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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 31 Mar 1949

Vol. 114 No. 14

Committee on Finance. - Vote 52—Lands.

I move:—

That a sum not exceeding £852,650 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1950, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Offices of the Minister for Lands and of the Irish Land Commission (44 and 45 Vict., c. 49, sec. 46, and c. 71, sec. 4; 48 and 49 Vict., c. 73, secs. 17, 18 and 20; 54 and 55 Vict., c. 48; 3 Edw. 7, c. 37; 7 Edw. 7, c. 38 and c. 56; 9 Edw. 7, c. 42; Nos. 27 and 42 of 1923; No. 25 of 1925; No. 11 of 1926; No. 19 of 1927; No. 31 of 1929; No. 11 of 1931; Nos. 33 and 38 of 1933; No. 11 of 1934; No. 41 of 1936; No. 26 of 1939; and No. 12 of 1946).

The Vote for Lands for the year 1949-50 shows a net increase of £107,070 as compared with last year. The increase is accounted for mainly in sub-head I, which provides for the expenditure necessary on improvement of estates and the division of untenanted land into new holdings. The increase follows as a consequence of the speeding up of the work of land division.

Sub-head A, which provides for salaries, wages and allowances is increased by £34,497 by reason of the general increases in remuneration granted to civil servants. In other sub-heads there are no changes calling for particular comment.

With regard to the general work of the Land Commission during the past year there has been a speeding up of activities in general. Up to the end of the financial year 1947-48 the activities of the Land Commission, particularly in this sphere of land settlement, were still affected by restrictions imposed during the period of the emergency. These had been relaxed in the case of the scheduled congested districts counties, but the position remained that outside the scheduled congested districts counties the Land Commission, except for land in certain very limited categories, were not free to undertake inquiries or to institute proceedings with a view to the acquisition of land for division. The carrying out of a land settlement programme on any sort of large scale demands that there should be a considerable reserve of useful lands in hands and also a sufficient supply of additional lands "in the machine" in process of acquisition. At the beginning of the past financial year, however, in consequence of the restrictions in force for some years previously, the position had been reached that practically no useful land remained on hands. By a Government decision last spring the Government authorised the Land Commission to resume their activities outside the scheduled congested districts for the acquisition and resumption of land intended to be used for the relief of congestion. It will be understood that this decision could not secure the immediate acquisition of fresh lands. It did, however, open the way for the carrying out of the inquiries and inspections which are a necessary preliminary of all land acquisition work. Since the restrictions were removed our inspectors have been engaged throughout the country on this preliminary work. Many old reports furnished prior to the imposition of restrictions have had to be reviewed and new reports furnished in other cases with detailed information as to suitability and price following valuation of lands proposed for acquisition. The result of all this work is now beginning to show in the returns of land acquired.

It is, of course, too soon yet to expect final returns of work during the year, but provisional figures can be given which will indicate some idea of the scope of inspectorate activity during the year. Preliminary inspections carried out embrace an area of somewhat in the region of 40,000 acres. More detailed inspections and valuations were carried out in respect of an area of some 25,000 acres, while lands made the subject of acquisition proceedings during the year comprised something about 45,000 acres. As regards the actual division of land, I have referred to the fact that we opened the year with practically no reserve of useful land on hands. Notwithstanding that disadvantage, a most satisfactory output has been achieved and when the final figures are available I shall be disappointed if the division figure for the year is less than 20,000 acres.

The work of revesting tenanted holdings and untenanted land allotments has also been pushed ahead as fast as possible. The importance of clearing off the arrears on this side of our work has repeatedly been stressed and the past year's contribution to the solution of this task must be regarded as satisfactory, as a total of some 15,000 holdings and allotments were during the year vested in the tenants and allottees.

With regard to the user of allotments, work on the examination of divided estates has continued during the year. At present the Land Commission have under observation approximately some 1,500 unsatisfactory allottees. Over 2,000 inspections were carried out during the year and warnings were issued in some 700 cases. There are over 600 further cases under attention for termination of agreements for unsatisfactory user.

As regards the collection of annuities the position continues to be satisfactory. Out of a total amount of £35,036,779, collectable since revision took place in the year 1933, arrears amounted at the 31st January last to £108,810, or approximately 3 per cent.

Hitherto it has been the practice of the Opposition in this House to sling all the mud they could whenever an Estimate came up.

Is the Deputy moving to refer the Vote back?

I understood it had been done.

It has not been done yet.

Then I move to refer it back now. I understood my colleague, Deputy Seán Moylan, had done so last night.

It cannot be done except in the House.

I was saying that hitherto it has been the practice, whenever an Estimate was under review, and particularly the Estimate for the Department of Lands, for the Opposition to sling all the mud they possibly could at whoever happened to be in charge of that Department, whether he was a Minister or a Parliamentary Secretary, and at the officials of that Department. I myself was the victim of such a campaign of slander on one occasion. Strange as it may appear, I never, at any period, had any responsibility for the Department of Lands; but that did not save me from the mud-slinging campaign indulged in on these benches by the then Deputy Dillon, now Minister for Agriculture, when he accused me of dividing the land of this country amongst my political friends. The then Deputy Dillon knew as well as I did that I had nothing to do with the division of land, but that did not prevent him from carrying on his campaign of calumny. So much for that. I merely mention it in the hope that henceforth we shall finish with that type of attack upon whoever is in charge of the Irish Land Commission. If there are to be criticisms of the Minister, or of his Department, they should be constructive criticisms. Whoever rises to criticise, or even to clap him on the back—I have no doubt plenty of the boys behind him will be prepared to do it this evening——

That is what you did yourself.

I hope that when they indulge in this back-clapping they will have some constructive proposals to put forward at the same time to show the Minister and his Department a better way of doing things than has been shown heretofore.

Did the Deputy hear Deputy Moran the other night?

Even the Minister in the old days when he was on these benches was not above stooping to this campaign of slander, not merely on the Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister in charge at the same time, but also on the officials of the Land Commission. He went so far on one occasion as to describe the Land Commission as a joke.

Quote the mud-slinging now against the Minister or the Land Commission.

I have only to take up the debates for the last 16 or 17 years to see it. I merely want to refer to it and to say that I hope there will be an end to it from all sides of the House. I do not think it adds anything to our reputation as members of this House to carry on such a campaign. I did not come into the House to quote from the past records of the House, as the Minister would seem to want me to do now. All I wish to say is that I hope the Minister has changed his views, now that he has got a little bit of experience, towards the Land Commission and towards the officials of the Land Commission. I sincerely hope he has and that his colleague, particularly his colleague and fellow-Deputy from his own constituency, will also change his views. If we are to have criticisms at all, let them be based on facts. If we have charges to make against the Minister or against his officials, we will put them down in black and white and show where either the Minister or his officials are wanting.

I am afraid the Minister is not altogether as optimistic this evening as he was before he became Minister. If he were he would not have brought in this slight increase of £107,000 to cover the additional expenses of the additional activities which we had been led to believe from previous announcements of the Minister were going to take place henceforth. An increase of £107,000 on this Estimate is a very small one to provide for the acquisition of estates and the carrying out of improvements—all the very essential improvements that are necessary if lands are to be divided on the scale we would all wish to see. One would imagine that now the emergency has passed and supplies of essential materials which were unobtainable for a good many years are in hands, we would see a more hopeful sign coming from the Minister than the small sum which he is now providing by way of increase as compared with last year's figures. If we are to make a success of land division we will have to speed up the activities and we will have to provide the necessary oil to keep the machine working by way of the necessary funds. I am afraid the amount which the Minister is bringing in here to-day will not lend itself to a very large increase in the area of land to be divided during the coming year.

What sub-head are you referring to?

The total increase is £107,070 and most of that, £100,000, is for the improvement of estates. That is £100,000 increase on the previous year. I know that that is relatively a very small sum by way of an increase, but it is far from what one would expect as materials are no longer in scarce supply. It could easily be argued during the war years, but it compares very unfavourably with the Estimates that were brought in prior to the war when supplies were available.

Under what sub-head is the land purchase?

One would naturally expect that there would be a good increase during the coming year in the activities of the inspectors who were seconded to other Departments for other essential work during the war and who are now back again in the Land Commission, and that their activities would show results. There would not be much point in chasing around the country unless their operations lead to the division of land and the creation of new holdings. The primary purpose of the Land Commission is the relief of congestion. I hope the Minister and his Department will concentrate on that very laudable work. I am not one of those who want to create the impression that this is a very soft or a very easy job. I know it is not. I know some of the difficulties that have to be gone through before an estate can be acquired and divided, and I think it would be a great mistake to pretend that this work can be done overnight. Statements of that kind deceive the people and nothing could be worse than that the people should be led up the garden path in the belief that one has only to wave a magic wand, as some of the Deputies now sitting behind the Government led the people to believe some 14 or 15 months ago.

What about 14 or 15 years ago?

If the Chair decides that we are allowed to go back over that period we could give very interesting figures as far as the Minister is concerned.

The Chair is deciding that Deputy O'Grady is in possession and should not be interrupted.

I hope the Minister will allow me to proceed. It is not my habit to interrupt and I hope I shall get the same courtesy from the people opposite. The Minister will have the opportunity of replying later. Side by side with congestion is the rundale system, which obtains particularly in the counties of the western seaboard. Even in my native county there is a considerable area held under the rundale system, where oftentimes a farmer in order to thatch his house has to trespass on his neighbour's land. That is not confined to any one particular area. It is pretty widespread, and particularly along the western seaboard. The sooner that state of affairs is ended the better it will be for everybody. There are difficulties in the way. When you come to deal with a matter of that kind you find that the particular haggard or field that you want to acquire has become enhanced in value in the eyes of its holder, and oftentimes people will prove unreasonable. The staff of the Land Commission have to try to negotiate with those people. The time will come when the Land Commission will have to deal more drastically with cases of that kind if we are to have a solution of that rundale system in our time. It may be necessary to obtain compulsory powers in order to get over these difficulties. Nothing could be worse than continuing this system of rundale with which we are all familiar—those who represent western constituencies, at all events.

Another matter to which I wish to refer is the question of housing. I would suggest to the Minister that he should look into the plans already in existence of certain types of houses. According to these plans which are more or less stereotyped, fire-places, particularly those built in the rooms of these small dwellings, are built even in bog areas which are suitable only for the burning of coal. I have seen them myself even when the houses were built on a raft to prevent them sinking in the bog. Despite the fact that the turf is actually under the house these little fire-places, ten to 12 inches in width, were built. They should be enlarged to enable the people resident in the bogs to burn their own turf. If the authorities want to save on it let them cut out the grates altogether and give them the ordinary hearth which everybody in the country is used to, so that if a member of the family is sick or a neighbour calls they can put the fire down without having to buy coal which is the only fuel that will fit into these little grates.

I think it would be well if the Land Commission got its engineers or architects to look into the question of the avoidance of draughts. The doors and windows are so placed, particularly in the kitchens of these houses, that in many cases they are very draughty. It ought not to be beyond the powers of an architect to draft something more suitable for the occupants than we have had hitherto. We should all like to see the dwelling house somewhat larger, if possible. I suppose it is too much to hope for at the present time under existing costs. The next point I should like to make is that every farmer who gets a division of land or for whom the Land Commission are catering by providing offices ought to be provided with a cart house. Out buildings are provided but, unfortunately, the doorways in these houses are incapable, as represented in the plans, of allowing the ordinary farmer's cart to be placed inside. Oftentimes the farmer has at his own expense to widen the doorway to enable him to put in his cart. He should also have a stable for his horse, a piggery, and a poultry house. In addition I would suggest that he should have a small hay shed, without which it is well nigh impossible for the ordinary farmer to carry on. In the construction of these out-offices, I know of no reason why the rainfall from the roof or the effluent from the cowhouse, should be turned towards the backdoor of the dwellinghouse. I think it is contrary to public health and yet it is done. I do hope the Minister and his officials will take note of these remarks and prevent a recurrence of these faults in future.

The next note I have concerns fencing. It has been the practice, particularly in areas where building materials are scarce, where stone is scarce for instance, to erect what we call "moots"— that is a bank of earth separating two fields. That is all very well for the time being but unless that bank or mound of earth is protected either by a wire fence or in some other manner it will be damaged. Better still if thorn quicks could be planted at the foot of the "moot", in the course of years, provided stocks are kept away, that will provide an efficient hedge and make a good fence which will prevent the stock trespassing on neighbours. In the past, we have all seen, particularly in districts where fencing materials are scarce, these embankments being built and after a while, when cattle are allowed in, they seem to take a particular delight in exercising their horns on the "moots" until the stage is reached where there is no longer any means of preventing trespass. I do not think it would take a lot of ingenuity to bring about a marked improvement in that line of activity. Furthermore if hedges were planted in the way I have suggested, they would not merely provide shelter but they would beautify the country. If in each of these "moots" a thorn quick hedge were planted, in eight or nine years there would be a nice hedge which would provide shelter for animals and would add very much to the amenities of the farm.

I should like to ask the Minister— and this is to my mind very important —what is the present policy of the Government towards ex-I.R.A. applicants for land. I mention this matter because it has been brought to my notice that, in the case of a couple of small estates that have been divided in my own constituency, some I.R.A. men have been passed over. To my mind at all events these men were in every way suitable for divisions of land. They were small holders, they had large families and they had obtained certificates and pensions in respect of their fight for Irish freedom. Yet these men were passed over and others who, according to my information were further from the land divided, were given preference. I am not accusing the Minister of any deliberate intention to act in this way. I am merely directing his attention to the fact that these things have happened and I hope there will not be a recurrence of them, and that these men will get the preference to which, according to law, they are entitled, all other things being equal. I hope that these men who are equally qualified with other applicants will get preference. I should like the Minister to give some information on that matter.

Would the Deputy give me particulars of any cases like that which have been brought to his notice?

Very good.

I should not like to see any injustice of that kind perpetrated.

I shall let the Minister have particulars of a few cases that have been brought to my notice. On the question of migration, I think it would be a better policy, and incidentally it would be cheaper for the Land Commission, where they could possibly do so, to move the larger farmers. There are fairly large holders in some of the congested areas and they should be migrated rather than moving several small holders. The cost of transferring a large farmer would be very little more than that of transferring one of his smaller neighbours, whereas to obtain the same area of land by the transference of several small holders is going to cost the State a good deal more in the way of transfer costs. It would be much better, I think, to transfer the larger holders. Possibly they may be more suitable migrants and the land which they would vacate would help to relieve congestion amongst their smaller neighbours in that locality. It would be far more satisfactory than transferring the small holders in large numbers.

I have also a note here regarding market value. That also has become a very thorny question lately. I merely wish to say in passing that I think most people will agree that if land is to be acquired, the owner ought to get reasonable compensation. After all, if the State is acquiring a business or interfering in any other way with other property, reasonable compensation is paid and I think the same rule should obtain when it comes to taking over land, particularly if it is taken compulsorily.

I should also like to direct the Minister's attention to a very big problem with which either he or some other Minister will in future have to grapple. That is the question of embankments in tidal waters. We have in Clare in particular a very large mileage of embankments along the estuaries of the Shannon and the Fergus. In passing, I should like to say that quite recently, when a breach was made in the vicinity of Sixmilebridge and the matter was reported, the Land Commission—despite all the mud that has been flung at it recently, it is only fair to place this on record—acted with commendable speed and sent their men there to have the breach repaired. They have been vilified so often that I think it is only fair when they do a good day's work it should be placed on record. The fact that they came to the rescue of a number of farmers there gave these farmers some hope that they were not altogether forgotten. The whole question of embankments, I know, constitutes a big problem and each Department of State would like to hand the baby over to some other Department but the question, as I say, will have to be tackled either by the Minister, by some of his colleagues or by some other Government at a later date. Where these embankments are subject to a breakdown from time to time during pressure by high tides, it is only the State that can come to the rescue of the farmers concerned. Most of these lands carry very high valuation. In one instance brought to my notice, some lands liable to floods were carry-a valuation of £2 a statute acre. It sounds incredible, but it is a fact. These lands are sometimes inundated and it is the duty of the State to protect them for the farmers concerned.

The Land Commission has in hands for the past couple of years some estates where, for some reason, there has been a hold-up in the completion of the work. I refer first to the Crowe estate at Dromore, Ruan. They have been operating there for three or four years and yet have not completed the work. I hope this hold-up will not continue indefinitely. The Studdert estate at Ballyhannon, and Creagh estate at Daingean are two in point. Some of them were only recently acquired. In one case, the former owner opposed the Land Commission and got away with the plea that it was a stud farm, when everyone locally knew that there was scarcely a stud game cock in the whole place.

There is another estate in East Clare on hands for a long number of years. The circumstances there are extremely difficult. There is the famous Arthur estate at The Glen, Killaloe. The Land Commission have been dealing with it for a long number of years and at long last have seen the completion of their work. The Minister is smiling. I think that, slow and tedious though the work was, the operations were almost completed before he saw the inside of the Land Commission. There are still some jobs to be done there and I hope that in a very short time we will see the end of our troubles as regards the Arthur estate.

In Ballinruan district, there are some vacant houses—as there are in other places in my constituency—which have been vacated by migrants transferred to other counties. These houses, which I know very well, were reasonably good farmhouses, two-storey, slated dwellings, with suitable out-offices. Owing to their having been left derelict for the past two or three years, they are not improving and I hope the Land Commission will see that these lands are allocated amongst the congests immediately joining these vacated farms, so that the houses will not be allowed to continue to deteriorate.

Before the outbreak of the last war, the Land Commission had a very big housing programme in West Clare, around the Shragh, Moanmore and Doonbeg areas. It was contemplated at that time to erect no fewer than 120 houses and they had gone a long way towards the completion of the job by the year 1939, when the advent of war and consequent scarcity of materials put an end to the operations. It was a pity that work was not completed, as there were some of the worst rural slums in the whole country in that area. At least 40 of those people were provided with houses when the war put a stop to the work. Could the Minister indicate the prospects of continuing that work now, since materials have become available, so as to complete the job begun in 1937 or 1938? I hope he will see that it is continued, as there are many people there who cannot afford to erect their own houses —particularly when houses have been provided by the Land Commission for the neighbours. Many of these people are small holders with a couple of acres of bog on which to make a living, and these houses were erected on their own little plots.

Some of them had not the necessary labour to do the work themselves, but others were more enterprising and took the contracts from the Land Commission, under whose supervision they constructed their own houses. That, of course, is the better practice, as a man building a house for his own family will be more careful to put the best workmanship and materials into it. I hope the Minister will look into this question and continue the good work which was interrupted in 1939.

I want to avail of this Estimate to refer to a few matters affecting my constituency, County Dublin. So far as I can judge, County Dublin seems to be one of the most neglected areas where land division is concerned. It is a well-known fact that the area of Fingal in North County Dublin, and a great part of the south county, has inside its borders some of what is reckoned to be the most productive agricultural land we have in the country. We have the anomaly that in several areas there are large estates of what is said by people who should know to be the best land in the country lying unused and giving little or no employment. Both during the reign of the present Government and of the previous Government, representations have been made by many organisations concerning the large estates, but very little progress has been secured by the people of County Dublin in the matter of land division. Such land division as has been carried out in the past was not, it seems to me, of great benefit to the people. The fundamental failing in the policy as it applied to County Dublin was that the parcels allotted to many of the tenants were so small as to make the earning of a livelihood thereon a difficulty. Yet we have a great expanse of land including a number of estates, particularly in the north of the county, which would be admirable for division. I might mention one which is known as Newbarn. I understand it is presently under consideration by the Department. There are many others in the north-western portion of the county that have been brought to the notice of the Department. So far as I can judge, little or no progress has been made in our county in the direction of getting these estates divided.

In County Dublin there is, and has been, as much land hunger as exists in any county. It has been stated that the primary policy of the Land Commission is the relief of congestion, a policy which must be acceptable to everybody on all sides of the House, but when that policy is put into effect so as to mean that migrants are brought from distant parts and settled in County Dublin, where there is at the moment, as I say, a considerable desire for land division, it seems to me that the policy is being ill-applied. I have in mind the case of a small holding on the borders of County Dublin and Meath which was recently allotted to a migrant from one of the western counties. I have no doubt that the migrant was a very well qualified applicant and I am not criticising the giving of the holding to him; but I say that it is most undesirable, with so strong a desire in this area for land division, that migrants should be imported there. Other counties adjoining County Dublin and in other parts of the country may be well fitted for peopling with migrants, but I urge the Minister to review this policy, so far as County Dublin is concerned.

We have a situation there which may not be paralleled in any other county. During the years of the war, a number of these estates and larger farms to which I refer were let in conacre to many men who before the war might have been in the position of agricultural labourers. The conacre was available because compulsory tillage was in existence. A certain proportion of the estates had to be tilled, which meant that many of these ex-agricultural labourers and small farmers living on uneconomic holdings could add to their incomes by taking conacre and tilling the land. With the passing of compulsory tillage, a policy to which I made no secret of my opposition, this problem is accentuated, inasmuch as the conacre farmers who formerly could get conacre relatively easily are now finding difficulty in obtaining land in that fashion, and I suggest to the Minister that that creates a situation of great urgency, so far as land division is concerned.

Conacre farming of itself is no satisfactory solution of the economic difficulties of men living on a small portion of land or men who have no land. It is simply a makeshift, a temporary and transitory solution. The true solution, as we all know, is the settling of the man and his family upon a unit of land sufficient to support him in decent Christian comfort; but the existence in my constituency of these large estates and the apparent inactivity of the Land Commission in regard to them is at present a matter of comment, as it was a matter of comment during the reign of Fianna Fáil and even, I should say, since the first time the idea of land division was mooted.

I urge that special thought and consideration should be given to this area. The land in that district is reckoned to be the most valuable land, from the point of view of agricultural produce, that we have in the country. The agricultural operatives, both working farmers and farm labourers, are deserving of the highest praise possible for the manner in which they have maintained the tradition of tillage and the production of goods over a very long number of years, a tradition which comes down to them not from the last generation but from generations before that. For that reason alone, this area is in need of special consideration.

It will create very great local difficulties if a policy of the importation of migrants is pursued in North County Dublin. First attention should be given to the people who were born and bred there, who are well qualified to work the land, who know it particularly well and who are in need of land in order to get a better living for themselves and for their families. That this problem is not one which can be delayed is very evident to those of us who are familiar with County Dublin. The Land Commission has become notorious and a by-word throughout the country for its slowness of motion. Like other speakers on this Estimate, I have not the slightest doubt that the job of any Minister for Lands is a tremendous task. There is no question whatever about that, but I feel that, in so far as we in County Dublin are concerned, we have legitimate cause for complaint. The whole accent in the matter of urgency in land division has been centred on other areas, whereas in County Dublin neglect has been the apparent policy for a very considerable time.

I have had many representations in connection with the need for water where the land is divided. In the past, the Land Commission has divided land into parcels and has neglected to make arrangements whereby the people to whom the land is given can obtain water. We have cases of men having to travel two and three miles for water, and, while that may be the accepted thing in other parts of the country, it is regarded in my county as something which can easily be remedied and should be remedied and which should not be a feature of agriculture in the most progressive agricultural county, the premier county. Provision should be made upon all holdings which are allocated by the Land Commission for making available a pump for the supply of water, which is so essential in agriculture.

The Minister stated that he would be disappointed if, when the final total of the acreage divided last year becomes known, it was not 20,000 acres. That, undoubtedly, is an encouraging thing— that 20,000 acres have been divided, that the policy of returning the land to the people of this nation is being pursued; but, again, not one rood of these 20,000 acres has been divided in my county, so far as my knowledge goes.

Another matter which is the subject of much complaint by Land Commission tenants is the delay in the vesting of land. I should like the Minister to indicate to us how soon those of us who are interested in County Dublin can anticipate that progress will be made in this important matter. It appears that many men who are residing on Land Commission land were told years ago that it was a matter of a relatively short time when their land would be vested. They are still awaiting vesting. It is an unsatisfactory state of affairs that, for a long time, men are not sure of their position. No man is sure until the land is vested and he is made owner.

Are these small farmers?

Yes, small holders. There is another peculiar aspect of the land question in County Dublin which may not apply elsewhere. There is a number of men who ordinarily work as agricultural labourers and who hold small parcels of land—five to ten acres or even less. Representations have been made to me recently by some of these men in connection with housing. It appears that it is impossible for them to secure a house from the Land Commission. It is quite conceivable that, under the present policy of Dublin County Council, the county council would build houses for such men who are legitimate agricultural labourers and who qualify for re-housing in the ordinary course of events. The difficulty that the county council finds is that of obtaining sites. Where men hold small pieces of land, I would strongly suggest that no objection should be raised to their making available to the county council a site sufficient for the county council to build a house for them and that that site should be made available at a reasonable figure. That would apply particularly where land is not vested. Difficulty and delay arise there and we cannot afford to have any delay in the matter of housing, particularly in rural areas. It is high time that such men, who represent the real wealth of this nation, men who toil on the land, should have no barrier placed in their way. Rather, every point should be strained to provide them with decent housing conditions with the greatest possible speed.

The last speaker referred to many things he thought desirable things which should be done by the present Minister. It is very difficult for Deputies on this side of the House to resist the temptation to say: "Why did you not do it when you had the opportunity?" The present Minister is doing a tough job as efficiently as any human being could do it. The criticisms which I offer are on questions of policy, and I offer them in the strongest possible manner so far as County Dublin is concerned. The principal criticism which I make is that in County Dublin there has not been adequate land division. There is sufficient land there to ease the present situation, idle land, land which is not worked, and which is of no use to anybody. I would again urge the Minister to give special attention to that matter because I feel that County Dublin has not had the attention it deserves in relation to this matter in the past.

Mr. de Valera

I was hoping that the Minister, as a Minister who is approaching his work anew, would have taken this occasion to give the House a general picture of the task before us in land division as he conceives it and of his general administrative policy in regard to it. In the Constitution, as one of the directives to social policy, it is stated that there shall be established on the land in economic security as many families as in the circumstances shall be practicable. That is in the Constitution because it seemed to be the general aim of all Parties and everybody in the country who was thinking from the social point of view. There are three important words in it, of course—"economic security" and "practicability". "Economic security" meant that the person who was put on the land and owned the land should be able to maintain himself and his family and to make reasonable provision for himself and his family so that he would be really dependent on his farm and not on anything else. That raised a very big question as to what was the economic size of a holding, because when we are giving land we are giving to an individual, with the aid of the community, a very important gift, and, naturally, that gift ought not to be larger than would enable us to achieve the aim that is set out in the Constitution, namely, that it should enable him to live on the land in economic security.

I do not know how many in the House would agree with me on this, that it is desirable to have as many families as possible in that economic security. I do not think there is any individual in the community who has such liberty, who is really as free as a man who is placed in that position. He is very different from those who are mere wage earners, and so on. He is monarch, to a certain extent, of all he surveys within his own holding. It is an ideal existence, it seems to me, from a human point of view. Consequently, from a social point of view, I think very many will agree with me that it is desirable in the national interest to have as many families as possible placed in that position.

It is from that point of view that I would approach the whole question of land division. I know that that runs counter in a certain direction to other views. One view would be to have very large holdings and some would even go to the point of having communal holdings and imagine that by machinery and so on they would get higher production. I think it has been proved that more comes from the individual acre of land in a small farm than in a larger farm and I think therefore —actually and from a narrow economic point of view rather than from a social one—that we will get more from land divided into holdings such as is envisaged here. That does not mean that the farms would be all of the same size. Everybody knows that farms of different sizes fit in and that there is a gradual passage from the smaller farm to the larger one and that the larger farms help the small ones. We should consider what size of farm would be essential. The large farms should be able to justify their existence by the amount of labour they give and by their part in the general economy. It is generally admitted that large farms—and when I say large farms I mean farms of 200, 300 or 400 acres— play a part in our general economy and it might be very undesirable to touch them if they are doing their work by giving added employment and helping small farms to carry on.

We are very anxious, naturally, that those in possession of land should have security. Everybody here is agreed that security of tenure is one of the purposes we should have in our legislation and we should see that it is not disturbed except in the cases where that has been clearly admitted to be right. As many families as possible and economic security should be our aim. I thought that the Minister in introducing the Estimate should have tried to give us a general picture so that we could see how we are progressing towards that aim. I should like to know, first of all, if he holds that it is the proper aim.

I remember asking for a report at one stage as to the amount of land available in this part of Ireland for division according to the view of the Land Commission. I got estimates ranging from 500,000 acres to 1,000,000 acres at the time, and it is not very long ago. The Minister might tell us if he thinks that that is about the amount available for division in accordance with the present policy and without in any way changing our policy. I have always been urging very hard on the Department to speed up this division of land because I was looking to this ultimate social aim we had in mind. It was pointed out to me in a convincing way that one might wish to move rapidly, but if one did, one was not going to do in anything like the proper way the work we had in mind, that is, to divide up the land into proper farms and to see that the right type of people got them. You would require experienced inspectors. At one time we considerably increased the inspectorial staff. When you increase staff you often slow up work while the staff is being trained. You slow up the work of the people who are partially engaged in the training of it. During the period shortly after the increase we got a very large amount of land, something up to 100,000 acres. The Minister will set me right if I am wrong, but my recollection is that.

About that.

Mr. de Valera

I heard complaints afterwards that on account of the speed at which it was done the work was not done as satisfactorily as would be desirable. We have to choose then between doing what you might call perfect work, which every Civil Service Department wants to do, and going ahead more rapidly and putting up with the mistakes which are necessarily made if work is done rapidly. One of the mistakes was said to have been that a number of people got portions of land who did not turn out to be suitable tenants or good farmers or the type who should have been given land. They did not work them. From the Minister's opening statement, I take it that he has a number of such people in mind and I am sure he will see that the intention of the State in giving land to people will be fulfilled, namely, that they should farm it and make a living out of it.

The war came and it was necessary for compulsory tillage to get a number of experienced people, and the only Department from which they could be got was the Department of Lands. That, apart from anything else, crippled the Department during the period of the war. After the war the intention was to go ahead as rapidly as possible. I was not Minister, but my own idea was that it was necessary to do something such as was done before when we increased the number of inspectors. Nobody wants to see more inspectors or more State officials in the country than are required to do the work, but if we want the work to be done, we must make up our minds to provide the people necessary to do it. My view then was that if we wanted to get ahead more rapidly we would have to increase the inspectorial staff. The Minister for Finance and, possibly, even the Minister for Lands might not agree, but one of the means of doing work is to get the experienced staff. I said "experienced" staff. It is work that cannot be done by novices. I was amused to hear Deputy Dunne talk of farms which were divided in which there was no water. In some cases it may be almost impossible to provide the farms with water, but I cannot see a farm getting on without it. Experience is needed to divide big estates to see that water will be available and to understand the needs of each farm. Experience is needed, owing to the nature of the task which a land inspector has to accomplish, and you do not get that by competitive examination or from engineers with degrees. These men have to be trained. If you want them you have to look ahead and realise that during the year or two in which you are getting these officers trained you will not have the amount of division you might expect.

Let us look at the task. My recollection is—the Minister can correct me if I am wrong—although there may be differences of opinion about it, that in the report which I received it was stated that we could count on between 500,000 and 1,000,000 acres as being available for division. I asked myself what was the size of an economic farm, how many farms that land should be divided into, taking the quality of the land into consideration. That 500,000 to 1,000,000 acres of land would be of different qualities and to estimate the number of families among which it should be divided let us take 50 acres as an average. I do not think that even taking the land as average land that it would be too far out. On an average, taking land of various qualities, suppose we make an estimate of 50 acres apiece. I am not suggesting that an economic farm should run up to that acreage but that, to be economic, it should be of a size that would enable a family to be maintained on it according to requirements in different parts of the country. If you are near a city or a town where there is a market available for various produce you may not require as large a farm as you might require in a remote area. Suppose we take it at 50 acres. Half a million acres would be necessary for 10,000 families. It would be a great advantage to this country to see an additional 10,000 families in economic security throughout the country. We hear a lot of talk about emigration and about the diminishing number of children attending rural schools and it would be a great advantage to us if these 500,000 acres were available to settle 10,000 families on them. If 1,000,000 acres were available, and we take the same average of 50 acres, then it would be possible to settle 20,000 families. The task before us, therefore, is the placing of 10,000 to 20,000 families on the land. It is a tremendous national work and of very great importance. If we are satisfied with that aim, we ought to set about the work as quickly as we possibly can. That was the general aim we had.

Then we come to the question of the machinery for doing the work. I pointed out to others a target of 100,000 acres at which we should aim and, having got 100,000 acres and it was proved practicable, I said: "Very well. There are 100,000 acres. Why not do that every year?" It was pointed out to me that there was a certain amount of land in hand. You can get all this land that is available. You can do it, perhaps, more quickly in the case of large estates and parcels of land which require to be divided up. It was suggested that in that particular case there were particularly favourable circumstances—apart from criticism afterwards to the effect that a number of people got land who, probably, did not turn out to be good tenants.

I was told then that there was another matter which necessarily caused delay. Deputy Dunne quickly shied at the difficulties that were in the way but he agrees that the relief of congestion ought to be one of the primary aims in land division. In other words, he agrees that when we are dividing this land we ought to have in mind the necessity of improving the circumstances of those who have holdings of a very small size and which could not, in any sense, be regarded as economic or of the type to give economic security to the families living on them. It was suggested that if we really want to have this programme of relief of congestion we should look after, to a large extent, the West. We have greater congestion in western areas than anywhere else. I think it was generally agreed that that policy should be pursued. I think it was the general aim to try and concentrate on dealing with that problem as quickly as possible. It is an extremely difficult one——

Since when?

Mr. de Valera

I think that was a year or two before we went out of office. I think the Minister will find that the general aim was, seeing that we could not do everything at once, to try and concentrate and deal with this. In the first place it was an urgent and crying need. In the second place, if it was ever going to be solved it would have to be solved while a considerable amount of land was in hands.

Once you had distributed the large parcels of land then you were finished as far as the means of dealing with congestion in the West was concerned. In regard to that, there are difficulties. You have to try to see if it is possible, in the case of three, four or five local farms together, to leave one behind and to try and induce those who leave their old holdings to take up economic holdings elsewhere. It was pointed out that that meant a great deal of negotiation. Very often one or two individuals hold up a whole scheme. It was pointed out to me that no matter how rapidly, as a Government, we might desire to go ahead with this, we should be up against the problem of how to get the necessary agreements.

I propose to deal now with another point raised by Deputy Dunne. If you want to distribute land and if you want to bring migrants to, say, County Dublin, the people in County Dublin will say that they have prior claim. That, apparently, was what Deputy Dunne said in regard to Dublin, but he can be quite sure that in every other county the people would make that plea too, and in that respect Dublin is not peculiar. I think it happened in County Meath and in a number of other places too. We cannot have it both ways. If we are going to solve the problem of the congested areas, if we really want to solve it and to help those who are there and give them economic holdings, we can only do so in the areas in which there is land available. If the local people are so numerous that they want to have that land, well, it is quite obvious that you cannot satisfy both. What was done, I think, in the past, was to try to meet, to a certain extent, the local demand as far as it could quite reasonably be done and, where at all possible, in regard to the land that was left—after satisfying the most urgent and reason able demands of the local people—to try to have it made available for migrants.

What I am coming to is this. If we are to pursue the policy of dealing with the congested areas and this policy of migrants, it is going to be much slower than anything we have had up to the present. Consider the distribution of 500,000 acres of land. I suppose it would be difficult, perhaps, to get an exact calculation, but consider the position if we distributed 50,000 acres a year. The Minister suggested that possibly the figure would be 25,000 acres this coming year. I do not know exactly what was done last year, so I cannot tell him what hopes I would have of his reaching that target of 25,000. Would the Minister mind telling me how many acres of land were distributed last year?

In the neighbourhood of 20,000.

Mr. de Valera

If that is so I do not think the Minister's hopes are extravagant in looking for 25,000 acres this year.

By reason of the fact that we are now at the end of the financial year I am unable to give the exact figures. They are not yet available.

Mr. de Valera

It does not matter. I only wanted a rough figure to enable me to make a calculation. Suppose the figure were 50,000 acres per annum. It would take ten years to accomplish the work. If the Minister's figure were to work out as an average yearly distribution it would take 20 years, at the minimum, for the land to be divided. If the division of the land is an important matter—and I believe that it is important from a social, economic and general point of view—we in this House ought to be prepared to vote the necessary money to provide the Minister with the staff that would be required to deal with the matter and we ought to make up our minds that it is a job that we will try to accomplish within a period of ten years. It there are 500,000 acres to be distributed let us set as a target the doing of that job in ten years. If it were not for the particular difficulties I have indicated as having been pointed out to me, I would certainly press very hard that we should do that. I do not want, however, to be in any way unreasonable about this. The Minister by now, however, ought to have considered the whole problem and I think he ought to tell us in broad terms what his plans are and what he would propose to do so that we can check up from time to time and see the rate of progress. It seems to me that at the present rate of progress there is no chance of achieving this aim of dividing the land which should be divided in 20 years. I say "should be divided," because a lot of people want land divided which probably should not be divided. I am talking about land which in the social and economic interests of the country ought to be divided. I do not think we ought to be content to leave it like that.

I think the Minister ought to consult with his Department and not surrender to any views that may be there unless he is absolutely convinced they are right. All the difficulties are bound to be put up to him. He ought, however, to use his own mind on it and see whether there is any possibility of trying to envisage the ending of this problem within a period of ten years. That was the aim I set before myself. I do not know to what extent I would have been able to succeed had we been given the opportunity. I ask the Minister to examine it in that way and to come to the House and give us a picture of the situation as he sees it, and approach it from the fundamental point of view I have indicated as being in the Constitution—the dividing of land and establishing on it as many families in economic security as is practicable. He can always be assured of a sympathetic understanding from those of us who know anything of the matter, or who have any interest in this matter. He can be assured of a sympathetic understanding of any difficulties that confront him and that we will be all trying to help in order to get this good work ahead as quickly as possible.

I am glad that the Leader of the Opposition intervened in the debate at an early stage because, from the speech he made, we can be assured of calm waters. It was a reasonable speech and one with which I thoroughly agree. But, in the course of his speech, he said that a reasonably sized farm would be about 50 acres.

Mr. de Valera

No. I would not like the matter to proceed on a wrong basis. It would be a great pity if there was any misunderstanding. I tried to make it as clear as possible that that was only taken for the purpose of a rough calculation. I spoke about 500,000 acres. I do not know what the quality of the land is. I tried to find out the average that I should take so as to make it a basis of calculation. Do not regard it as anything more than a basis of calculation.

I agree that the average was a good one. It is roughly about the size of an economic farm. You could argue for years about the size of an economic farm in different counties and in different areas in counties. In South Meath a man would want 40 acres on which to rear a family. In East Meath, where there is fruit growing carried on, you could get a good living out of five acres of land. Therefore, I think we should give up talking about what is an economic farm.

The Land Commission Estimate has been very severely criticised for a long number of years and I suppose rightly so, because there is always land hunger amongst the Irish people. Why should there not be, because in the past many of their ancestors were driven from the land? I am satisfied that the Land Commission is a very slow-moving machine. It may be that it should be a slow-moving machine, but I think it was always too slow. This problem of land division should have been completely solved after 25 years of native Government. I hope that in the next ten years we shall have seen the end of land division. During the last 25 years the Land Commission made a vast amount of blunders. I am sure the present Minister has a huge task in front of him, an ugly task, namely, to dispossess many men who occupy farms and who will not make an effort to work them. It is not a nice job, but he must face up to it. I think he told us the number was 1,500 of what I may call undesirables who will not work their holdings. That is a terrible state of affairs, in fact it is a disastrous state of affairs.

They have not the capital.

It is not a question of capital. I know men who got land and who had not a "bob" and they are comfortable to-day because they took off their coats and worked. Too many of the wrong type of men were selected. I am not going to say they were selected for political reasons, because I do not want to go into that. But too many men who were not of the right type were selected. I would put a lot of the blame for that on some of the junior inspectors down the country. Where they got the information from I do not know, but there was a good deal slipped across them. I do not think they should be let off lightly for allowing it to happen. I know that in my own county inspectors were able to go around giving out Old I.R.A. forms for men to fill up saying that they were Old I.R.A. men and were entitled to land. Many men who got land as Old I.R.A. men were no such thing, in fact they were the reverse. I would not mind if they made a good job of the land, but a good many of them are complete failures.

I agree that the first task of the Minister should be to step up economic holdings. That is one of the main things which have to be done. There are far too many cases in this country where a man is neither a farmer nor a labourer and is always in a miserable condition. With regard to migration from the West to the Midlands, I am one of those who will fight for my own county. At the same time, I will be reasonable and say that we should not act like a dog in the manger. There is congestion in the West which must be solved in some way. We do not want to have it solved by the emigrant ship. I think there is room in all the counties for a fair amount of migration. At the same time, I ask the Minister to be careful and not bring the migrants up by hundreds and thousands to those counties where they are going without giving fair satisfaction to the people of those counties, such as Meath, Dublin, Kildare and Westmeath. The Minister should give decent and reasonable consideration to the local people and, if he does, he will be met in a good spirit, and I and other Deputies will help him out.

A good many farms in my county are a bone of contention at present in connection with division. In the County Meath, which is one of the most important counties from the point of view of the export of live stock, we cannot have men coming in wholesale and given a division of land. There are many landholders there who are giving good employment and working their lands to the fullest extent and giving a good return. These men are a national asset. They are as much of an asset to Connemara and the South as they are to Meath. They are big buyers of store cattle and sheep throughout the country and big exporters. Many of these have fairsized farms, but they are giving a full return to the nation in employment and in connection with the export trade. I think the fears of these men should be allayed, because at present there is land hunger in the Midlands. There are farms there of from 50 to 700 or 800 acres which are earmarked for division in the minds of many local people. We do not want to get back to the old system of gate-breaking and firing shots into the houses. There is no need for that. In my county there are many farms on which there is no farmer living. Some of those men have their homes in the West of Ireland, some are publicans in Dublin and others live in London. Most of those farms provide no employment except for a herd with his dog. There may be a man living on an odd farm. I am satisfied that those holdings are not giving the full return they should to the nation. If the Land Commission divided them into economic holdings, and I think that could be done in a reasonable way, everyone would be satisfied.

I hope that in the new Land Bill a reasonable price will be paid by the Land Commission for the land it acquires. An owner is entitled to the market value of his land. I am not favouring a small price or too big a price but a fair place. In the case of some properties that were taken over in the past the low price paid for the land amounted to semi-confiscation. During the economic war, land was brought to the position that it became almost valueless, and people were glad to get out of it. I know of one case where the owner, instead of getting any money for his land, had to hand over money when his holding was taken from him. That is a terrible state of affairs. I know of another case where a woman, who has since died, had 150 acres of land taken from her, and when everything was cleared up all she was offered was a £5 note. She refused to take it and she was right. That sort of thing should not happen in a Christian country.

I suggest to the Minister that, in those areas where you have a good number of small cottiers, a cow plot should be provided. I think that if proper trustees were appointed, a scheme of that kind could be well worked and would give satisfaction. I know, of course, that where unsuitable trustees are appointed, endless trouble results. What I suggest would be of immense benefit in many areas. In the County Meath, where five-acre plots were given out to men who were called cottiers, experience has shown that, while one man might work the plot well, there were eight or nine who did not, one reason being that they were not able to stock the plot. A cow plot in the vicinity of these congested areas would solve that problem.

There is not enough land to give a holding to everyone. In my county if all who are looking for land got it, there would not be a rood for each one. The Minister is new to his office and we do not want to be too critical at the present time, but if things are not done in the way we expect we will be fairly critical next year.

The position with regard to water supplies is rather bad in my county. The last Government gave strips of land to people, but did not provide them with a water supply, and they could not afford to sink a pump themselves. They are without water for three months of the year. During the summer months, when they should be working their holdings, their time is taken up drawing water from a neighbour's farm. In future the Land Commission should give such people a water supply. It is as necessary as the house, the out-offices and the live stock that they get.

With regard to the colonies which we have in the County Meath, I am satisfied that if the people living in them were consulted they would say that the Land Commission had made a hash of the division of some of the big estates on which we have these colonies. The people would say that the holdings they were given are too small, and that they could not live on them at all if it were not for the income they have from members of their families who are working on the roads or who have gone to England to work in the pits. When vesting is completed in Meath, Dublin and Westmeath, I am satisfied that we will be horrified at the number of farms that will be put up for sale. I am sorry to have to say that. I have men coming to me day and night asking when their land is likely to be vested so that they may be able to dispose of it.

The Minister must be falling down badly on his job.

That is as true of those who have come from the West of Ireland as it is of the Meath men. We have these 22 acre farms, but when you take off the area under roads, ditches and haggards the occupier is left with about 12 Irish acres. No man is able to rear a family on that area of land. In the West of Ireland, a man might be able to make a living for himself and his family on five acres of land, but in that case he would not be depending entirely on the land. He would have other sources of income—from fishing, from State grants and from friends in America. The position in Meath is different. There is no fishing industry there, and there are no State grants and very few relatives in America. I suggest that the size of these County Meath holdings should be stepped up to 30 or 40 acres to enable a man to make a living and rear his family in decency.

I ask the Minister to change the type of migrant that comes from the West of Ireland to the Midlands. Far too many of the smaller type of men are brought to Meath. I am not saying that they are bad men. They are good men and work well. They are as good as any of the Meath men we have. My suggestion is that the bigger type of men should be brought from the West and given reasonably sized farms on which they could provide employment for people. If a man in the County Galway, with 300 acres of land, was transferred to Meath and given, say, 75 or 100 acres, with a nice house, he would certainly be doing well, and should be able to provide employment for people in the area. What happened under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government was that they took land off the big landholders in the West of Ireland and gave them farms in County Meath, leaving them their old homes in the West. The result has been that these farms have become an eyesore in the County Meath. The weeds and thistles on them are never cut unless there is a prosecution brought. The fences are all broken and the whole place is an eyesore. The only employment that is given is to a herd with his dog. Is it to be wondered at that the Meath people should be crying out for land when they see that sort of thing going on? That was not done by Fianna Fáil, but happened mostly under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government. I think it was a bad policy. These big idle hulks of migrants from the West only come to Meath to see how their bullocks are doing. That is a bad system. I think that, when a man is transferred from a holding to Meath or Westmeath, he should be given an economic unit which would enable him to provide some employment for the local people.

There is a special problem in East Meath, where there is a growing hunger for land. We have there a fair number of men who could make good use of an allotment of land. They would be quite content if we gave them seven, eight or ten acres of land to enable them to engage in fruit and market gardening, whereas, in the other end of Meath, a man could not make a living on less than 30 acres of land. You will be doing very good work in East Meath if you give small acreages to good men. There are scores of good men there crying out for land and entitled to get it.

We are told that in the future no landless men will get land. That is very unfortunate. I know the Minister's idea is that sufficient land is not there. But we have many landless men in County Meath and some of them have £400 or £500 in capital, a couple of horses and a few cattle. They are prepared to take land for tillage on the 11 months' system. They are very good farmers, still they do not own an acre. If these men were considered I am satisfied the Minister will agree that some of them would be well entitled to a farm. They are really good farmers, but they have no land. If they got a holding they would make good. They should not be kept out of any scheme. Landless men of that type should get fair consideration. They are good men and a national asset.

I will not go into this Estimate to the same extent as I did last year. I was always rightly critical, because in other years a complete hash was made of land division in the Midlands. The biggest problem is the congest and the new migration in County Meath. There are homesteads in parts of Meath giving accommodation to two or three generations. These people do not know what to do. There is a scarcity of fertilisers—no manures, or manures in insufficient quantity. The little homes they got were nice and trim eight or nine years ago, but the land is fairly poor to-day, the heart has been eaten out of it. When a man goes into the milk business, unless he is putting manures and fertilisers back into his land it will run into dirt after a short while. These little problems are increasing in number. I ask the Minister to see to it that whoever is planted on the land will be given an economic holding.

The Minister should also take into consideration starting a migration scheme in the congested areas of Meath. There are congested areas in County Meath and some of the people there should be removed to some other part of the county. It would be desirable to have as many economic holdings as possible. The small holders should be given at least 25 or 30 acres. In the congested sections some people could be moved further afield and the holdings of the remainder could, in this way, be made economic. That would be doing something proper for the nation. It is not desirable to continue having rural slums. The Land Commission could do much useful work within the next 15 years if they carried out a scheme of internal migration in Meath as distinct from the scheme of migrating people from the West or the North.

I am glad to observe the changed frame of mind in this House in the discussion on this Estimate. We have, this evening, a very mild atmosphere altogether. Everybody now seems to realise the great difficulties in the way of the Land Commission in proceeding with this work of acquisition and division. The Minister, when he was in opposition, was not by any means the mildest of the critics of the Fianna Fáil Government. One of his greatest criticisms at that time was that the Minister for Lands was not sufficiently strong-willed in the Cabinet to wrest from the Minister for Finance sufficient money to speed up land division. He used to say there were other Ministers so strong-willed that they could get almost all they required.

This is the 1949-50 Estimate, and last year we had the 1948-49 Estimate, a Fianna Fáil Estimate. This year we have a net increase of £107,000 over last year's Estimate and £100,000 of it is put down for the improvement of estates. That means the erection of out-houses, out-offices and fences. All that kind of work requires material and labour. I am not going to compare this Estimate with last year's Estimate; I am going to compare it with the 1947-48 Estimate, which was a year further away from the general election, and that could be considered to be even a more difficult time. You will find that the increase in this year's Estimate as compared with the 1947-48 Estimate is only a bare £109,000; it is only just the same increase, so far as the improvement of estates is concerned, of £100,000, as was in the Book of Estimates in 1947-48.

I want to know was that money expended in 1947-48 on the improvement of estates, or was it expended last year. I believe it must have been expended last year by reason of the fact that a number of the gangers who were almost whole-time men have been out of employment for a considerable time, and that a considerable amount of Land Commission work that could be done and should be done in the ordinary way was not carried out. It is a well-known fact that nearly every ganger in my county had his activities with the Land Commission temporarily dispensed with and that a number of them were sent over to the Board of Works to supervise the rural improvement and the minor relief schemes. I wonder is this extra £100,000 going to provide for a full working year? Is it going to make such a great difference that it will give even an additional six months' work?

In addition to that, in the 1947-48 Estimate there was a big increase in salaries and wages. The amount was £48,315. This year there is £34,487, so that from 1947-48 to 1949-50 salaries and wages have been increased by £82,802, whereas the money advanced for the improvement of estates has gone up by only £100,000. Remember that the 1947-48 Estimate was for approximately £52,000,000 and the Estimate this year provides for £65,000,000, a difference of £13,000,000. Out of that £13,000,000, for this thing that we were told was so important for the welfare of the people and thousands of families within the country, they are getting only £100,000, in addition to what was provided in the 1947-48 Estimate. But the other very small section have got an increase in salaries and wages within £18,000 of that sum. I think there is something wrong there. I wonder where the £6,000,000 is that was talked about so glibly as being essential for a Land Commission estimate in order to carry on and speed up the work of the Land Commission. On the total Estimate we have this year we are still £3,500,000 short of the £6,000,000 estimate.

In his opening statement, the Minister mentioned that the Land Commission activities last year would have been greater were it not for the fact that there was no reservoir of land when the Minister took over last year. I thought that we should have had a much more detailed statement from the Minister giving us some indication of policy—whether there will be any change in the policy to be pursued, whether there will be any slowing up of the work of the Land Commission, or anything else. But we did not get anything like that. We were told very little beyond the statement that activities would have been greater had there been any reservoir of land available. There is an implication in that, of course, that the Fianna Fáil Government did nothing about the acquisition of land. Everybody knows that the acquisition of land had to be slowed up during the war.

It was not slowed up; it was completely and absolutely stopped.

I will accept that from the Minister. It was completely and absolutely stopped, although I know that estates were actually taken over in the West of Ireland during the war period and divided. I will give the Minister the names of them; I will even give him the record numbers. Therefore, it was not absolutely and completely stopped. I will mention one estate in particular—the estate of James J. Smith at Loughrea. The Minister talks about the hold-up. There was a hold-up apart altogether from the war. The Minister and everybody else in this House who takes any interest in the Land Commission at all knows that. Progress in land acquisition was held up in 1946-47 because an action was taken in the courts challenging the right of the Land Commission on constitutional grounds to take over land. That was the Fisher case in County Louth. It was only in October, 1947, that judgment was given by the Supreme Court in that matter. If that is not so, then I shall ask the Minister how it was——

What were the issues?

The right of acquisition.

How was it that though resumption proceedings were taken in the case of the holding of Eric S. Kenny, comprising an area of 419 acres, and the petition was disallowed as early as 1941, the lands were not taken over until three weeks ago? There are many similar cases which I could enumerate here where the same set of circumstances obtained.

Is it your contention that these were held up because of the Fisher case?

The fact remains that they were held up until that particular date. There were other cases where resumption proceedings were taken in 1941 and 1942 and where the petition was disallowed. I can give the Minister all the record numbers. If the Minister wants the names I can give him those too. The Minister, before he took office, held that there should be no difficulty at all in acquiring or resuming land while Fianna Fáil were in office. The Minister has been 12 months in office now. What has he done in that period? The Minister, when he sat on these benches, held that there were no legal difficulties in the way. He said there were no financial difficulties; in fact, there was nothing whatsoever to prevent the Land Commission taking over these lands. But I can give him a list of the estates where proceedings were taken away back in 1940 and where the petitions were disallowed in 1941; work on these estates was held up as a result of the war conditions and subsequently as a result of the Fisher case.

That cannot be.

What has prevented the taking over and acquisition of these lands since October, 1947? That is over a year and a half ago. I know very well that the Land Commission Court has to be extremely careful. I am admitting all that. But the Minister did not admit it when he was in opposition though he knew it as well as I do. I am not blaming the Minister now. I am only blaming him for his ill-conceived notions in the past.

He has learned a lot since.

I am learning as I go.

I would like to see land acquisition proceeding much more rapidly. We hear a good deal about the congested districts problem. There is no doubt that the problem is an acute one. In what term shall we refer to it in the future? Is it the solution of the congested problem or the relief of the congested problem? Land division will never solve the problem. I have stated that time and time again. I challenge contradiction on it. Land division can only give a certain amount of relief. The Leader of the Opposition, speaking here a short while ago, stated that he asked on some occasion for particulars as to the amount of land available for division; he said that he was not given a firm estimate. He was told it was anywhere from 500,000 to 1,000,000 acres. Both figures could be right. There could be 500,000 acres of untenanted land available and there could be about 600,000 acres of land available for rearrangement. The Minister knows that in his own county there are about 23,000 congests. In County Galway—and this figure is a conservative one—the number is between 12,000 and 14,000. In County Donegal the figure would range from 10,000 to 11,000. But we have congested areas in County Leitrim. We have congested areas in County Clare. We have congested areas in County Kerry and in West Cork and parts of Waterford. We have a number of congests, according to Deputy Giles, even in County Meath, and according to Deputy Dunne, in County Dublin. I do not think I should be far wrong in assuming that at the moment there are 60,000 congests in the entire country. If we have 60,000 uneconomic holders in the whole State how could we provide for them out of the 500,000 acres of untenanted land plus the 600,000 acres of tenanted land which these congests occupy? Take, for instance, 20,000 congests. How many could you put on the 600,000 acres? I am not going to give as high a figure for the size of an average holding as the Leader of our Party. He only mentioned that by way of illustration. However, if you gave 30 acres of land—and it would be of a very inferior type to what is peopled by the congests—when you had relieved 20,000 families the whole 600,000 acres would be gone. What about the remaining 40,000 congests? You have 500,000 acres for them with 12½ statute acres for a holding. Consequently, all this talk about solving congestion by land division is something that should be finished with for all time. Playing up to the congests and holding out hope to them should no longer be the highway for the journeyman politician to tread. If the congestion problem is to be relieved in any satisfactory manner as much of the land available as possible will have to be placed at their disposal, and they must be given decent sized holdings.

There was some question about the size of holdings. My personal view is that where there is a fairly large estate it would not be a bad policy to give a holding of land of from 75 to 100 acres to an exceptionally good man if you could get him there, a man who would have a good practical knowledge of working land and of using all kinds of farm machinery. That man should be of great benefit to the number of others that you would place on the 30-acre holdings, and they, in turn, could be of very great advantage to him. In my opinion, that is something that should be attempted anywhere it is possible. However, some Departments other than the Department of Lands have got to tackle the congestion problem. I advocated what I am stating now when our own Party were the Government. There are at least two other Departments which must come into it—the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Agriculture. The three Departments combined have got to come in and see what they can do to prepare suitable schemes and establish suitable industries to provide for the people who, no matter what Government is in office, no matter what Minister is Minister for Lands, will still have to reside in the congested areas. In my opinion, that is something that has to be tackled and it cannot be tackled in any easy way.

There is a great deal of talk about the price of land. Deputy Giles said that land was taken from people during the economic war who, in fact, had to give money to have it taken from them. Perhaps there were certain cases like that but, if so, I think they did not know their business or they did not understand the law or they did not go to the trouble of going to some legal man for advice. I hold that it could not be taken from them so easily. The minute the Land Commission came along and said: "We propose acquiring your holding," some of them said: "If you do, I cannot stop you." Is there any criterion on which we can base this market value? Under the 1903 Land Act, I understand the basis on which the value of land was fixed was so many years' purchase. Whether that was all right or not then, I do not believe it would be all right now. I believe there should be some proportionate increase on the number of years' purchase and that we should get some common denominator of that kind to settle this thing once and for all. It was stated by Deputy Giles that a good deal depends on the location and on the quantity of the land also. I think it is true that, perhaps, a 50-acre farm in certain places is not such a big farm at all. It is, perhaps, even more difficult to make a living on it than on a five-acre farm in close proximity to the City of Dublin.

Another point I wish to bring to the notice of the Minister is one which I am sure he has heard all about because in his own county, as in mine, it is something that is brought to our notice very often. It is this question of the improvement of bogs taken over by the Land Commission. That is one place I hold the Minister has failed in not having a much higher Estimate for the improvement of estates this year. A number of bogs, I am sure, in Mayo, Galway, Roscommon and elsewhere have been taken over by the Land Commission. The offer of a holding of land is very attractive and alluring when a Land Commission official says to a man: "Here is your holding if you are prepared to take it. If not, somebody else will." An allotment of turbary is given. There is a verbal promise given that the bog will be drained and put into proper condition. It was given in the past, not merely under the Land Commission under the native Government since it was established, but it was given also under the Estates Commissioners during the time of the Estates Commissioners and the Congested Districts Board. That promise was never redeemed and there are thousands of acres of bogs which were given in that way to tenants 35 and 40 years ago which are there to-day, useless, as no improvements were carried out. Unless the State steps in those people will never be able to get their supply of turf out of them. That work could have been done in the first instance by the Land Commission. What happened at that time is happening to-day, too. The Land Commission comes along and they point out a holding and point out the bog. They lockspit the allotments of turbary, the drains and the road. Perhaps the road is half done and the bog is left there. I am afraid then there is no redress if, by any chance in the world, that holding becomes vested. The Land Commission snap their fingers at the unfortunate person or persons involved and say: "It is your own now; if you wish you can carry on with the improvements." I think it is time practices of that sort should be stopped. They were allowed to go on too long and the prevention of them is long overdue. The Land Commission inspectors come along, making promises to simple countrymen and go away without the slightest intention of fulfilling these promises.

I mentioned about gangers on halftime. There is another matter I wish to bring to the Minister's attention. There were gangers in the Land Commission when this State was established. Some of them are there still. There were gangers there when we took over and there are gangers there now. The Minister for Local Government, in the Fianna Fáil Administration, brought in a Bill which has since become law and is known as the Local Officers' Superannuation Act, but these men did not benefit by it. These gangers are the very best of men with practical experience, to whom I would be prepared to entrust even the division of an estate rather than entrusting it to some of the degree inspectors who come out from a university, until they have experience of the work. I believe these gangers should be given some form of establishment and that a pension fund should be created for them. I think, after all the time they have given to the service of the State, there is no reason why they should be the one class exempt from benefits of that kind.

The Minister intervened here the other evening when Deputy Moran made some remarks about inspectors going out. I was glad that it was admitted openly here for the first time that the Minister has no right to dictate to the Land Commission in matters concerning the acquisition or division of land, by virtue of Section 6 of the 1933 Act. That Act was passed here when, mind you, we were up against pretty tough opposition, and pretty tough methods. Why was it brought in? It was brought in to take the acquisition and division of land away from Government control. The Minister may smile——

I have a good right to.

The Minister may smile, all right, but if the Minister thinks it would be safe for him to dictate to one of his officials, well, let him just try it on but I would not be the person to do so if I were in his position. I am sure that those who were here before as Ministers for Lands were very careful not to put themselves in pawn to any official or to any set of people who have been given judicial powers. I hope that has been brought home to the people. I hope that if there is a new Land Act to be introduced, as was hinted by Deputy Giles, that that section is one that will not be repealed. All this question of the division of land is not the simple matter it appears to be. I am glad the time has come that all Parties in this House, so far as I have heard them speak on this Estimate, are agreed that it is not a simple job. I hope that they will have at least sufficient honesty to admit in their own hearts now, if they do not admit it to the public, that their criticism of Fianna Fáil in this respect was anything but honest criticism.

I hope to preserve the calm of this debate despite what I might describe as the semi-provocative innocence of Deputy Beegan. I am going to try to approach the problem in an abstract way. I hope, whether my membership of this House be long or short, that within that period we shall come here to hold a post-mortem on the Land Commission. I am convinced—and I said it when speaking on this Estimate last year—that the time has come for us to devise some new machinery in connection with the acquisition and division of land. I think that the Land Commission is an archaic institution and that there are far too many technical difficulties, far too many artifices permitted in connection with it, to allow any Minister really to tackle the question of finishing land division in a reasonable way or in a reasonable time. I have no hesitation at all in laying a good deal of blame at the door of both native Governments we have had for the chaotic condition of land division at the moment.

I go unhesitatingly so far as to say that I think the Land Commission, owing to an inept and stupid approach to the question of what is an economic holding, have created throughout the length and breadth of this country a number of small farm slums in which there is no living for anybody. The Minister or some other Minister will ultimately have to take the trouble of assessing once and for all what is the amount of land available for division in this country, coming to a reasonable decision in the light of the location of each particular estate or piece of land as to what is an economic unit in the division of that land, and, having decided that, he will have to get down to the job once and for all of distributing all these holdings and of then saying: "The question of land division is now finished. Any land that will change hands in future will change hands under the normal incidence of sale and purchase or under the normal incidence of succession by right of testacy." This problem should be tackled on the broadest national basis and tackled in a realistic way, in which no considerations, no efforts of any Minister and no demands on the Exchequer should be allowed outweigh the consideration that this has become a festering sore with which we must deal once and for all.

Deputy Beegan most probably went very near the truth when he said that there is a good deal, if not of direct dishonesty, then of latent dishonesty in holding out promises to all congests that they will get land ultimately. They will not. We know that in our heart of hearts and the sooner we face it the better. We must solve this problem on a broad national basis and then turn in a more realistic way to finding alternative types of employment and livelihood for those people who will have to survive in the congested districts. I am convinced that no matter what kind of a microbe may infect the Land Commission, one of the most absent ones is the germ of common-sense. A large number of the officials in that Department seem to approach the problem of rural Ireland congestion and land division from fine, comfortable chairs in comfortable offices, without the least conception of the real situation in the area or the real local feeling. I am convinced that, whether the Minister can interfere or not with whatever rule the commissioners employ for the distribution of land, there are many instances where, irrespective of what political reasons might be aired by various Parties, people who are absolutely unsuitable have been given holdings and other people in the very same area, who would be absolutely suitable by virtue of their earnestness at their work and their own endeavours, have been overlooked.

This is a problem about which one may quite honestly say that time is against its solution. If it is allowed to continue in the willy-nilly way it has been continued, the magnitude of the problem increases, because you have more and more demands on whatever reservoir of land might ultimately be there and the normal death-rate or wastage of applicants by demise is not sufficient to take up the increase that comes in the demand. Unless some Government—and I am urging it upon this Government that they might do it —takes this as a huge national problem, there will be no final solution. They will have to get some kind of a Department which will have the right to make a survey of all land that they consider suitable for acquisition and redistribution amongst tenants; and the new Department must do that expeditiously, within a period of 12 months, no matter where they get the staff. They must get the survey done and come into this House and get autocratic powers of acquisition and confirmation of title. Then, in some way or other, by loan or by some other device, they must get the money to deal with the problem, all within a three-year period. Then they must take the pool of land acquired by them and they must start on its distribution. Otherwise, there will never be any headway made in this matter.

I am sure that Deputy Moran sitting opposite me will agree with me that there are too many frills and difficulties and too many artifices that we lawyers can use to defeat the Land Commission as it is operating at present. There are too many ready means at our disposal by way of objections, legal technicalities and even by non-consent of the tenant here or the tenant there, where the whole activity of acquisition and subsequent division can be held up. We have a problem and we must face it and take it in one comprehensive sweep, taking over the ownership and control by the State of all the land that is there, and getting some ready and simple statutory means from this Parliament to make good all title to that land, without having all the various devolutions of title and other title difficulties that arise in many of the estates throughout this country. Unless we can do that and, then by way of loan or otherwise —outside normal taxation, I suggest— buy out all that land there and then and have it ready for distribution, we will never get rid of the problem. There is a tendency towards a growing permanency about the Land Commission, a Department that was designed at one time as a temporary thing; and if it is allowed to continue in its peculiar octopus way, it will be not as one time designed, a method of dealing with a certain land problem in Ireland, but will become a permanent entity within our State.

We must deal with the problem once and for all and reach its solution and then put it by, saying: "There can be no more agitation about land; what has been done is done, we believe, in the best interests of the country; and it is finished." Otherwise, there will be continued unrest, with a certain amount of dissatisfaction in various quarters, a feeling of uneasiness in the people who may own large tracts of land, that they may be subjected to a semi-confiscatory process. Then you will have people all over the place acting as political agitators, as each Party stirs up the flames that can be stirred so readily on questions of land and the ownership of land. You will get waves of uneasiness sweeping through the country, with people demanding and becoming more and more impatient about the land that should be divided. It must be faced in a realistic, national way, as as bad a problem as some of the national scourges we are suffering from, such as lack of houses or tuberculosis. We must tackle it in a fearless way and find a final solution, or some of us who may be fortunate, or unfortunate, enough to be members of this House for a long period will be here arguing, year after year, as to how we are to solve questions of land division.

The Minister has indicated his intention of bringing in a new Land Bill. I hope he will have the courage to get back some of his effervescent enthusiasm, as displayed when he was Deputy Blowick on the other benches. I hope he will get back to the broad outlook that he had then, that this problem must be tackled in a bigger way. If he does that and if he has that courage, there will not be a voice on any side of the House raised in protest. It is the earnest desire of all of us that these problems should be solved as rapidly as possible, so that the people dispossessed by generations of grabbing, generations of settlements, by all the various types of ills and shocks that land ownership has suffered in this country, may be re-established on the land that was once owned by their forefathers and that we now feel should rightly be revested in them. Unless, in his new Land Bill, he has the courage to get away from the clutches of an archaic monster which is rapidly disintegrating—so I describe the Land Commission—unless he gets a new concept with regard to and a new drive into land division, I feel that there will be no future for it, except that possibly, as the years go on, we will have another £100,000 increase. What is a sum of £100,000 in the solution of the problem of land division? It will have to be faced on the basis of its real cost which will run to a figure comparable with that envisaged by the Minister for Agriculture in respect of one of his schemes which is to be spread over ten years.

I agree wholeheartedly with Deputy de Valera for the first time in my life that the time has come for some Minister to lay down a period—he suggests a ten year period; I suggest a five year period—within which this problem is to be realistically tackled and a solution arrived at. I agree that we have reached a stage at which this must be faced, and, if his colleague the Minister for Agriculture can get his £40,000,000 or £50,000,000 for the reclamation of land over ten years, I hope the Minister for Lands will be able to get the £40,000,000 or £60,000,000 which he may need to buy all the land in and divide it out. The Minister for Lands can always press this point of view, that, no matter what he may spend in the solution of this huge problem, it will ultimately be reaped to the Exchequer in a way which will meet all capital expenditure which the solution of the problem may have involved.

I said at the beginning what I really believe, that the Minister will have to get some sensible approach to what is an economic holding. There are some holdings in the country which are alleged to be economic and I should dearly love to see one of the officials who so describe them trying to make an economic living on them. We have reached the stage at which the Land Commission in some of its activities has created virtual rural slums. It is no fault of the people who have got the land. Some of this land is worked in a very earnest and skilful way, with all the energy of a father and his sons, and yet they cannot get a living out of it. How the broad definition of an economic holding is arrived at, I do not know. I have made several efforts to find out from officials the basis on which it is arrived at, but I have failed, and I hope the Minister will be able to tell me what he considers to be an economic holding.

The Leader of the Opposition took a very sensible line when he spoke of an economic holding as being roughly in the region of 50 acres. I am quite prepared to admit, and would be the first person to do so, that, in certain areas, particularly where there is the supplement of glass or a particular climatic situation or the proximity of a large market, on a very small holding such as those in Rush and Lusk, it is possible to make a successful living—it depends on one's enterprise and energy —but taking it by and large I, representing as I do a congested constituency, feel that the very minimum you should fix in places such as West Cork, parts of Kerry and, I am sure, in Mayo and in Galway, is a 50-acre farm, because, even on that basis, every 50-acre farm will contain at least onethird scrubland. The time has come, to my mind, when this problem of land division must be faced on the basis of a quick and finite solution, so that we can get down to the problem of building our whole rural economy on the foundation that our land problem is solved. The situation at present in rural Ireland is that with everybody in expectation of getting a farm, nobody can put his mind down to working out his own salvation in the knowledge that he is not going to get it.

I want to go further into Land Commission activities and to suggest that the Minister in future should, in co-operation with the Minister for Agriculture, direct that the various land reclamation schemes, and, in consultation with the Minister for Local Government, the various drainage schemes, should be concentrated on getting as soon as possible the land which may be waste on certain of the big estates now awaiting division cleared up, so that, in the very near future, these big estates which are lying dormant, which are lying as blue prints and archaic files in the Land Commission, will be made capable of providing the biggest possible holdings. I have no criticism to offer of the administration of the Minister's Department or of his own administration, but I want to express the hope that he will not fall into what I consider to be the error of all the Ministers for Lands, without exception, which this country has had of trying to make an obsolete, pulse-less and decaying system the means by which the problem of land division is to be solved.

It may be well said that people of my and Deputy Moran's profession might have found things much more difficult in the years gone by, if there had not been all the various legal intricacies and various steps from lay commissioners' courts to judicial commissioners and ultimate appeal to the Supreme Court, by which we were able to delay Land Commission acquisition, and, in many cases, to defeat it. If all that had not been there, things might not have been so easy for us; but I say that the time has come when, with the 25 years' experience which the Land Commission has had, he should be able to sit down and devise a simple, ready way himself.

There are only three problems to be solved. I am speaking now in the spirit of giving advice which may never be accepted, but which is given in the best possible way. The first problem is easy of solution—that of getting enough money. The second is getting an immediate knowledge of all the land which is available. He has his engineers and I do not think he should have any difficulty in coming back to this House after 12 months and saying: "We have carried out a complete survey of Ireland and there are 1,000,000 acres of land available for sub-division." Then bring in a very simple little Bill to put the question of dealing with titles right, and I and Deputy Moran may then start to whine a little about what we will lose but it will get my support. Having done that, ostracise all politicians and get down to the problem of distributing land once and for all. When that is done, turn around and tell the people that they have to find another solution for their difficulties because the land is distributed and congestion, in so far as land division will solve it, has been dealt with, that in so far as there is any land in the various counties, it is now distributed and that in future land will be obtainable only in the open market by buying it unless one is lucky enough to inherit it from an uncle or a first cousin.

He will lose his job. We will want no Minister for Lands then.

I think it would be a grand thing if we ever reached the stage that we would not want a Minister for Lands. I am not at all sure that there is any permanent necessity for a Minister for Lands.

If he had the courage to deal with the problem in the manner I envisage he would find that he had another ten years of life by dealing with forestry in the realistic way that my colleague, Deputy Fitzpatrick, would like. We would have to keep him for that. There are activities in the Land Commission that I want to deal with rather scantily. I did not intend to delay the House as long as I did on my solution to land division. Whether it is a little bit too grandiose and ambitious, or not, I do hope the seeming energy and one-time known enthusiasm of the Minister will be sufficient to tackle the problem in a realistic way when he comes to introduce, as he has indicated he will, a new Land Bill.

There are activities of the Land Commission that I want to deal with. I have a good deal of sympathy with Deputy Beegan. When they come to deal with the question of turbary, they make certain types of roads, as Deputy Beegan says, before holdings are vested and it might well be said that a lot of their activities in that respect, owing to the fact that they leave them in a state of incompleteness are a national waste. I do not care whether a job is big or small, if you tackle it at all, do the thing properly. In parts of Ireland where you have various turbaries being opened up by Land Commission activity, in many cases one might describe the work as that of a botch engineer. There are things, I suppose, that can be said in defence of it. There may be a shortage of money. They may be trying to stretch a small grant or a small amount of money that is available from certain funds too far, but I do think that the Minister should try in the coming year to ensure that whatever money the Land Commission may spend on small works of this nature, in so far as the work is done at all, that it will be done in a complete and permanent manner and not left in such a way that the normal progress of a year would allow the work that was done to be dissipated for lack of maintenance.

There are many sins for which the Minister for Lands is not guilty. I often feel when talking on the Department of Lands that the Shakespearean quotation is very apt, that "the fault is not in our stars but in ourselves," and as long as any Minister allows the medium of his effort to solve this problem to be that amorphous Department, as I describe it, he is striving in vain. When we were first established as a native Government nobody envisaged that it would take 25 years to solve the question of land division, and anyone sitting back and looking at it reasonably now must realise that, if it is to be continued on its present basis, it will take a fair bit more than another 25 years to solve it. If in 25 years of effort the figure is the figure that the Minister has quoted, namely, that we have put into holdings 1,500 people that have been proved unsuitable, it is a fair judgment of the real ability of this Land Commission.

I am convinced that there are people in the Land Commission who have no conception of what any part of rural Ireland looks like. I am convinced that there are people in that Department that the Minister might find it very hard to unearth in the cobwebs and files that are stored away in it. I am convinced—and I have some wee knowledge of the Land Commission—that the Land Commission itself feels fettered in its efforts, that the people of responsibility and of any real outlook in it feel that it is not the best and most workmanlike machinery for dealing with its immediate problem. If the Minister does not attack this problem on the basis of finding a better, more pliable and more intelligent instrument for carrying out the desire of all of us, namely, the consummation and ultimate clearing up and finishing of the land problem, we will be talking about it ad infinitum, because we will never get any nearer a solution.

Before I move to report progress, may I say that if there is going to be any kind of narrow approach to the question of land division, there will never be a solution? Unless we have courage to grapple with the problem on the three broad principles I have suggested of finding out first how much land we have; secondly, what it will cost to acquire it all and, thirdly, by some legislative proposal, making a simple and ready way of completing title, we will be up against time's delay, the law's delay and then, ad nauseam we will be asking here when So-and-so in such a parish is going to get a bit of land belonging to So-and-so, and we will be still getting the answer: “The Land Commission have no proceedings at the moment to acquire the said holding.” I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again later to-day.
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