up and down over the last three years is insignificant. Whatever case can be made against the Government in relation to the unemployment problem it is one which, in so far as this Government has any responsibility, has not arisen in the last 10 months. Since the country has had responsibility for its own affairs three successive Governments have widened the opportunities for guiding our national economy. During that time different methods, varying in either form or degree, have been adopted to provide protection and encouragement to secondary industries in order to absorb those people who are unable to secure employment in agriculture, to provide employment in cities and towns for those who need it and, in addition, to absorb whatever numbers of the people are not able to secure employment in rural areas.

When we examine the results of these policies we find that protection has been given and encouragement afforded to secondary industries. That protection and that encouragement has varied in form or in extent. People who examine the question carefully and impartially will agree that over the last quarter of a century there has not been any marked or radical variation in the policies operated. It may be that the degree of protection or the form of protection to a particular industry, or group of industries, varied in accordance with policy or to meet changing times. What is often a sound policy at one particular moment does not always meet the requirements of a later period. By and large, this small country varies little in its mode of life as between one county and another. The policy that has operated does not afford any great room for difference. Consequently radical measures cannot be operated. I do not think the Opposition would contend that their policy differed radically from the policy which proceeded it or from the policy in operation at the moment.

For that reason, I think the case made by Deputy Captain Cowan that this Government has failed in the ten months in which it has been in office to live up to the promises it held out and that the people are disappointed at the lack of results, does not take into consideration the problems with which the Government has to deal, the difficulties that have to be overcome and the impossibility of any solution which would achieve in a short time full employment either in agriculture or in a combination of agriculture and secondary industries.

I think it is, however, no harm to examine the case that has been made by the Opposition that because of some change in policy in the last few months what Deputy Lemass described as "the reversion to grass" has resulted in the diminution of the number of people employed on the land and that there is a danger that if it continues the flight from the land will be even more accentuated than it has been in the past. I have here some figures which may show the position. It may be said that the years were abnormal. Between the years 1932 and 1938, 48,000 people left rural Ireland for employment in cities and towns, or at any rate left rural Ireland for the cities and towns. Between 1941 and 1946 the number of males employed in agriculture dropped from 555,000 in 1941 to 519,000 in 1946, a drop of 36,000. Whatever can be said for the contention that we have departed from the emergency tillage acreage, the facts do not bear that out. No land that was fit to be tilled was left untilled during the emergency; at any rate, no quantity that makes any matter. There was compulsion in those years between 1941 and 1946, and at the same time there was the added incentive of rising prices for agricultural produce. With a combination of those two forces acting on agriculture the increased acreage under tillage, either by compulsion or by increased prices or by both, the fact is that 36,000 people less were employed in 1946 than in 1941.

Whatever case there is for the proposition that tillage gives more employment than, as is alleged, grass it does not bear examination in the light of those figures. But I do not think that this Government or, for that matter, any Government that has responsibility in this country, would be likely to abandon tillage and to revert entirely to grass. The fact is, and it has been recognised by everyone whose opinion matters, that the most suitable agricultural policy that can be pursued here is one which pays attention to the mixed form of farming, one which has often been put in the phrase "one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough". I believe that every Party in the country, every person who has any knowledge of agriculture, will accept that view and that they will see in it the best hope of increasing not alone employment and agriculture but the prosperity of those engaged in it as well as the prosperity of those who live in the cities and towns. This year, in order to encourage farmers to increase their acreage of wheat, the price fixed was 62/6 a barrel. Last year it was 55/- plus a credit fertiliser document for 2/6. I believe that monetary inducement has had an effect on farmers. The returns of wheat to the mills this year, even allowing for the good harvest, bear out the view that more wheat is available than was available for last year or, as far as one can see, for any other year. The price this year for barley was originally fixed at the beginning of the sowing season at 45/- a barrel and it was raised at the harvest to 50/-. Last year it was 40/-.

Messrs. Guinness have announced that the price which they will pay to contract growers next year is 57/6. I think that on those two headings, the prices for cereals, every monetary inducement short of compulsion—and I do not think any farmer in this country either on this side or the opposite side is in favour of compulsion in normal circumstances—that can be given is given in order to encourage the maximum acreage of cereal crops. So that, from the point of view of what steps the Government can take to stem the drift from the land, if the case is made that tillage will provide more employment than any other form of farming, then on that heading alone we have done as much and, under these two particular items, more than our predecessors. At the same time an agreement has been concluded under which Irish cattle will secure a higher price on the British market than was formerly obtained. That price will be available for the next four years. For the main items, therefore, of agricultural produce we have a guaranteed market and guaranteed remunerative prices. We have, in addition, secured a guaranteed price for bacon when it is available up to 27,000 tons. We also have a market of a guaranteed kind for butter when it is available. It has been alleged that because of the lack of direction, the lack of a coherent policy, the lack of agreement among members of the Government there is no impetus for industrialists and no guarantee that industrialists can plan ahead with confidence.

I think the sooner Deputies in the Opposition or elsewhere realise that this Government is working as a team, in agreement on a published policy, the better for them and the better for the country. In so far as public policy has been announced and in so far as decisions have been taken whatever the policy which has been outlined by the Government that policy has the united backing of every member of the Government as long as this Government is where it is pursuing an agreed policy, the policy to which the Government as a whole subscribe. It has been suggested here that whatever about our speeches and announcements in public the drive and initiative and the action which is required has not been given to industrialists who seek guidance or protection. There has been no single fact put before this House by which anyone can test the accuracy of that statement. There is not a single industrial application that has come before the Department of Industry and Commerce that has not had sympathetic and expeditious consideration. Not alone is that so but quite a number of industrial products have now been provided with protection, either by quota or otherwise, since this Government came into office. There were a number of hosiery factories on short time. I am not alleging anything against Deputy Lemass, that it was as a result of his action. It is true that the duties which were formerly in operation were suspended by him but they were suspended in circumstances which left him little option, but it is equally true that the suspension was retained for longer than the trade considered necessary. These suspensions have now been lifted and a number of factories that formerly found it difficult to continue employment are now working full time.

Mention has been made of the chairmen of individual firms who have complained. I think it is no harm to say that a number of firms who applied to the Government—for that matter who applied to the previous Government for protection—and who secured protection and who subsequently found that the protection or assistance was not adequate were always prepared to use the weapon that unemployment would result unless immediate action was taken. Irrespective of what the consequences were on the rest of the community, irrespective of what effect that action might have on prices, irrespective of the influence it would have on the supply of goods of that kind to the rest of the community, they were always prepared to use the weapon that unemployment would result.

Any industrialists in any part of the country who get protection, who receive Government assistance, or are in some way in receipt of benefit from the State—because it is the State rather than the Government that confers that benefit—also owe a debt and have a responsibility to the community and I think Deputies opposite will agree with me that it is not fair to use the weapon that they will be forced to dismiss men when they find difficulties in meeting competition or are obliged to make application to the Government for further assistance.

As regards any applications that have been received, no delay that could have been avoided has resulted. These applications must be examined, not alone from the effect they will have on cost but from the point of view of the capacity of a particular industry or group of industries to supply the country's needs. When people allege there has been delay, or that the Government is not taking appropriate action speedily, they should advert to the fact that there are other interests in the community besides the particular concern or industry in which they are interested. In that connection it is no harm to say that not alone by reason of the benefits which have been given by the reimposition of the duties I mentioned earlier, but in addition by the efforts which were made and the results that have been achieved by the agreement made with England this summer, we have given complete and convincing evidence of the anxiety of the Government to take whatever steps it can, and that it finds possible to take, to provide industrialists with assistance and protection and with a market as well.

I need not at this stage go over the ground covered by the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Taoiseach in the course of the debate on the trade agreement with Britain. Deputies and industrialists know that there were, and there are still, numbers of goods which we wish to sell and which we have surplus to our home requirements. We are willing and anxious to sell them in England, if they will let them in. We succeeded in getting a variety of goods in that, up to last summer, were not permitted. We are still pressing them to accept other goods, but so far they have refused. In the near future officials from this country will conduct further negotiations on that matter and I hope they will secure an adequate market for various commodities for which we wish to secure entrance to Britain.

I do not think it is right or fair to suggest that this Government has not the confidence of industrialists. If the evidence which we have given, in the form of the various trade agreements, but particularly those with Britain, France and the Netherlands, of the steps which have been taken, and the Government's interest in industry and its desire to encourage those who are prepared to risk their money and devote their skill and enterprise to promoting industrial development, is not convincing, then I do not know what further evidence can be given. There is no action that we know of that can be taken which will have a more immediate or effective result than some of the steps I have mentioned. If at any time industrialists make representations to the Government that they have schemes and require assistance— that they require the intervention of the Government with Governments abroad—this Government is only too willing and anxious, on behalf of individual industrialists or any of the organisations which represent them, to take whatever action they consider can be taken to secure an outlet for our goods.

To suggest, as some Deputies have suggested, that the country has no confidence in the Government is, I believe, merely an individual expression of opinion. Whether Deputies opposite like it or not, we are the Government here; we have the backing of the majority of the people and are implementing the policy on which we have agreed. It is a policy which has brought, in some cases, substantial benefits, in other cases benefits, but it is a policy which has, at any rate, improved conditions for many sections of the community. So long as we have the backing of the majority of the people, we will pursue that policy. I hope it will be possible, as time goes on, to improve on it.

It is undoubtedly a fact that everything which the most optimistic amongst us hoped would be possible may not in ten months have been achieved, but I think anyone who has experience of administration realises that a number of people confused wishful thinking with the realities of the situation. A number of people may have made promises in the course of the last election and they find these promises have not been implemented as speedily as they might like. The fact is that in so far as any action that this Government can take to provide a market for industrial goods and for agricultural produce is concerned, then they have this year taken that action and taken it effectively.

Some reference was made in the course of this debate to the cost of living. It is alleged that we have not reduced the cost of living and that the steps we have taken have not resulted in any substantial benefit to the community. I must remind Deputies that one of the earliest measures the Government took was to repeal the taxes on beer and tobacco. We have succeeded in securing a small reduction in the cost-of-living index as applied to all essentials. In addition, clothing and other commodities have come down in price. The actual drop in the cost-of-living index figure is slight. During the past 12 months the largest wage increases that this country ever experienced became operative. Some of these increases were granted before the Government took office, and some were granted since. The fact is that the highest wage increases ever to come into force became effective within the past ten or 12 months. We must take into consideration the added purchasing power that has become available.

There is still, I admit, a shortage in respect of a number of goods, some of them perhaps essential goods, but the fact that the cost of living has dropped slightly at best and, at worst, has remained static, is no mean achievement. The measures we have taken have resulted in many substantial benefits to many sections of the community. At the same time, steps are being taken, as has already been announced, in regard to increases in the pensions of numerous State pensioners, particularly old age pensioners, widows' and orphans' and blind pensions. Deputies have already referred to the increases which were the subject of a Supplementary Estimate yesterday for members of the Civil Service.

I think that whatever case can be made against the Government, there is no case on the unemployment figures. It is true that for a long number of years there has been in this country a hard core of people who are unemployed. I do not say that they are unemployable but there has been over a long number of years a figure which shows little variation. So far as the difficulties that have arisen owing to the transition from a state of war to a state of peace are concerned particularly in respect to the turf workers, these have been offset to a considerable extent by the money which is being made available for employment schemes and rural improvement schemes. Sums made available in that way have been expended on schemes which have absorbed a number of these people.

It may be that in the future other steps will be required. It may be that circumstances will arise after the emergency period, as has been the experience in other countries, which will bring about a period of depression but up to the present there has been no evidence that there has been any real depression under any heading, whether in regard to agricultural produce or industrial commodities. There has been a fair demand for goods despite the increase in the supply of many commodities. The level of demand remains fairly constant.

If in future we are obliged to take measures which have been operated in other countries where State investment has been extended in order to provide employment, then that matter will be considered but I think it is no harm to point out here that, comparing this country with other countries, there is at present a very high level of State expenditure on capital works of one kind or another. Deputies are familiar with the electricity supply scheme, the rural improvement scheme, the Bord na Móna scheme, the arterial drainage schemes, reafforestation and the acquisition of land. All these schemes contribute to employment. They are examples of State expenditure to prevent or alleviate hardship and at the same time to provide capital assets of a lasting nature which will enrich the community as a whole.

The International Labour Office some years ago published a book setting out the experiences of other countries which felt the impact of post-war depression. Whatever our experiences here in the past were, no depression comparable to that which obtained elsewhere ever arose here. We were fortunate that it had been so but, if in future as a result of the greater supply of goods and as a result of the increased production in Europe, by virtue of the Marshall aid, and the other measures which Governments are operating to increase production and to make goods available, we here are obliged to take further measures to provide employment and to stimulate more investment in capital works than is available from private enterprise, then the steps which are been taken in other countries will operate as a guide to us. I do not think anyone can contend that at the present moment there is any evidence of a situation that requires a drastic or radical State policy in order to deal with the problem of unemployment. It is true that there is still a large number of people who for a period, short or long, find a difficulty in securing employment. As I have mentioned the different schemes such as arterial drainage, rural improvement schemes, temporary employment schemes are all being operated, so far as it is possible, to alleviate any hardship resulting from the transition from a period of emergency to a period of peace.

I think this Government after ten months of office deserves the confidence of the people. I believe it still has the confidence of the majority of the people. Despite the tone of disappointment in the concluding remarks of Deputy Cowan, I think the people still recognise that a change of Government was desirable. Not alone have we the confidence of the people but, in addition, we have the confidence which grows among colleagues working together—a confidence which has been improved by the experience of cooperation in implementing a policy which will result in improving the conditions of every section of the community, a policy which we hope, when our period here is ended, will enable us to say, that we have left the country in a better condition than that in which we found it. If we can do that, then I think Deputies opposite can safely adjourn to the 16th February, satisfied with the ability of a Government which they expected, or any rate which they pretended, would not last six weeks and which will then be a year old. They have every reason to be satisfied with the numerous achievements in the political and economic sphere which have brought great benefit to the country.

You will want to start soon.

I propose to be very brief. I am sorely tempted——

On a point of procedure may I point out that in discussions of this kind, parliamentary discussions which are limited in time, it has been the normal practice of the Chair to call speakers from each side of the House alternately? It is, I think, unfair to Deputies that two speakers on the Government side should be called in succession.

The Chair is endeavouring to interlard speakers from the various Parties as much as possible. Clann na Poblachta, so far, has had no opportunity of being heard.

Is it fair that, because Deputies supporting the Government are split into certain divisions amongst themselves, they should have rights which they would not have if they were in one Party? Surely Deputies on this side of the House should have the same rights to participate in the debate as Deputies on the opposite side? There are only six hours allowed for this debate and it is curtailing the rights of Deputies on this side to call on two Government speakers in succession.

The Chair has no intention of curtailing the rights of any Deputy. I am endeavouring to give an equal opportunity to Deputies who wish to speak. Surely the representatives of the other Parties are entitled to have their say.

Mr. de Valera

This is a very important matter of principle. This Party represents roughly one half of the total membership of the House and it has in its ranks representatives of various sections—farmers, labourers, etc. The fact that it is not split up into sections, as the Government side is, is no reason why we should not get our full share of the debate.

I am endeavouring to give the Opposition as full a share as possible. We have already have had three Opposition speakers.

Mr. de Valera

I do not wish to dispute the decision of the Chair but we on this side of the House claim that we ought to be called, speaker for speaker, in a debate of this sort with those who support the Government.

I shall call an Opposition speaker after Deputy C. Lehane has spoken.

This has happened twice already in this debate. Following my introductory speech yesterday two speakers from the opposite side of the House were called. Then, following one speaker from this side of the House, two speakers were called from the far side of the House. It is, therefore, obvious that double time is being given to the Government.

Deputy Lemass took over an hour last night in his opening speech. I have not taken the time since——

If that is the case it is quite reasonable.

Surely it is the division of the time rather than the number of speakers?

I want to be sure about that. I want to question the practice of the Chair, if it is the practice of the Chair, to call on two speakers from the Government side of the House merely on the ground that the Government Deputies are divided amongst themselves. Deputies in opposition should, in this type of Debate, have equal time with Government Deputies to speak.

The Chair has no desire or intention to be unfair. The Chair endeavours to give Deputies from every Party in the House an opportunity to speak.

That is not the point.

After Deputy C. Lehane has spoken I shall call on a Deputy from the Opposition side.

Mr. de Valera

We object to the general principle of this.

In view of the fact that there are still a number of Deputies in this House who want to speak in this debate, which is due to close at 7.10 p.m., perhaps some effort might be made to shorten the speeches?

A Deputy

Sit down.

Considering that this debate is to end at 7.10 p.m. would it not be right to ask the Government to extend the time for the debate? After all, the House does not rise usually until 10.30 p.m.

We agreed to give six hours for the debate.

There are quite a number of very important points to be debated.

Mr. Byrne

Why not shorten the speeches then?

Says the chap who has nothing to say.

I think the right of the Opposition Party to be called upon by the Chair, speaker for speaker with the Deputies supporting the Government, should be maintained.

Time for time.

Will there be extra time allowed for the stoppages and delays?

I will waste all the time of the House, if necessary, in asserting the right of the Opposition to fair treatment. If I suspect that the Opposition is not getting fair treatment, the business of the House will stop——

Has the Deputy stated that he is being unfairly treated by the Chair?

As things have worked out in this debate, I assume that it is so. Am I to take it from the Chair that the matter will be rectified before the debate concludes?

The Opposition has as much time as the Government.

This is the second time that it has happened during this debate.

I claim the right, as an Independent Deputy, to be given consideration, since this discussion has arisen between the Government and the Opposition Party. I object to the claim put forward from both sides of the House that only the Government and the Opposition should have the right to speak. So far, that has been the only claim made. I submit that the Independent Deputies have a perfect right to express their views and I would like reasonable time.

Mr. Byrne

I claim that right, too. That is why I ask for shorter speeches.

I have nothing to do with the duration of speeches. I have no power over them. Deputy C. Lehane.

I do not resent that, nor do I wish to deprive any Deputy of the opportunity of speaking. I rise to assert the right of the Opposition to be named by the Chair alternately with any Deputy sitting on the Government side of the House.

Might I say that if Deputy Lemass had not interrupted I would very probably by this time be sitting in my seat, after having concluded my speech?

It is a matter of principle. There is nothing personal in it.

Even though tempted by the remarks of Deputy Aiken, I do not propose to follow the red herring which he dragged across the path of this discussion. I propose to address whatever remarks I have to make through the Chair to the Government because they are the Government and it is in their power to remedy the evils which I intend to reprobate and to criticise. I do not think it is fair or right that Party issues, Party interests, should be made paramount in discussions such as this. When we came into this House we sacrificed Party interests and perhaps some long-seated personal prejudices in order to put national interests before Party interests. It is in that frame of mind that I wish to address myself to the matters that the House will now consider.

On the 18th February last we in Clann na Poblachta supported the formation of this inter-Party Government. That is ten months ago. I believe, and we on these benches believe, that that Government is entitled to a fair trial. The fact that we think the Government is entitled to a fair trial does not deprive us of the right to be critical, and highly critical where we think it necessary, of aspects of Government policy. Deputies on the benches opposite seem to think that in regard to all questions that come before this House a Deputy's views must be poured into one of two water-tight compartments—either for the Government or against the Government. We in Clann na Poblachta do not accept that. We do not subscribe to it. We will exercise a right of independent, honest and candid criticism wherever we think it is necessary.

I listened to the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I hope I am not misquoting him but I understood him to say that while there was an unemployment problem it was not a serious unemployment problem. That is a view to which I do not subscribe. That is a view which I feel entitled to criticise. In our view the denial of the right to work to an Irishman who is ready and willing to work in his own land is a serious matter. It constitutes a serious problem. When it involves not one man but many thousands of men the problem becomes all the more serious. There are two main economic problems confronting this country today—two main problems which the Government put before them for solution—the problem of unemployment and the problem of the ending of emigration. I believe that this Government has sincerely attempted to tackle these problems. But I would not be candid and I would not be honest were I to think that the degree of success that has been achieved is one to warrant any feeling of satisfaction. I do not believe that unemployment and emigration, twin and related evils, can be solved except under a policy of full employment—a policy whereby the manpower of our country will be put to work so that we shall get that increased production from which national wealth flows.

I gathered from the speech made by Deputy Aiken that he took it for granted that we in Clann na Poblachta, and our colleagues in the Labour Party, had no right to be critical of any aspect of Government policy. I am critical of Government policy in so far as it is not the policy of Clann na Poblachta. We know it is not the policy of Clann na Poblachta. We know that it is a policy whereon the points common to all the Parties were agreed in a 10-point programme. But let me assure Deputy Aiken that we shall exercise our right of criticism at all times. Let me disillusion Deputy Aiken and Deputy Lemass's correspondent, Herr Hans Andersen, alias Dáil reporter, that we have not lost our critical faculty to the extent which Deputy Aiken suggested. Let me further assure him that the merger which he expects to see between Fine Gael, Clann na Talmhan and Clann na Poblachta is no more based on fact than the other fairy tales of Herr Hans Andersen.

There are one or two things I would like to impress upon the Government. Firstly, we believe the Government is on trial. We believe it should be given a fair trial. The Government, however, must realise that one of its primary duties is to provide employment for our people at home. We believe that it can achieve that end. We believe that in order to achieve that end a policy of increased spending is necessary. We do not believe in retrenchment for retrenchment's sake. We believe in wise spending for increased production. We hope that the Government will make the necessary budgetary provision for that wise spending which will give us increased production. Such wise spending can be devoted to the development of the machine-won turf industry. I was glad last night to hear the Minister for Industry and Commerce express his faith in the future of machine-won turf as a fuel.

I suggest also to the Government that budgetary provision should be considered which will result in employment on land reclamation, drainage, housing and afforestation. The people look to the Government. They expect the Government to initiate schemes which will give employment to the people at home. It may be taken that I am sounding a note of candid warning to the Government. But the people expect results from them. We in Clann na Poblachta are giving our support to the Government. We shall give them a fair trial. We shall expect results along the lines I have suggested. If the day comes when we are convinced that they cannot produce those results we shall be quite prepared then to put this Government out.

This Government has to its credit in ten months solid achievements which even the Deputies opposite must recognise.

The people in Donegal did not recognise them.

Not after Deputy MacEntee succeeded in getting the Unionists' vote for the Fianna Fáil candidate.

Surely you do not believe that.

Not only do I believe it, but I know it. There are solid achievements to the credit of the Government. Every Deputy must recognise that. I take a particular pride in the achievements of our two Ministers—the Minister for External Affairs and the Minister for Health. Both are members of my Party. I would like to pay tribute, too, to a member of the Government who was unfairly criticised here to-day: I refer to the Minister for Local Government. In his approach to the problem of housing there is a sincerity and an honesty of purpose which are plain to see if anybody takes the trouble to examine the work he has done. His approach to the problem of housing is a real solution because he is working on a long-term basis. I would like to pay tribute to him because of the attacks that were made upon him in this House to-day. I think they were unjustifiable.

With regard to the agricultural policy pursued by the Government, some of us have had occasion to do a little heart-searching. I would suggest to the Minister for Agriculture that a little less volatility and a little less flamboyance might serve him better in the conduct of his Department.

Again, I would urge upon the Government that wise spending rather than retrenchment for retrenchment's sake must be the basis of the Government's policy and must be the keel of the Governmental ship. It is only by wise spending that increased production and increased employment can combat the twin evils of emigration and unemployment.

I was much impressed by the carefully reasoned argument advanced by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach but I did notice that in his observations he seemed to me to be reverting to the old Fine Gael style of thinking. We know that when his Party were in opposition they never talked about a hard core of unemployment that could not be dissolved by any measures that could be devised in the normal way; they never spoke of the 65,000 unemployed as though they should be there perpetually, they never spoke about emigration as though it was something normal even though it doubled over a period of 12 months. I wonder whether his reference to the continuance of Fianna Fáil schemes for land improvement, unemployment, special employment schemes and so forth, did not leave the Labour Party and the Clann na Poblachta Party a little bit cold after all we have heard for the last ten months about the necessity of providing full employment, of spending sufficient on normal economic schemes and by changing the national credit system in order to give employment to these people.

The Parliamentary Secretary also referred to the difference in the policies of various Parties. He seemed to suggest that there was no radical difference between the Fine Gael Party policy and the Fianna Fáil policy. He seemed to suggest that the variation was fractional and that was the reason why they should take no very serious steps to overcome the difficulties they are now meeting.

When I look back on the history of the last years and I think of the tremendous change we made in policy and the number of instances in which we converted, with great difficulty, the Fine Gael Party to a sort of half acceptance of our view; when I hear the Fine Gael Party now cheerfully advocating tariffs in order to stimulate agricultural production when they opposed practically every tariff we proposed during our period of office I wonder where that similarity of policy came in at that time. There is a certain parallel between the present situation and the great increase in emigration and what took place when we took office in 1932. As everybody will remember the dairying industry was just about folding up. Butter prices had collapsed, butter exports had collapsed and nothing had been done by the then Government to deal with the situation. Within two months of securing office the Dairy Stabilisation Act had been passed and subsidies provided to do something to restore the industry. That Act was a very elaborate measure. It required a lot of consideration. It was nevertheless possible to do something in order to overcome a situation in which people in this country were suffering from want and lacking the essentials of life. This Government has been in office now for ten months. Emigration has been abnormal and they have had no radical remedies to propose, not even the simplest radical remedies. We have seen industry collapse in areas where turf was cut last year. We have seen the hand-weaving industry collapse. We have seen a half-hearted attempt to stimulate the tomato house industry and now a grudging admission that it may possibly succeed. Nevertheless there has been no serious enthusiasm about the project.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce suggested that Deputy Lemass was guilty of some kind of sabotage because he criticised the Government. That to me is a very weak defence indeed. I recall the time when during the economic war the farmers were suffering severely here. The speeches by the then Opposition were far more destructive, far less serious and far less constructive than Deputy Lemass's speech last evening. I recall members of the then Opposition describing the people of this country as fleeing in hunger and destitution and declaring that the emigrant ships were filling, the aliens were coming in, the emigrants were going out and painting a picture of life here that was so appalling that it would encourage people to go out of the country, literally driving them out of the country by pointing out the serious disadvantages that they were supposed to suffer and implying that there was a sort of paradise in England, even in the middle of the war. We received no mercy from the then Opposition during the war when emigration was rising because of an insufficiency of raw materials. People of this country were given the impression that the absence of raw materials would make no material difference to the situation. The position which we have here is that emigration has doubled in the last ten months. There is an ample supply of raw materials and there are none of the special circumstances attaching either to the economic war or to the world war in operation. It would be just as well to remind the House of the position in regard to employment. For every three persons insurably employed in 1931, there were four persons insurably employed in 1946, as a result of the efforts of the last Government to promote industry and to stimulate mixed farming.

That is a remarkable figure and it was a figure achieved in spite of the economic war and in spite of the effects of the world war. We reduced emigration from 27,000, the average of the Fine Gael period, down to 9,000, the figure in 1939. It rose during the war owing largely to the shortage of materials and fell slightly at the end of the war when conditions became somewhat normal. Emigration has now started leaping and, as I have said, with none of the conditions, either in the shape of cattle worth only £5 as they were in the economic war and only 25 per cent. of our normal imports coming in, the position is ideal for industry and agriculture to increase. The barriers have been set aside and the difficulties have been overcome and unless another war breaks out there should be now an opportunity not only of giving increased insurable employment but of breaking the hard core, as the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach said, of the present figure of unemployment and of arresting the wave of emigration which is, as I said, double the figure of last year. One of the proofs that this Government apparently have no intention of taking any lead from Clann na Poblachta's book is the question of the amount to be spent on employment schemes. The Estimate provided for employment scheme grants covering farm improvement schemes, rural improvement schemes, bog development schemes and so forth. A sum was voted and it was based on the number of persons who had been registered as unemployed in January of this year. As most Deputies know, according to the number of unemployed in an electoral division a certain grant is allowed for public works of various kinds. Out of that Special Employment Scheme Fund has been taken £195,000. That was made clear by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance in the course of a reply to a question which I addressed to him. That sum is being spent on relieving the position of ex-turf workers. The fund has been left the same; there has been no increase even though emigration has doubled. Even although it is quite evident that the figures for unemployment in the western areas of Galway and Mayo have not increased, it can only be due to increased emigration from those areas.

The figure of unemployment in January of this year is obviously not applicable to the present situation. It is quite obvious that some effort should be made to adjust the regulations by which money is advanced for special employment schemes. I wonder why the Government supported by the Labour Party and by the Clann na Poblachta Party could not even have voted before Christmas a Supplementary Estimate of £195,000 representing the amount drained away from the total sum for ex-turf workers. They could have spent that money in making available special employment schemes to a greater degree in the months of January, February, March and April of next year. I wonder why that could not have been announced at the time of the Budget? It was quite evident that with the ending of the hand-won turf scheme, there would be a special unemployment problem. It was quite evident there would have to be some increase in that fund, but none was made available. It may be that the present Government spent certain extra sums out of the Road Fund. The original provision for Road Fund grants has been maintained at the same level, and if sums have been spent in excess they must have been borrowed from the Road Fund and that will only result in a diminution of the revenue derived from motor vehicle taxation.

I cannot reconcile that attitude towards the unemployment problem with the observations of the Minister for Social Welfare, who spoke of the tidal wave of emigration that would only be arrested by a full employment scheme at wages which would enable the workers to have a reasonable standard of living. We are all quite aware of what full employment schemes signify. They signify the indefinite utilisation of the credit of the State to employ everybody who is unemployed regardless of the difficulties involved. Full employment involves the transfer of workers from one place to another, sometimes without their consent and sometimes to do work for which they are unsuited. Full employment is achieved only in totalitarian or grossly underpopulated countries. Between that and the present practice of the Government surely there is some mean that could have been adopted?

I cannot understand how members of the Clann na Poblachta and the Labour Parties can support the present Government, having regard to their failure to deal with this matter. I would like to point out that 17,000 male persons have emigrated this year. Of that number 14,000 have emigrated in the last six months. In the first half of this year 2,451 persons left for America. Assuming the same number leave in the second half of the year, and I am advised the number is increasing, that means that 5,000 will have left for America in 1948—and they are not included in the figures for travel permits to Great Britain. There is, therefore, a total expected figure of 35,000 people, or nearly one in 100 of the population, and we hear nothing but a few minor protests from the smaller Parties who put in the Fine Gael Party as the majority Party in the Government and apparently anticipated some extraordinary change which could have been expected almost immediately in employment policy.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce asked what were the circumstances that would promote a lack of certainty in the public mind in regard to the economic policy of the Government. He tried to suggest that Deputy Lemass was making things more difficult by his observations. I should like to repeat the reasons for this uncertainty. It is quite impossible for a Minister for Agriculture to go to America and speak in his private capacity advocating a customs union between this country and the United States and not disturb the minds of people who may be contemplating new industries. There may be some subjects on which the Minister can have a private and a public view when he speaks abroad, but these do not include the tariff level or the adjustment of tariffs as between this and other countries. On that subject the Minister should be bound by his ministerial obligations and should sacrifice any temptation he may have or any liking he may have to voice his own personal views under such circumstances.

Another cause of uncertainty is that we have not been told definitely whether excess profits taxation will be restored. There have been demands for it by Deputy Larkin at the Trade Union Congress. There were various reactions in Labour circles and motions passed suggesting that the tax should be reimposed. The Minister for Finance threatened to impose it if there was not a considerable break in prices. There has been no considerable break in prices and yet the tax has not been imposed. The Minister for Finance, on the occasion of the Budget, made it quite clear that he regarded further efforts to secure increases of wages as having no great value for the wage earning community. He said, in the course of his Budget speech, which I have here in the form of a White Paper:—

"Substantial wage and salary increases already secured by all classes of workers, with such further advantages as shorter hours, paid holidays, children's allowances and increases in social services, have gone as far as possible under present circumstances to meet the claims of social justice and I would make an earnest appeal to all employees not to seek further increases in monetary remuneration or improvements in working conditions unless warranted by exceptional circumstances."

That was a very clear and definite indication of policy, but ever since we have had a reversal of that policy. We have had increases awarded to this or that section of the community and a clear indication by the Labour Party that they did not accept what amounted to moral advice for a new standstill Order. We have had a complete cleavage of opinion. Is it very unnatural that there is a feeling of uncertainty about economic conditions?

This is the kind of matter on which the Government must be agreed. You cannot have a Government, one member of which advocates a standstill policy on wages, while another advocates increased wages. We had Deputy Larkin boasting that he had succeeded in securing wages that were higher than those obtainable in Great Britain. Again, in a futile effort to reduce the cost of living, we have had a series of unproved accusations against unnamed persons and unnamed industries that there was profiteering. It appears that in reality there has been no proof for most of these cases.

I will deal in some detail with the cost of living question, because I think that whereas it may be excusable for some people to advance new policies as a sort of direction or promise for the future, it is not excusable for people speaking at an election to make promises relating to matters that can actually be ascertained in advance and can never be fulfilled. Everybody knows that the cost of living remained relatively stable from 1943 to August, 1946, after having risen as a result of war conditions, and from August, 1946, to August, 1947, it rose by 10 per cent. There was more money in circulation. Higher wages and salaries were being paid and there was a pent-up demand for goods and services. We increased the subsidies on foodstuffs which were before that time somewhere about £11,000,000 until they reached the figure of £15,000,000. We reduced the price of a number of commodities affected and in the ensuing three months brought about a 3 per cent. reduction in the cost of living. We had some considerable difficulty as a result of the tide of inflation that was beginning to sweep over the country as a result of war conditions.

From August, 1947, onwards we had a campaign in this country which suggested that the cost of living should not be reduced only by 3 per cent., but that it should be slashed. It was suggested that there was a gigantic conspiracy to defraud the people of this country on the part of whole groups of profiteers. The campaign began with the fantastic promise of the Clann na Poblachta Party during the by-election that the cost of living would be reduced by 30 per cent. by increasing subsidies. That indeed was a promise of enormous magnitude. It was made by intelligent men who would have only to call up the Secretary of the Department of Finance to ascertain that if you gave a bread subsidy, a tea subsidy, a sugar subsidy and a butter subsidy to cover the whole cost of these foods, you could reduce the cost of living only by 16 per cent. That caused many people, mostly in Dublin City—not in East Donegal or West Donegal or many parts of the West— to believe that they were being defrauded of their rights.

We had many other statements during the general election and they were all directed towards bringing down the cost of living, not fractionally but by a very large percentage. The suggestion was that there was, as I have said, complete neglect by the Government in regard to the control of profits and that civil servants, working in the Department of Industry and Commerce whose business it was to check profits were not doing their work well, and that certain businessmen were alleged to have given funds to Fianna Fáil to persuade the Minister to see that their accounts would be overlooked. That was the talk that went round.

Was it not true?

We had the Minister for Social Welfare saying on January 2nd that the first task of the Dáil was to introduce drastic legislation to control prices, to punish profiteers and to reimpose the excess profits tax. That was the view then—no question of 3 per cent., no question of a one-point drop in the cost-of-living index. There was to be a wholesale campaign to find out who the profiteers were and to punish them. We had Deputy Norton saying on January 17th that the return of a new Government would be a guarantee of the disappearance of profiteering and that high prices would be dealt with ruthlessly. I suppose there is no need for me to go on reading extracts of that kind. They were all fraught with the suggestion that something was desperately wrong and that it should be put right.

Mountjoy is full of them now.

It was full of good men at one time.

When the editor of the Irish Independent invited all the Parties to put on record what they regarded as the most important points in their policy, we had a statement from Fine Gael in the following terms: “The high cost of living is the most pressing problem of the day. Fine Gael proclaims that this problem can be in a great degree solved. Fine Gael promises to increase the purchasing power of the people's money.”

That was done.

Deputies must not interrupt.

I am not in the habit of interrupting other Deputies and I do not wish to be interrupted myself.

We want to get a chance to speak on this.

These people who have got into office, largely through a small majority in the metropolitan area, failed to tell the people that agricultural prices were either stable or increasing, that prices of world commodities were actually going up and that if inflation was occurring in Britain, almost certainly inflation was present here. Then came the remarkable so-called reduction in the cost of living. Oatmeal was increased on the 16th April by 6d. a stone. On the 26th August harvest tea was increased to 5/- a lb. and on the same date bread was increased by ¼d. a 2 lb. loaf. Meat has gone up from 1d. to 2d. per lb. Paraffin has been increased by 1d. per gallon and eggs have gone up from 2/- to 3/- a dozen.

It is just as well that the actual figures in the cost-of-living index should be quoted because they look a little strange in the light of the promises. The actual figures for the cost-of-living index are really illuminating, taking them in the light of the extravagant promises. In August, 1947, the figure was 100; November, 1947, 97; February, 1948, 99; May, 1948, 100; and August, 1948, 99. There is the great effort to extirpate the profiteer! We had some reductions noted in the price of certain articles, none of which are essentials.

In September the Government announced various price reductions but on inquiry people found that many of the price reductions were not reflected in retail prices. If they were reflected in retail prices, that was the result of sales which took place at the end of the war of certain stocks that it became necessary to liquidate. Clothing was supposed to be reduced to the extent of from 2½ per cent. to 9 per cent. I do not know whether it was but if it were, it could not affect the cost of living to any great degree. Other items mentioned were woollen piece goods and various items for household use such as paints and putty, which could not possibly affect the cost-of-living index as a whole.

Then we had the beginning of the apologies. We had Ministers going round to business groups and saying how sorry they were, that, after all, they had discovered that there was not very much profiteering. The butchers were allowed to increase their price from 1d. to 2d. per lb. That covers one food item. Then the Minister talked to the grocers who deal with an enormous proportion of the commodities purchased by the housewife. We had the Minister for Industry and Commerce on November 10th saying: "The grocery trade profit margin compares more than favourably, from the consumer's point of view, with the margins in other distributive trades". He went on to say: "I intend to do what I can to see that costs are reduced but there are definite limits to what any Government can do to control prices. The remedy is really in the hands of the public themselves." So that it did not really need a new Government apparently to bring down the cost of living. The remedy lay in the hands of the public themselves.

Then we have another example of why there is a degree of uncertainty in regard to the Government's economic policy. We have the Minister for Industry and Commerce excusing the grocers and exonerating them from any accusation that they shared the loot. We have Mr. Larkin speaking on the 19th September at a Labour Party Conference when he said, referring to prices and profits that "the workers had been patient in their demand but they were not going to remain so indefinitely, and wait for the inter-Party or any other Government to take back some of the loot of the emergency years and use it for the benefit of the community. The Minister for Finance should reimpose the excess profits tax. The public had no faith in departmental machinery in the control of prices. It had operated for the last eight years and the same officials were still operating it. No matter how wellintentioned they were, they could not convince the workers that prices could not be broken." Prices, according to Deputy Larkin, could be broken. When you talk of a break in prices, you mean something substantial in the neighbourhood of 20 or 25 per cent. That is what I think the average commonsense man would regard as a break in prices. On the 17th November the Labour Party decided to meet the Government to discuss effective methods for securing a substantial reduction in the essential commodities. Note the word "substantial". We have had proposals for a break in prices. We have had proposals for a substantial reduction.

I do not think it is necessary for me to read what the Taoiseach said on the 1st December, 1948, when he was asked a question by a Deputy on the cost of living. He practically took back everything that had been said before by all the members of the then Opposition before we left office. He made calm, cautious, conservative statements —"Every effort has been, is being and will be made by the Government to reduce the cost of living, and to secure the co-operation to that end of all sections of the community... The principal consideration which prevents a fall in the general price level is the high cost of imported commodities and raw materials." I shall not read all of it but when Deputy Cowan, quite rightly, asked the Taoiseach whether he could or could not slash prices, he made it clear, beyond all doubt, that he saw no possibility of slashing prices —and so it goes on.

We next have the Minister for Industry and Commerce summoning the drapers. They were supposed to be particularly bad. They were supposed to be guilty of the grossest profiteering. We see a little advance statement made by Senator McGuire who, the other day, stated that clothing was available at lower prices and that the cost-of-living figure must be wrong in regard to clothing. That statement was made by a very welldeserving and well thought of nominee of the Taoiseach—a man running a very successful business—specially chosen by the Taoiseach. Speaking in connection with drapery prices he said that so far as he was concerned the cost-of-living figure must be wrong in regard to clothing. He went on to say that it must include clothing of luxury types and that that must account for the fact that the cost of clothing must have gone up so much.

I am willing to have a bet with anybody in the House that the reduction now effected by the Minister for Indusand Commerce in regard to this second great group of commodities will not materially affect the cost of living so far as the ordinary housewife is concerned. Whether drapery profits are reduced by 2½ per cent., 5 per cent. or 7 per cent. it will not materially reduce the cost of living. While we have all this going on we have other Deputies in the Government Party asking for higher pig prices, higher milk prices and higher beef prices. With the same breath they ask for a reduction in the cost of living. If Deputies, before they went to the hustings, had just examined a few simple figures they would have found out why it could not be possible for this Government, any more than for the last Government, to reduce notably the cost of living. Here are just a few simple figures which are available to anybody, figures that are trusted and figures that can be respected. The agricultural price index, as reported in the Irish Trade Journal, based 100 as being the figure in 1930. In 1945, 190; 1946, 196; 1947, 225, which was an increase of 10 per cent. in the previous year; February, 1948, 248, and then for the first time the rate of increase appears to slow down and it was, in July, 1948, 255. There were supposed to be thousands of profiteers rolling around the country, although over 70 per cent. of the cost-of-living figure is affected by food prices. Any Deputy in this Dáil can simply look at these figures which tell the story. The only way we were able to control the increasing price of foodstuffs was first of all by the excellent work of the officials, taken by and large, under the Minister for Industry and Commerce in dealing with grocery and other prices and, secondly, by the imposition of subsidies.

Naturally there were always exceptions. Naturally some slipped through the net. Naturally certain officials may not be able to see through certain accounts. We can reveal the same conditions in regard to the import price index, the price at which we import commodities. These were referred to for the first time by any member of the Government when the Taoiseach spoke the other day and made his first great, grand apologia as to why the cost of living had not been reduced. We first of all heard about the price of imported commodities. Again anybody can read this in the Irish Trade Journal. Import price figures: 1930—100. By 1945 it had risen to 181.5 or 81 per cent. above the pre-war level. Then to mention the figures that affected the outcome of this election and affected the promises made by the present Government: 1946—190.5; 1947 —201.5. That reveals again the same increase in the cost of goods which we had to stem by the recent subsidy increase and which took place at the end of the war, as happens always at the end of wars.

Finally, February, 1948—234; and then a slight reduction in June, 1948— 228; I make a present of it to the Government if they can take advantage of it. It is not a very notable reduction and certain commodities are going up in price still. Certain other commodities are going to go up in price because both the United States and Great Britain have taken on increased armament production. I am advised that there will be an increase in the price of wool imported in this country in the near future and in the price of metals and other commodities of that kind.

I have tried to show how utterly hypocritical this campaign against the former Government was and how desperate has been the failure of the present Government to live up to their promises. I hope that all the housewives throughout the country—those of them who turned against us and voted for this inter-Party Government—will make their voices heard. Most people, large and wide, in the country, in the western Midlands, voted in such a way that the Fianna Fáil Government would not have been defeated but the people in Dublin by now should at least know the truth about this cost of living index ramp.

To sum up the position as it at present is. Officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce were doing a reasonably good job. Whatever mistakes they made and whatever gaps there were in the volume of work they had to perform, any slight deficiencies they made, could only make a marginal difference to the cost of living so long as foodstuffs sold by the farmer were reasonably well controlled in their price—and it was the foodstuffs that the officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce were looking after most actively. Equally, world prices would naturally prevent very effectively any notable reduction in the cost of living. All we can do, in effect, is to play around with subsidies. Subsidies can be granted so far as feasible but they are nothing but a palliative. The money for them is collected from taxation. Subsidies have this advantage. They make it possible for housewives to have a certain sum of money on hands and to know exactly what they can buy with that money at reasonable prices when they go into shops. That is the reason why we raised the subsidy to £15,000,000 to ensure that the housewives would be able to buy out of the pay envelopes certain goods, possibly at high prices but always within their reach.

No evidence of widespread corruption has been produced by the Government. Despite all the talk no evidence has been produced that would suggest that groups of businessmen sufficiently large to influence retail and wholesale prices did influence such prices. No evidence of that kind has been produced particularly in relation to food. I trust that in the future we shall have more intelligent and better informed criticism.

I intervene in this debate because one of the subjects listed for discussion here happens to be my responsibility. Having got a place on that list I anticipated that it would receive a great deal of attention. I was surprised to find that it did not receive any considerable attention in the course of the debate. I would welcome the widest possible discussion on this problem. We have been asked what progress has been made in the matter of housing our people. My submission to the House will be that very considerable progress has been made. I propose to show the House with concrete figures from returns that that is, in fact, an accurate statement.

In a discussion on this subject the housing problem in the City of Dublin is bound to get priority. It represents the biggest part of the problem as a whole. It is not a new problem. It has been in existence in an acute form for 50 years past. At no period, until the present year, has any definite plan been framed and published for dealing with that situation in the most direct and energetic way possible, consistent with the difficulty and the still considerable uncertainty associated with the problem. I am glad, therefore, to be able to give the House all the facts that I have.

I renew again on this occasion the appeal I have made on former occasions for the full co-operation of every Deputy in carrying out this work. At no time have I felt that the information in my possession and the suggestions made to me were as full as I would wish them to be. It is a great social evil and it can be made the subject of useful contributions from all those who are seriously concerned with it.

I shall take, first of all, the position in the City of Dublin and, at a later stage, I shall give some indication of the position in the rest of the country. Deputy Lemass expressed disappointment at the comparatively small number of houses completed this year. Naturally it is the desire of all of us that that number should be very substantially increased. But no results can be achieved by shirking a consideration of the difficulties that obtain. One fact, which goes to show the steadily increasing degree of progress that has been made, has not been adverted to. In addition to the number of houses that have been completed there are several hundred houses in an advanced stage of construction.

I do not want now to take away any credit due to the previous Government in regard to housing, but Dublin has had an unhappy history in the matter of housing progress. I have before me a return which indicates that quite clearly. The number of houses built by the local authority in Dublin in 1932-33 amounted to only 168; that was the year after the Housing Act was given legal effect. In 1933-34 the total number was 866; in 1934-35 the total number was 982.

We come on then to 1937-8 in which there were 313 houses built. It is only fair to explain that in that year there was a serious building strike and no Government could be held responsible for that drop. But the highest number of houses constructed since 1932 up to 1948 in any year was 2,335. Even that is not an accurate return because it carries with it a substantial number of houses begun in the previous year.

The aim with regard to Dublin at the present time is that there is a target of not less than 2,000 houses per year. We all fervently share the hope that that target will be exceeded. I do not think it would be right, or fair, or honest, to pin myself at this stage to figures, which, in the light of a situation still to some degree national and to a large extent international, could not be achieved with any degree of certainty. What I can say is that every possible effort that can be made in that direction is being made and will be made. The essence of that plan is to provide developed sites two years ahead of the actual construction of houses because it is realised that there should be a clear period of a year to enable the swing of that housing programme to fit an and to avoid the breaks and dislocations that unfortunately have, in the past—I think they were to some extent inevitable—been associated with housing in the city and perhaps elsewhere. On the 30th April last a housing council was set up. A chairman was appointed for that housing council who was also a director of housing in the city, in the County of Dublin and in the Borough of Dún Laoghaire which is regarded as one unit for housing purposes. That was, I think, a very remarkable step. That was a departure that had no precedent in housing history in this country. I am glad to be able to say that that step has in my judgment been completely vindicated.

Yesterday I met the director and members of the housing council at the end of that eight months' period and got from them a report which I believe does credit to them and provides adequate proof of the fact that they are seriously, if quietly, undertaking their duties and discharging their responsibilities. Since May last additional contracts for 1,784 dwellings have been placed and tenders for 41 more are being considered. These added to houses already under contract make a total of 3,000 dwellings now in the hands of the builders. The work of acquiring additional sites, whether by agreement or by the usual procedure laid down by law, the procedure of a compulsory purchase order, followed after a certain period required by the law in which an inquiry is held and the period that must elapse from the time that that inquiry is held until the local authority representatives are able to go in on sites, the acquisition of which is proposed is all proceeding rapidly. Every possible step has been taken to see that there are no avoidable delays in this connection but until the law dealing with the acquisition of land and very many other requirements would be completely changed there are certain limits provided by the law and certain requirements that have to be complied with. I want to express my appreciation of how the Dublin Corporation and every member of that corporation have helped in this work and have associated themselves in a spirit of harmony and concord with the housing council. What they propose to do is to aim at this target of 2,000 houses a year. I hope they will be able to do better.

Speed, as I have said here in the past, is a very vital requirement in this whole question, because nobody is more sensible of the terrible injustice to the people in allowing this work to drag on indefinitely than I am. In very many forms I have come up against the horrors of this position in the last seven or eight months and I am certainly anxious, and I believe everybody associated with the work departmentally and through the local authority is anxious, that work should be proceeded with as rapidly as possible. There are still very considerable difficulties. It has been recognised that the labour force available in the city and, indeed, through the country as a whole, is very limited and now an attenuated one. We have, however, doubled in the last 12 months the actual number of skilled and unskilled workers employed. I think that is a feature of progress the significance of which will be fully understood. We have doubled the number of skilled and unskilled workers. There is plenty of room for additional workers, and may I again avail of this opportunity to say, not alone to members of this House but to the public abroad and principally to the organised workers in the city and the country, that we will welcome every possible addition that can be secured to the labour force in this country. We welcome them with the guarantee that for very many years to come their services will be fully utilised and a programme will be devised which will assure them of regular and continuous employment during that period.

I am aware that allegations have been made against the organised workers in the past with regard to insufficient output. I would regret that there would be now or in the future any ground for those allegations. But I do know that, if there was in the past any substance in those allegations, the reason for it was the uncertainty of the position of those workers, the haunting fear and horror of unemployment that those people had from time to time in the casual nature of their employment. I say to them that there is now no reason for those fears; that in the future there will be a full flow of continuous employment in which they can share at wages which will compare favourably with any they can get outside this country in the same occupation. It is recognised that this question of building houses by the traditional method is one that may have to be supplemented. I say "may" advisedly because I feel that in this whole question we must get, and I believe we will get, the full cooperation of the organised building workers in this country. Therefore, the proposals that have already been made for the purpose of supplementing traditional building in this city will be the subject before positive final action is taken of further discussions with the organised workers in the city. I believe we will get their support in this matter and I believe that we may be able in that way to secure an addition to the number of houses to be put up by the traditional methods. We have also proposals taking shape in the city for the construction of a number of houses by direct labour. I have encouraged local authorities to utilise this method of house construction because I believe it was necessary to inject life and animation into the whole question of houses; because it was necessary also to force down as much as we could the cost of houses, reflected afterwards in heavy and oppressive rents for the tenants who had to pay them.

While I did not regard direct labour as a complete recipe for all the difficulties I have mentioned, and while I feel it has to be carefully checked, but that it will also be a useful check on housing costs generally, I am satisfied with the progress that has been made. I have said that I believe it will serve the useful end of providing that kind of continuity of employment, the absence of which was a source of widespread complaint in the past and a source of very considerable difficulty in other directions.

Let us turn to the rest of the country. On the 29th February last, 3,068 houses were in progress; on the 31st October, the number was 6,310, and work was about to start on 3,877, as compared with 3,215 at the end of February. I am not making these comparisons for the purpose of casting any reflection on the previous Government. I am entitled, and I am using these comparisons in order to show there is a progressive interest and effort, and, I believe, a successful effort, to sustain this housing drive, not alone in this city, but all over the country. Development work is in progress on sites for 2,218 houses. That figure relates to the 30th September, and I think the House can assume that it has been considerably increased since that time. On the 17th February, 1948, houses for which development work was being carried out numbered 1,443. In the matter of site development, in the matter of proceeding to acquire new sites and in the matter of house construction, progress is uniform throughout the whole country.

The Dublin Housing Council—and I want to pay them the compliment of saying that I have every confidence in their work and in the work of their chairman, who is a housing director— are now carefully planning for the full requirements of Dublin housing as ascertained up to the present. They are planning for years ahead. One particular difficulty has manifested itself in regard to Howth drainage.

There is the question of providing an alternative that will afford an equal number of sites, so that when the work reaches a certain point in that direction the delays that would have been necessary in the case of Howth drainage scheme will have been overcome and the programme will be able to swing in to afford continuous work. In this matter very considerable useful employment has been secured for the people and I confidently assert that the work that has been achieved in that limited period—not my work alone, because I claim only a small part in it —by the local authority, by the officials of the local authority and by the officials of the Department who have thrown themselves most enthusiastically into this work, is something that we need not be ashamed of. I hope and believe that we may see an accentuation of that progress and that it will be manifested in every part of the country.

There are certain delays, certain difficulties and legacies that it is hard to overcome. There are happy features also. I had an opportunity of attending the laying of the first stone in a housing scheme, about the 1st of October, in the Borough of Dún Laoghaire. I understand I will have the opportunity of seeing within the next few days about 13 or 14 of these houses completed and ready for occupation. There are many other instances of that type that do not get publicity. In any case, when they are revealed they will provide some assurance for the people that this matter is not being just talked of but that every possible effort is being put into the task of seeing that the progress is fully realised.

I heard Deputy Aiken talking about housing and, if his speech in that connection revealed anything, it revealed his utter remoteness from the subject about which he was talking. He was talking in terms of Deputies getting hundreds of letters complaining of delays in the matter of housing. I assume he was referring in that wild, exaggerated way one would not expect an ex-Minister to take part in, to delays in connection with the Housing Act, in so far as it relates to private persons.

Let me state the facts again. When I assumed responsibility for housing, I found just the Act of Parliament. I do not blame my predecessor for that. I know the Housing Act was passed rapidly at the end of the life of a Parliament that was going out of office. It took a very considerable time—and nobody knows this better than my predecessor or the ex-Parliamentary Secretary—to get the regulations adopted. There were no regulations made then—and again I am not laying any blame at anybody's door. When the regulations were made we, unfortunately, had very considerable printing difficulties. These are not unknown in many instances in the city, where printers are cluttered up with an unlimited amount of work. When these regulations were available, the question of providing suitable staff arose. All those arrears will have disappeared in a very short time. I may say in my own defence that they were no more serious and, in my experience as a Deputy, not quite as serious or as prolonged as similar delays that took place after the Housing Act of 1932 was passed into law.

Deputy Aiken talked about all the difficulties that confront a person who wants to build a House—the number of forms that have to be filled. Surely that was absolute nonsense, coming from an ex-Minister? All these requirements were set out in the Housing Act which I am operating. There were no new forms stipulated since the change of Government. In fact, our efforts have, if anything, been to dispense with as many as possible of the requirements we did not consider entirely necessary. The Act of Parliament had to be operated and certain regulations were essential. For the Deputy to talk in that stupid, generalising way about matters of that kind betrays a complete lack of knowledge of the facts, or an attempt to distort the facts.

Similarly, on the question of the incidence of rating I was amazed to find how wide of the mark Deputy Aiken was. He talked about the measure of rating relief which will be operated for the coming year. That amount is the highest that has ever been provided by an Irish Parliament over a period of 26 years. It will amount to £3,600,000 and the House will appreciate the importance of that contribution when I say that the rate on agricultural land is something like £7,000,000. More than half the total rate on agricultural land will be remitted during the coming year in accordance with the proposals I have mentioned.

I am not here to offer any sort of apology for the work of the Government either in regard to housing or in any field with which the members of the Government have been concerned. I say that that work has been honestly done and well done. I say that the members of the Government—and I think it is right that the claim should be made for them—have not spared themselves in the task which the people of this country and the majority of the House have given them to do. I say, speaking practically at the end of the first year of office of the Government, that the people have unabated confidence in the honesty and integrity of this Government, unabated confidence in the soundness of their outlook as far as the social and economic position of the country is concerned. I feel that when the period of office of this Government comes to an end it will have to its credit a record of achievement that will not be at all a mean or dishonourable one, so far as the members of the Government individually and collectively, and so far as the country as a whole, are concerned. I feel that it is not necessary that I should particularise further in connection with the matters that have been mentioned.

I suggest to Deputy Childers that it is absolutely futile to take the line he has taken here in his speech this evening. You can, of course, present figures in any way you like and arrive at any conclusions you desire, but the whole thing is childish. I think that, even allowing for the very natural and bitter disappointment of Deputy Childers and his colleagues who have been displaced from office, one would expect from people of their experience, a more constructive and useful approach to the problems of the country as a whole. We are satisfied and I am personally satisfied, that every genuine effort is being made to reduce the cost of living in this country. We realise the importance of succeeding in that work, but I do not think that any service is done for that effort by the kind of jibes that have been directed at that work in the course of the debate this evening. I have had some evidence of how irresponsible Deputy Childers can be in certain matters. I have evidence in my Department of how utterly irresponsible his views were on certain questions of local government in this country. I say that in no spirit of disrespect, but just in order to point out that he should remember that he is expected at this time, because he should have now reached some degree of political maturity, to make a more sensible contribution to questions of the kind to which he addressed himself here this evening than he has.

The whole tenor of this debate has run along lines that are familiar to me. I remember when the present Opposition were in opposition on a former occasion. Word for word, the speeches that have been made here in the course of this debate could be compared and no difference found with the speeches made in these years gone by. They show tremendous interest in all these social questions now, but they had very little interest in them in the past. Quite bluntly, in the last two or three years the previous Government declined to provide even £500,000 to improve old age pensions in this country. In all the discussions in this House, and particularly in the Seanad, the iniquitous means test associated with old age pensions was defended.

And you have maintained it.

Mr. Murphy

The present means test has been very considerably modified.

Are you satisfied with it?

Mr. Murphy

I want to see it improved still further, but those who talk in that strain on the opposite side have no claim to talk, because they refused to alter it by one penny. They could not even provide £500,000 for the old age pensioners. The only subterfuge they were able to employ in that connection was to tax local authorities to provide an additional allowance for old age pensions or, in other words, they caused old age pensioners to subject themselves to a second means test. Having drawn their ordinary pension from the post office, they had to go to the relieving officer to get outdoor relief to supplement their old age pensions. That system will disappear in a few weeks.

In that connection it is well to remember, when speeches are made about adding a burden to local authorities, that under the new social services scheme in regard to old age pensions, local authorities will be completely relieved of the obligations to supplement old age pensions, an obligation imposed on them by the past Administration. The old age pensioners have got the first measure of recognition that they have got in this country for many years from this Government and they will find the effect of that on the 7th January when, in every rural district, a man and woman entitled to the old age pension will receive 35/- a week instead of the 12/6 each a week they received from the last Government, plus the few shillings of outdoor relief, if they were able to satisfy the other means test imposed upon them.

Mr. Byrne

I should like to know if the Minister has made any provision to provide houses for newly-weds.

Get yourself suspended. You are missing your chance.

Mr. Murphy

I shall have an early discussion with Deputy Byrne in regard to that matter. I have passed the subject of prefabrication and have gone into another field entirely. What has been done in connection with old age pensions has been done in other fields also. I know something about the history of widows' and orphans' pensions because I had the responsibility of moving in this House the first motion ever moved in favour of widows' and orphans' pensions. I know how hard it was to get our friends across there, even when we were supporting them, to provide widows' and orphans' pensions and I know how niggardly they were in the provision which they subsequently made. I might point out that every widow in a rural district who is now in receipt of 17/6 will receive 30/- after the 7th January. If this Government have done nothing else than what it has already done in a few months in the field of social security, I think it would have done well and would deserve the gratitude of the people as a whole.

Say that in Donegal.

Question—"That the Dáil at its rising to-day do adjourn until Wednesday, 16th February, 1949"—put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 69; Níl, 63.

  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Brernan, Joseph P.
  • Browne, Noel C.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Byrne, Alfred Patrick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kinane, Patrick.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Con.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Morrssey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Esmonde, Sir John L.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Fitzpatrick, Michael.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Gorman, Patrick J.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun)
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Sheehan, Michael.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Timoney, John J.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • De Valera, Vivion.
  • Flynn, Stepher.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, John.
  • McCann, John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • Maguire, Patrick J.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Tellers:— Tá: Deputies Doyle and Keyes; Níl: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy.
Question declared carried.
Barr
Roinn