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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 20 Nov 1952

Vol. 134 No. 14

Committee on Finance. - Agricultural Workers (Weekly Half-Holidays) Bill, 1952—Committee Stage.

SECTION 1.

I move amendment No. 1:—

In line 14, to delete all words after "shall" to the end of the section and substitute "be deemed to have come into operation on the 1st April, 1952.

As the Bill stands it is provided that it shall not come into operation after it becomes an Act, until a day which the Minister shall appoint by Order. The reason we are moving this amendment is because this Bill is a somewhat unusual measure. It is in substitution for a previous measure which was alleged to have been defective in so far as securing for agricultural workers the right to a half-holiday was concerned. It has been admitted in debate here that the principle of the half-holiday for agricultural workers was accepted by the Oireachtas, and was written into the Statute Book by the previous measure. In our view, the amending Bill or repeal Bill now before the House should have in it some degree of retrospection in so far as the entitlement of the agricultural worker to a half-holiday is concerned, otherwise the intent of the Bill of 1950 will have been completely vitiated, and agricultural employers who are not providing an agricultural half-holiday for their workers, will have been, in fact, evading the law, and no step will have been taken by us in this measure to make them comply with what the law was.

We are further reinforced in that view by statements made last year and early in the present year to the effect that it was proposed to bring in this legislation at an early date. I need only refer as one instance of that to the Debates of the 29th April of this year as reported in Volume 131, No. 4, in which the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister, acting for the Minister, assured Deputy Mac Fheórais that the undertaking which the Minister had given some two months previously to the effect that this legislation would be introduced in one month's time would be carried out. It seems to us, therefore, no more than reasonable that the 1st April, 1952, should be the date on which this Bill should take effect and become operative. That is the purpose of the amendment and I think the House will agree, or should agree, that agricultural workers who have been deprived of this right by their employers, in flagrant violation of the law of the State, should be at least enabled by this Bill to claim retrospectively from those who employed them, the right to payment for the half-holidays which they were not allowed and which they should have been allowed.

Mr. Walsh

I must oppose the amendment, first of all, because it is unconstitutional to introduce penalties retrospectively in legislation. That is what the amendment seeks to do.

I think the Minister's attitude is not helpful. I should like to know where we stand in regard to this, in view of the statement made by the Minister last February when he stated that it was his intention to introduce this Bill within a month. If the Minister had done that, then, of course, the agricultural workers would have been able to enjoy their half-day at a much earlier period. Even at the present time, we have not the faintest idea as to when the Minister will by Order, make it clear that these workers are entitled to their half-day. I think the attitude of the Minister is unjust and unfair, especially in view of the fact that when a committee was set up to consider this matter it was found by a majority, which came from the Minister's own Party, that there were weaknesses in the old measure which required to be remedied. The Minister himself found it suitable to attack faults that were in the old Act. These are facts that we must face up to. I would ask the Minister to accept the amendment in view of the fact that the people concerned do not know at the moment when they are likely to get the half-day to which they are justly entitled.

It is a great wonder to me why the Labour Party, when they had the power, did not put this machinery into motion themselves. Of course, there was a lot of bluff, and now it is being left to the present Minister to introduce a Bill to do for the agricultural workers what the Labour Party failed to do when they had the power. It surprises me that they did not make a good job of it. They seem to me to have failed completely to do so. I am very grateful to the Minister for taking steps to see that justice will be done to the agricultural workers. They surely are entitled to holidays the same as other sections of the community. I have no doubt that the Minister, supported by the Fianna Fáil Party, will see that justice is done to the agricultural workers. I am delighted at the honourable stand which the Minister is taking on this. He is not running away from it as his predecessor did, notwithstanding the fact that the Labour Party kept his predecessor in office.

On a point of order. I desire to draw attention to the fact that we are discussing an amendment to the Bill and not the entire Bill which the Deputy seems to be doing.

Amendment No. 1 is under discussion.

I suggest to the Deputy that he should not get himself put out so early as the Herald reporter is not here yet.

I am grateful for the advice which I have got from my honourable colleague and hope to keep to the path of righteousness and rectitude. As I have said, I am sure the present Minister will see that justice is done to the agricultural workers, that they will get their holidays in due course, and that there will not be any bluff as there was by the previous Administration.

I feel that it would be very unjust to seek to impose penalties on ordinary struggling farmers who did not provide a holiday for their workers during the past year. That was because their legal advisers informed them that under the Act passed last year there was no obligation on them to do so. Many of those employers are men in a very small way, and may have provided their workers with far more valuable concessions than those which were provided in the Act passed last year. I think it would be a gross injustice to impose penalties on them for failing to carry out an Act which was not legally binding on them. A far more serious aspect of the question is that, as the Minister has pointed out, it would be unconstitutional to impose penalties retrospectively. When this Act comes into force, it ought to apply to some time in the future and not to the past. I do not think that some of the leaders of the Labour Party, who live in or near the city, realise what a hard and keen struggle it is for the working farmer employing one or two men to make ends meet, not to speak at all of accumulating a sufficient bank balance to meet such a demand as that implied in the amendment.

That is an indictment of the Minister.

It may be, and it may be an indictment of the Minister's predecessor.

It is an indictment of the present Minister.

Deputy Keane must allow Deputy Cogan to proceed without interruption.

It may also be an indictment of our whole political, economic and agricultural set-up in this country, but whatever it is it is a fact that has to be faced. The fact is that the vast majority of our 300,000 or 400,000 farmers find it extremely difficult to make ends meet. I think that, when this Bill is passed into law, they will endeavour to comply with its provisions. At least they ought to be given due notice and ought not to be compelled to comply with the provisions of an Act which was not enforceable and ought not to be compelled to comply with retrospective provisions in this Bill. The Minister is endeavouring to be fair both to the farmers and the workers and if the Bill is accepted in that spirit it will be carried out with the co-operation of the farmers and implemented without any trouble.

I may have a different opinion with regard to this retrospective provision from my colleagues who moved it. Quite recently I paid a visit to an area in East Cork where the farmers, without exactly living in opulence, are very nice and comfortable and I discovered that the maximum wage paid there to farm workers was £3 12s. per week. As a result, last week I asked the Minister in a question whether he would recommend that the 12/6 increase which was agreed to between a certain Trade Union Congress and the Federation of Employers should be given to farm workers and he stated that he had no function in the matter, which I take it is correct.

But the position is that while £3 12s. is the minimum, these innocent farmers referred to by Deputy Cogan availed themselves of the opportunity to say that they could pay no more within the framework of the law; that that was the only sum they could pay; that if they paid under that sum they could be prosecuted and if they paid over it they could be prosecuted. Some of the workers have been deprived of the amenities of a half-holiday for the past two years. I cannot understand Deputy Cogan criticising anything that happened as far as the previous Act was concerned because he was very strongly against it.

Not as strongly as Deputy Sweetman.

He spoke about the conditions of the poor unfortunate farmers of Carlow and Wicklow, some of whom were giving £20 an acre for conacre.

What about telling us something about the amendment?

I am about to come to it. Surely I will be allowed to refer to the somewhat ambiguous statement made by Deputy Cogan.

The Deputy should come to the amendment.

I am leading up to why I think it is necessary.

I hope the Deputy will reach it soon.

There is such a thing as restitution. I believe that my colleagues, who probably have a wider knowledge of the conditions throughout the country than I have, as I may be a little bit parochial, put this amendment down in order to get justice administered to the poor people for whom Deputy Corry is looking for £6 per week. I am sure the Minister will give consideration to that when Deputy Corry suggests it. I am aware of the solicitude of a lot of the Fianna Fáil back benchers for the agricultural workers. The only thing is that regimentation, or should I say rigid discipline, prevents them from saying what they would like to say in this House. I know that the Minister himself, when he was a back bencher, had a certain solicitude for the agricultural worker——

Will the Deputy please come to the amendment?

——and that he would give the agricultural worker every amenity he could give him.

Will the Deputy please come to the amendment?

He is now in the position, in connection with this amendment, of practising what he used to preach at one time. If I have travelled outside the scope of the amendment, I had better keep rigidly to it now as I have been warned twice. I maintain that where the farmers did not comply with the existing Act justice is now being meted out to the agricultural worker by making the payment to him retrospective from April last. We have heard from Deputy Cogan that making this retrospective is unprecedented in this House. We all know that certain legislation has been passed here from time to time that was retrospective and retroactive. Deputy Cogan does not give two hoots about the farm labourers or even about the farmers. There is only one person he cares about and that is Deputy Cogan.

I am sure that the Minister in dealing with this will be very fair. I appreciate his difficulties. It is not the same as if he were dealing with civil servants or officials of local authorities or people who are more or less in continual employment with the employment register being kept for them, but I am sure there is some way of dealing with the matter. Such a gesture would be appreciated by the people who would benefit by it, namely the agricultural workers. If he cannot go the whole hog, perhaps he may be able to do something. As I said, I may not see eye to eye with my colleagues in this, but we are allowed free discussion under the democratic rights of our Party and we can say things which perhaps other back benchers cannot say because there would be penalties enforced and admonitions given.

They might not be renominated.

I would not go so far as that.

The Minister could give this very careful consideration and he need not be too worried about the financial position of the people concerned. He probably had the information before I had that good stores went £6 per cwt. in the Dublin market yesterday. That is not bad. It is a credit to the Minister and a credit to his predecessor, too. Whatever any Deputy may say, let him be independent, conservative or reactionary, agriculture has stepped up and the farmers have stepped up to an amazing degree in the past few years. I give a certain amount of credit for that to the Fianna Fáil Government which was in office prior to 1948 also.

Good man.

There is no "good man" about it. I am telling the truth. I could enumerate various elements in farming which are at the moment paying very well. I do not want to make this an issue between the Minister and the farmers and the workers. I would like the Minister to be there as a cushion to take the rebuffs from both sides and at the same time to give something to please both sides.

I would not like to have the Deputy sitting on me.

The farmers of Wexford will not take this to court as they did before and they need not hear any criticism from Deputy Allen.

What about the amendment?

I am being interrupted.

He has not mentioned the amendment.

After all, when you are interrupted you must reply. I conclude by asking the Minister as a reasonable man to do his best.

I said at a previous stage of this Bill that I hoped for agreement on this measure as far as is possible in a House made up as this House is made up. I still hope for it and so do all of us who now subscribe to the principle of the Bill—some of us are doing penance for having to do so. If we can secure agreement there will be less trouble in administering the Bill. The Minister at a previous stage of this discussion indicated that he wanted very considerable time—he did not indicate the period—after the measure has been passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas to reorganise, I suppose, the Agricultural Wages Board in order to bring the measure into operation as smoothly as possible. I want to point out to the Minister—and I am sure that it is pertinent for me to do so on this amendment—that he has already had the matter under consideration since the 22nd February, 1951, now nearly two years ago. If he meant what he said on the previous stage surely he was anticipating the passage of this Bill even in its present form and if so he should have made some preliminary arrangements for bringing it into operation in the same way as every other measure which is passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas.

Mr. Walsh

I had nothing to do with the Bill in 1951.

The Minister made statements and very positive statements in this House on the 22nd February, 1951. He made a statement the other day, but of course he could not prove it and he knew that he was in a tight corner when I challenged him to name the date on which he voted for the Second Reading of the Bill which decides the principle of the Bill. He led his men out of the House because they could not make up their minds. They were playing with politics. I remember very distinctly a Deputy of this House on that particular occasion being overheard in this corner asking permission to abstain from voting and he was told to get out.

We are discussing amendment No. 1.

I am asking—and I hope I am doing so properly—whether the Minister meant what he said in February and March, 1951. Section 1 of the Bill says very definitely that the Act shall come into operation on such day as the Minister for Agriculture appoints by Order and we are merely suggesting that it should be made retrospective to the nearest suitable date to the date of the Minister's undertaking to this House or the date on which he indicated his viewpoint to this House. I agree with the Minister, as does everybody who has knowledge and experience of the Agricultural Wages Board so-called, that it requires drastic reorganisation. It is not a wages board at all. It is a dictatorship.

We are not discussing the Agricultural Wages Board on this amendment.

I know we are not but the whole discussion has been related to the Minister's alleged difficulty and his request for time after the Bill becomes operative in order to reorganise the board.

The Agricultural Wages Board cannot be related to this amendment. The Deputy must come to the amendment.

I do not see how Section 1 of the Bill could operate unless, as the Minister stated, the Agricultural Wages Board is drastically reorganised.

The Deputy may not discuss the reorganisation of the Agricultural Wages Board in any way on this amendment.

I agree that I am at a considerable disadvantage in having missed the wonderful contribution which Deputy Cogan has apparently made to this discussion.

You should have heard Deputy Burke.

Deputy Burke will be good enough, I am sure, to come in and give this section his blessing and it will then come into operation without any difficulty. The Minister asserted that the amendment is unconstitutional. That is a very serious word to use. I wonder where he got that information or advice? Probably from some of the so-called constitutional lawyers who have misled this Government in the past on other and more important matters.

I cannot for the life of me understand the Labour members' attitude to this amendment. Coming from the country I know the hardships of farmers and the hardships of agricultural workers too and I have as much regard for the workers as any Labour member in this House. It seems very unjust and unfair to try to make this provision retrospective when the Bill was never enacted. I wonder do they realise the hardships of a tillage farmer with a young family who employs three or four workers. It is not all sunshine at the present time. They are not rolling in riches as some of us are led to believe.

Hear! Hear! The Minister says they are.

Therefore I think it is very wrong of Labour members to put in any amendment whatsoever. They are not satisfied at the Bill going through at all—that is the trouble— because it is going through during the term of a Fianna Fáil Government. I would ask them to be more considerate.

Mr. Walsh

I have listened to Deputies Davin and Keane. I did not think that we were going to travel over the Second Stage again but apparently that is what we have been trying to do. The amendment, as I have already stated, is unconstitutional. I thought that it might be left at that and that we would not have a further debate. Going back for a moment, we know quite well that the Bill was unworkable. I am sure that Deputy Dunne knows that. No provision was made to have it carried out. I will not start to criticise Deputy Dunne again but he must have known that.

Did you not know it?

Mr. Walsh

I did not.

You did. Were you not on the Select Committee?

Mr. Walsh

We did not know whether it was workable or not until such time as it was discovered in this House that no provision was made by way of a money resolution to carry it into effect. That was the reason why the Bill was unworkable. There was nobody to carry it into effect. The Agricultural Wages Board would, in the normal way, be made responsible for it as they had to fix a wage for the half-day where an agricultural worker elected to work. There was no provision for them to do so, because as the Bill stood at the time, if my recollection is right, there was a difference between the wage fixed per hour and the wage recommended for the half-day.

The reason why this Bill cannot be made retrospective is this. When the Bill goes through here, as I hope it will without very much further debate, it will be necessary to get the Agricultural Wages Board to prescribe a wage for the half-day in the case where the worker elects to work. In addition to that, there is a statutory regulation there of a two months' period in order to give an opportunity to the area boards to meet and discuss this matter before it comes finally before the Agricultural Wages Board. Once they have made their decision, there is no reason why it should not come into operation immediately, but it is necessary to give them an opportunity of having this discussed and making the arrangements to carry it out.

What is the use of their discussing it if the chairman decides everything?

Mr. Walsh

The chairman does not decide everything.

Of course he does.

Mr. Walsh

We must recognise that the Agricultural Wages Board were there for three years while Deputy Davin and his colleagues were in control of the Government. Why did he not tell the Minister for Agriculture to get rid of this obnoxious body?

We made changes in it.

Mr. Walsh

Why did you not make the changes you ask for now.

We will do that. We are not finished yet.

Mr. Walsh

You had opportunities over three years and you did not take advantage of them. There is no purpose in raising arguments and hares at this stage.

You are raising them.

Mr. Walsh

First, as I said, it is unconstitutional and I have given the reason why. It will be necessary for me to give a certain period of time before the measure will come into operation. I feel that Deputy Davin knows I am perfectly honest in the way I am putting this before the House and I think he and the other signatories should withdraw the amendment without any further argument.

I am surprised that a responsible Minister should stand up here and say, in another effort to mislead some of his own Party here, apart from the thousands of agricultural workers throughout the country, that the Bill of 1950 which was enacted by the Oireachtas, was unworkable. The position in regard to the previous Half-Holiday Bill, which was the first of its kind in this country and which secured the acceptance of the House against the will of Fianna Fáil, was that an aggrieved party had a remedy in law by taking action in the courts. The Minister knows that is the position but, of course, because of the circumstances that prevail through the country it is not always easy for an aggrieved party, an agricultural worker, to take such a step. If he does take such a step, as has been proven recently, he will probably find himself on the road having been dismissed by his employer.

In regard to the Minister's contention that it is unconstitutional it seems to me that it is difficult for him to prove that point. It may very well be true that a new piece of legislation, if introduced in the House with retrospective penal clauses of a kind which are embraced in this Bill, would indeed be unconstitutional, and rightly so. But in this case we are dealing with a piece of legislation which is replacing another piece. This section as it stands is an escape hatch for the employers of this country who have not abided by the law of this country for the past year and a half. It enables them to get away with the robbery of the agricultural workers' right to a half-holiday since the Act of 1950 was signed by the President. No matter what may be said by the Minister or by his colleagues in their effort to mislead the people in regard to previous and present legislation, in regard to this amendment and to this section, the fact of the matter is that a Select Committee of this House, upon which the Minister sat, upon which Deputy Cogan sat and upon which there sat the majority of the members of the Fianna Fáil Party, had a considerable hand in the framing of the previous Bill. If there was sabotage of any kind it is not hard to discern from what quarter it came, because there was at all times prejudice on the part of the present Government Party against enacting such legislation.

Let us be frank about it, the reason why this amendment is being opposed by the Minister is quite obvious. The reason is that the agricultural workers are in a minority in this country. They represent only one-quarter of the agricultural population and those who own land, whether they be farmers or the families of farmers, are in the majority. Therefore, they have a greater voting strength, and play is being made by the Government for votes, not on considerations of justice, but simply on considerations of political expediency That is the brutal, frank truth of the whole matter.

It is a sad commentary on our democracy to say that our standards of justice are to be guided by weight of numbers rather than by the fair considerations that should persuade us in one direction or another. However, I do not propose to delay the House unduly on this amendment. If it is contended that the amendment as it stands is unconstitutional, the Minister at least could make the present Bill operative from the moment of its final enactment. I propose to withdraw this amendment and introduce on the Report Stage an amendment to the effect that the Bill shall become operative on the date of its signature by the President.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 2.
Question proposed: "That Section 2 stand part of the Bill."

I move amendment No. 2:—

In sub-section (1), between lines 19 and 20, to insert a new definition as follows:—

"week-day" does not mean Sunday.

This is a very simple matter although it has been the subject of comment again in uninformed quarters. Deputy Davin, in the course of his speech on the Second Reading, referred to the need for an amendment of this kind. Peculiar though it may seem to some political pundits, as the law stands and as this section stands, Sunday can be regarded as a week-day. The purpose of this amendment is to ensure that the agricultural worker who is employed seven days per week will not be simply given a half-day on Sunday as his half-day under the Act.

It is also intended to ensure that agricultural employers will not find it possible to evade the Act. It is simply an amendment to define exactly what is meant by a week-day. A week-day should mean any of the days from Monday to Saturday, inclusive. The Minister should realise the necessity for this amendment and should accept it. It is a very simple matter.

Mr. Walsh

This amendment is unnecessary. In the Interpretation Act of 1937 the word week-day is defined as not Sunday, so there is no necessity to define it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 2 and 3 agreed to.
SECTION 4.

I move amendment No. 3, which is in the names of Deputies Mac Fheórais, Dunne, Desmond and Davin:—

To add to the section a new sub-section as follows:—

(2) Subject to the provisions of sub-section (1) of this section where the employer fails to fix the week-day on which the half-holiday is to be taken, Saturday shall be the half-holiday.

On Second Reading I gave good reasons for the insertion of this amendment in the Bill. No matter how much we may agree to differ on other matters, I am sure the Minister will agree that this Bill, when it becomes an Act, should be understood, without the necessity for legal interpretation, by farmers and agricultural labourers and that as few loopholes as possible should be left in a measure of this kind that might be the cause of litigation or, which would be far worse, the cause of misunderstanding between employer and worker. I hope the Minister, without further argument, will see the necessity for this amendment.

Mr. Walsh

The 1951 Act provided that where an agricultural worker and farmer agreed that the half-day would not be taken in a particular week it could be carried over until the next week. In this Bill, I believe, every week should stand on its own and the half-day should be taken within the week.

What is meant by the amendment is that where the employer and worker fail to agree and where the employer fails to fix—that is where both possibilities are excluded—the half-day automatically shall fall on Saturday. That is what is meant by the amendment.

If it is not already taken, it must be on Saturday.

The Bill provides that the day shall be fixed by agreement between employer and worker or, if there is no agreement, by the employer. Where neither of these two things happens, we are endeavouring by this amendment to provide that Saturday shall then be the half-day.

Mr. Walsh

I would oppose fixing any day in particular. If the employer and the employee do not agree, a more suitable day might be found. There are many arguments as to why it should not be on Saturday. Monday may be as suitable for both parties. In this case, the employer, apparently, has the right of saying that the half-day shall be on such and such a day. That has been laid down in the Bill. But, if the employer and employee are unable to agree, it may be more suitable for the farmer to say: "Let the half-day be Monday or Wednesday." Why state in the Bill that it must be Saturday if there is not agreement? There is no reason for it. On Second Reading, Deputy Dunne put forward the argument that Saturday is generally accepted as the half-day all over the country. There is no reason why it should be. It might be far more suitable to have it on Friday. Deputy Dunne cited the case of an agricultural worker being paid and perhaps wishing to accompany his wife to the town to get the groceries, and so forth. That does not happen to any great extent. Deputy Dunne knows that as well as I do. Possibly, the worker might prefer to have it on some other day. I would not say that Saturday is the most suitable day for either the farmer or the agricultural worker. I would not like to make it a fixed day.

The Minister knows better than any of us on these benches that the principle of the Bill will be swallowed by certain farmers in the same way as they would swallow a dose of castor oil. The Minister knows that, unfortunately, there have been many disagreements which have led to dismissals of agricultural labourers who were under the impression that they were entitled to a half-holiday and to other rights conferred upon them by decisions of the Agricultural Wages Board. The Minister is as anxious as we here are to avoid misunderstandings. Misunderstandings are bound to arise with the type of farmer who does not believe in giving agricultural labourers any rights except those that he, in his wisdom, decides to confer upon them. Such farmers are in a very small minority, certainly in my constituency and in the constituency represented by the Minister. This amendment is put forward, not for any political vote-catching purpose, but for the purpose of avoiding trouble arising out of disagreements.

Apart from dismissals that might take place as a result of misunderstandings and disagreements, does the Minister want to provide lawyers with grounds for going into court at the expense of agricultural labourers or farmers? I appeal to the Minister to accept this amendment. If he does, he may be certain that the overwhelming majority of decent, working farmers will accept the Bill. The insertion of the amendment will save considerable trouble and annoyance to the Agricultural Wages Board and to the Minister.

I do not think Deputy Davin is serious in putting down this amendment. The only hope of this Bill being effective is to have it as flexible as possible. Deputy Davin is concentrating on a half-holiday on Saturday.

On a point of order. I do not believe that that is Deputy Davin's intention at all.

That is not a point of order.

If it is not, it is very near it.

I am simply pointing out that the effect of Deputy Davin's amendment would be to ensure that all work on the farm would close down at noon on Saturday. If Deputy Davin can introduce into this country a cow that will cease to milk at midday on Saturday and refrain from milking until Monday morning, and a type of live stock that will not require to be fed from midday on Saturday till Monday morning, a case could be made for the amendment.

That is an argument against any half-holiday on any day.

That is what he is trying to do.

The intention of this section of the Bill is to make the half-holiday as acceptable as possible by making it as flexible as possible. There are two types of farmers. There is the very small farmer who employs only one man. The majority of farmers are in that class. If he has to give a half-holiday to his employee on Saturday, it means that for one and a half days the farmer has to do two men's work on a farm where there are cows to be milked, cattle to be fed or live stock to be catered for during the wintertime. It is possible for such a farmer to give a half-day mid-week. In that case, he would have to do two men's work on that particular half-day. He would not have a day and a half, in which he would be without assistance, coming all together.

On a point of order, I think that the Minister and Deputy Cogan are under a misapprehension about what is meant by this amendment.

I think there has been a general misapprehension as to the interpretation of both the section and the amendment.

Just for the sake of clarity and in order that we may not be wasting our time, may I point out that the section reads:—

"The week-day on which the half-holiday is allowed under this Act shall be fixed by agreement between the employer and the worker in respect of each period of three months, or in respect of the period of employment (where that period is less than three months), but in the absence of such agreement, the employer may himself fix in respect of a period of three months, or in respect of the period of employment (where that period is less than three months), the week-day on which the half-holiday is to be taken."

The amendment is designed to secure that, if there is no agreement between the employer and the worker and if the employer does not fix the day as provided by this section, Saturday shall be the day. Otherwise there is no day at all, no half-holiday at all will be specified.

In the section at present it is not clear.

Mr. Walsh

Why Saturday?

I do not care if you vary it to suit the different areas in the country, where Wednesday or Monday may be the suitable day. I can assure the Minister that so far as the best part of Leinster is concerned and a good part of Munster, Saturday would be the most suitable half-day for the workers. There are certain areas— possibly Waterford and South Kilkenny —where Wednesday or Thursday would suit. In Wexford, Thursday may be most suitable, as that day is the half-day normally for various business purposes. Saturday has come to be accepted generally, however, though not 100 per cent, as the most suitable half-day and that is why we specify Saturday.

I do not think that what Deputy Dunne has introduced now is anything in the nature of a point of order. It may be a point of explanation of this amendment. Before he intervened, I was dealing with the idea of fixing Saturday, even in the absence of agreement. It is not always easy to secure agreement on a matter of this kind. I think it is wrong to fix rigidly in the Bill a definite day. The section is broad enough and wide enough at present. It provides that there shall be agreement, if possible, and in the absence of agreement that the employer shall fix the day. That is essential.

There are two types of farmer—the large farmer and the small farmer. The smaller man would be in difficulty if there were a complete closing down of work, as it would throw the entire burden on him for a day and a half. For him it would be better to have the half-day standing out on its own somewhere in the middle of the week. The bigger farmer is quite a different proposition, as he has to stagger the half-day over the week, so as to provide that all the workers will not take it on the same day. That is more difficult, as it is not easy to get agreement not only between the employer and the worker but amongst the workers themselves, as to what particular day should be chosen. In that case you have to leave it to the employer, if he is to have any say in the management of his farm, to allocate the half-day as between his workers in such a manner as will cause the least inconvenience to the working of the farm. As everyone realises, the farm work must go on. The employer must be given discretion to see that, for instance, if he has four men they will not walk off on the same day but a special day will be given to each.

Even if we were to debate this for hours, I do not think we could improve on the section. Even Deputy Sweetman, who claims to have a very clear brain on this matter, could not claim to make any improvement which would make this a more workable section. Certainly fixing rigidly Saturday as the half-day would not do it. If anything is to be fixed rigidly, the first half holiday of the week would probably be more acceptable to the single agricultural worker. We all know that dancing has become very popular and young agricultural workers find it very hard to start on Monday morning. If we are to meet the convenience of all parties, I think the first half holiday of the week rather than the last would be the more acceptable.

It does not need a very clear brain to appreciate that Deputy Cogan has completely misunderstood the section and the amendment.

Of course he has.

Let us get the interpretation of the section and the amendment on the record. The section provides that the farmer and his worker— taking his worker individually, not all the workers on the farm—may by agreement decide what will be the half-day. If they fail to agree, then the employer has the option to fix the day. I think the Minister will agree with me that that is the interpretation of the section.

I am challenging Deputy Sweetman to improve the section.

You will not improve it, anyway.

What Deputy Cogan said was that the amendment altered the section. It does not.

It does not improve it.

The Deputy ought to make up his mind which case he is going to make. If he says it does not improve it he is entitled to his view, but let him not say it is altering it when it is not. The amendment says that if the employer and the worker do not agree and if the employer does not take the trouble to fix the day, then the day shall be Saturday. That is all. It is quite simple. The employer at all times has the complete right, even if the amendment is passed, to fix the day and it is only where he does not take the trouble that the amendment becomes operative.

In my contribution on the Second Reading, I said the Bill made an honest endeavour to introduce harmony between employer and employee, that there should be agreement if possible. If we were to interpret it with a mind like Deputy Cogan's there is no doubt but that time would be wasted for years before anything like a solution could be arrived at. It reminds me of Oscar Wilde trying to kill the things he loved, killing them against his will. Deputy Cogan is now trying to put something on record to justify his solicitude for the agricultural worker. He never will.

I should like to inform the Minister that the practice in isolated cases in my area is to give the half-day on Saturday. That is for the Minister's own information and he can check up on it any time he likes. He has statistical agents down the country who will be able to confirm that information. Saturday is the half-day for the agricultural creamery farmer.

It is very easy to fix a half-day for workers in towns and cities because when one shop closes every business closes. You cannot have one shop open and another shop closed. It is different in regard to farming. I can appreciate that what might be suitable for one farmer might not be suitable for another, but as Deputy Davin said, we should try to counteract the mentality of the farmers who do not recognise the institutions of this State at all, and who for years past were very sorry that they had to carry on under the institutions and legislation of the State. We have such farmers in the country and we have such farmers in my area. I am sure you have many such farmers in Carlow and Wicklow. You have them in Dublin.

A Deputy

You certainly have them in Wicklow.

In Baltinglass.

You had major-generals and other people who came over here to try to farm with the least expense to themselves.

There would be postmasters who also claim to be farmers.

I did not introduce the question of Baltinglass.

Deputy Keane is in possession and he should be given an opportunity of saying what he has to say.

I do not mind those interruptions, Sir.

I think the Deputy enjoys them.

There is this much in Deputy Cogan's favour. He is subject to a lot of interruptions himself when he speaks. Let us assume that there are four men working for a farmer. Again, there must be agreement, first of all, among the men who are working. I certainly would strongly advocate that the whole four would not take the one half-day. I do not believe they would. I believe the agricultural worker is more alive to his responsibilities than most Deputies who are supposed to be advocating his case in this House. Those half-holidays could be staggered after agreement between the employer and employee.

According to the amendment, the power should be given to the Minister when there is no agreement. The Minister is shirking that power in my opinion in the section. He is switching the responsibility to the farmer that when there is no agreement the farmer will be the arbitrator and have the last word. I think that is a new departure in this House for Deputy Thomas Walsh, the Minister for Agriculture. Everybody gave him credit up to this for having great courage. I hope we will not be disillusioned all of a sudden and find out that he is funking an issue where he should undoubtedly have the last word.

I do not know what Deputy Cogan's idea is with regard to some of the statements he made regarding flexibility. Flexibility might be stretched too far. You would have, as a result, strife, disorder and discontent. What I want to say is what I said on the Second Reading. Let us have the same spirit existing between the farmer and his employees as always existed. When this Act is put into force, the farmer will realise that the hardships referred to by Deputy Cogan are purely and simply mythical. I hope that the Act will not interfere with the good relationship that has existed and will continue to exist between the farmer and his worker.

Farm work is in a class of its own. At times the supervision is practically nil. Reliance is the operative word as far as the farm worker is concerned. I hope that reliance will continue and that if the farmer wants to go to town to fulfil some requirements he can be assured, when this Bill is in operation, that the men who work for him will continue to do the work just as if the farmer was watching them in the fields. Flexibility can be abused.

I would conclude by asking the Minister to do the big thing in this regard. He is doing his best as it is, but why should one section be given the authority to define what should be the right of the two? There must be a third party when it comes to a question of that nature. I would ask the Minister to accept the amendment and to define, failing agreement between the employer and worker, Saturday as the half-holiday.

I think that Deputy Cogan made a very good case for the acceptance of this amendment.

Hear, hear!

If I understood Deputy Cogan correctly he gave any farmer the complete right not to give a half-holiday if he likes on any day. All that is asked in this amendment is to provide the half-holiday on a Saturday if the farmer and his employee fail to agree to fix a day in the week. This amendment does not state that we should rigidly stand for a particular day but if a group of farmers come together and fail to agree to give a half-day to the agricultural worker we say it should be Saturday. Is that not possible?

Mr. Walsh

Yes, by agreement.

All that the amendment asks is that if they do not come to agreement on a half-holiday, Saturday should be the day.

That is not what is in the amendment.

This amendment gives power to the worker to fix the half-day himself because all he need do is disagree with the farmer and Saturday automatically becomes the day.

That is a very good opinion you have of the worker.

Under the section, there must be agreement to fix the half-day. If they do not reach agreement, if the worker refuses to agree with the farmer, under the amendment, Saturday automatically becomes the half-day.

If this House says so.

I think that would be a most objectionable feature.

There is still a misunderstanding about this. It is suggested that there should be agreement and if there is not agreement, the farmer has the right to name the day. Failing that, Saturday is to be the half-day. I think it is a very clear and reasonable amendment.

If 90 per cent. of the farmers agree between them on a particular day, all we want is that the 10 per cent. will carry out the wishes of the House.

Mr. Walsh

There is no ambiguity in the section at all. It says that if there is not agreement between the worker and the farmer, the farmer fixes the day. In the event of the farmer not fixing the day, it is suggested that we name Saturday. It is very dangerous, in my opinion, to name a day because it gives the impression that it has been fixed by law that Saturday is to be the day and there is nothing one can say outside that will correct that impression. That is what I am afraid of—that some people may say that Saturday is the recognised half-holiday in this country. We do not want that, particularly where there may be two, three or four men employed. It would mean that all the men would disappear instead of the holiday being staggered, when it would be possible for one man to go on Wednesday, another on Thursday and a third on Saturday, so that the operations on the farm will not be disrupted. That is why I do not want to name any particular day. As I have already mentioned, why not Monday or Wednesday? Why Saturday? Is it not obligatory on the farmer to give a half-holiday? If he does not, he has to pay the penalty. Why, then, name the particular day on which it should be given?

The amendment says if the farmer refuses to fix a day.

Mr. Walsh

Why should we name a day when there is a penal clause which provides that, if the half-day is not granted, he is liable to prosecution and penalty? I see no reason why any day in the week should be named. Under the section as it stands, it is obligatory on the farmer to give a half-day and if there is not mutual agreement, the farmer can fix it. If he does not do so, he pays the penalty.

Deputy Cogan who represents the big type of farmer— his speeches show that he represents the bigger type, whether in Wicklow or anywhere else—claims that a farmer who employs six, eight or ten workers would be a complete fool if he did not agree with his workers to stagger the holiday, and I am sure there will be accommodation between the farmer and the worker, but we have to legislate for the minority. The majority of the people, although we are only a young State, have accepted the legislation passed by the House on almost every matter without any organised agitation against it, but there is always a minority of cranks in this and every other country who will not agree, who will disagree for the purpose of creating trouble, and this amendment is brought in for the purpose of dealing with the 5 per cent. minority who will not accept legislation of this kind, whether in the interests of agricultural or industrial workers. Legislation of this nature is in operation for industrial workers.

I am afraid Deputy Davin has not read the amendment since he claims that it is only in the event of failure to agree that the amendment will operate. What I understand is that it will also operate if the farmer fails to exercise his right to fix the half-holiday.

If he fails to agree.

If he fails to secure agreement, but if, in the absence of agreement, he fails to exercise the right conferred on him to fix the day in advance, the amendment comes into operation. The Minister has pointed out that there is no necessity for this amendment and that it might possibly do harm. The position now is that if the farmer and worker fail to agree on what is to be the half-holiday for a period of three months, the farmer can fix the day. Only if he fails to do that can this amendment take effect, but under the section as it stands without the amendment, if the farmer fails to perform that function of fixing the day, he will be liable to prosecution. That is the position, and I think it better to leave it as it is.

I do not think any farmer will fail to fix the day. No farmer will prefer prosecution to fixing a day and it is a more business-like arrangement. He will meet his worker at the beginning of the period and say: "We have to arrange what is to be the weekly half-holiday for the next three months, or whether there is to be a weekly half-holiday or whether you will accept payment in lieu." If they fail to reach agreement after discussion, the farmer will fix the half-holiday for each week of the coming three months. That is a perfectly business-like arrangement and one which every farmer will try to implement. There is no necessity for introducing this idea of a Saturday, which might be completely wrong and, I think, would be completely wrong from an agricultural point of view.

I want strongly to repudiate the suggestion that I in any way speak for or represent the large farmers only. I am a small farmer myself, a very small farmer and the majority of my supporters, of the people who vote for me and work for me in elections, are small farmers, small working farmers on the Wicklow mountains. These are the people I rely on. The larger ones are a very small minority, and while I understand their position and appreciate those of them who are good employers and carry on, as many of them do, intensive farming on their larger farms, I am much more familiar with the needs and interests of the smaller farmers.

I feel that we should not spend too much time in discussing this amendment and I believe that were it not for the contribution of one or two Deputies, including Deputy Cogan, the Minister and ourselves might have come to an understanding of what is behind the amendment. I do not wish to see any loopholes left in this Bill. We know the problems with which inspectors in the Agricultural Wages Board have been faced in another respect for many years. I think it is only right that we should make sure when legislating here that loopholes will not be left under which more work might be placed on the shoulders of these inspectors in order to ensure compliance with regulations. I give Deputy Cogan credit for sufficient intelligence to know that he is dealing with this for the purpose of suiting a different object rather than the object expressed in the amendment.

We want a certain day to be fixed. We want co-operation between the farmer and the worker, first of all, and if that co-operation is not forthcoming within a period of three months we hold that the farmer should then be entitled to select one particular day of the week and give his workers a half-day on that day. That shows quite clearly that we are not demanding a specific day upon which every agricultural worker will get a half-day. This amendment is to meet the case where agreement cannot be reached and the case where the employer sits back and does not give a half-day. We want to provide protection for the worker. We want to save the inspectors of the Agricultural Wages Board investigating numerous complaints where workers have not got a half-day. If this amendment is accepted it will be an incentive to the farmer either by agreement with his worker or on his own initiative to give the worker a half-day every week. If that is agreed upon we need waste no more time, for it is a waste of time to have to sit here listening to arguments like those advanced by Deputy Cogan for the purpose of damning not only the amendment but the Bill itself.

Mr. Walsh

I have already expressed my views on this. The less interference there is between the agricultural worker and his employer the better it will be from the point of view of implementing the Bill. I do not think this amendment will help to make the Bill workable. Provision is made for agreement. In the event of agreement not being reached the employer has the right to fix a day. If he does not fix a day the machinery of the law can be invoked and a penalty is provided for.

But the court cannot fix a day.

Mr. Walsh

If the employer does not give a half-day the penalty is there. As the section stands the employee is safeguarded. If this amendment is accepted and Saturday is fixed as the half-day it might easily be thought that Saturday was arbitrarily fixed for the entire country. That would cause a good deal of discontent and disruption. An employer with two or three men might find himself in the position of having all his men wanting a half-day on Saturday even though he himself might be quite agreeable to giving each of them a half-day on different days of the week. I think it is better not to fix a specific day. The intention is to give a half-day and it should be left at that.

Saturday will not be mentioned unless the employer refuses to fix a day.

Mr. Walsh

This amendment might cause grave discount where the farmer and the workers are concerned. It may have the effect of making the Bill unworkable. If Deputies wish, I will consider the amendment. I am asking Deputies not to press it if they want the Bill to be both workable and acceptable.

Will the Minister admit that the alternative to the amendment is innumerable court cases and dismissals?

Mr. Walsh

I would not think that at all.

The Minister cannot prevent it.

It is conceivable that the implementation of this Bill will bring about a certain amount of discontent. Every piece of legislation which regulates the relationships between employers and employees does invariably cause some discontent even for a short period. If the legislation is progressive both sides chafe at the restrictions and qualifications imposed upon them.

We are suggesting something very simple here. It is obvious that there will be cases where the farmer will not be willing to implement the Act. It is equally obvious that there will be cases where farmers will be ignorant of the existence of the Act. We have all had experience of that in our own constituencies where one finds on occasion an alarming ignorance as to what has been legislated upon and what the law is in relation to various matters.

Where agreement cannot be reached and where the farmer fixes no day for the purpose of defeating the Act a day should be fixed by law. If that is not done a considerable period may elapse during which no half-day will be granted. The longer that period lasts the longer the worker will be without the benefit of his half-day, the more difficult it will be to secure retrospective payment, the more costly it will be on the State and the more reluctant the worker will be to take any steps because of the relatively large sum that might be involved in a period of perhaps two years' retrospection. It is these considerations that have prompted us to put down this amendment. I think it is necessary. I do not believe it is contentious.

The farmer will have full liberty to suit his own convenience. Where the farmer refuses to suit even his own convenience we want to compel him to give a half-day on Saturday. In that way we are protecting the worker from having to do without his legal rights over an extended period. If the Minister will consider the amendment favourably between this and the Report Stage, we will not press it to a division now. I assure him that if the amendment is not accepted we will press it to a division on the Report Stage. I think it should be accepted.

Mr. Walsh

I will consider the amendment between this and the Report Stage and I will deal with it then.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

With the right to reintroduce at a later stage.

Sections 4 and 5 put and agreed to.
SECTION 6.

I move amendment No. 4, which stands in the names of Deputies Davin, Dunne, Mac Fheórais and Desmond:—

In line 8 to delete "forty-five" and substitute "forty."

We are not going so far in this amendment as to suggest that the conditions which apply in industrial and commercial life should apply in this case. According to Section 6, an agricultural worker will be entitled to his half-day if—but only if—he works 45 hours preceding that half-day. That represents nine hours per day for the preceding five days. Our difficulty is that it could easily happen that, within the five-day period before the half-day, a farm worker might, of necessity, have to attend a funeral or take a half-day at his own expense for some important reason or other.

We are not suggesting that, within the five days, a worker should get a half-day at his employer's expense, but anybody can envisage the possibility of a worker having to take a half-day off at his own expense. In commercial life and in industry in Cork City, for instance, the half-day is Wednesday. If a worker is out ill on the Monday or Tuesday he still gets his half-day on the Wednesday. I feel that we should consider the worker to the degree of obtaining some flexibility in regard to the half-day in the week in respect of illness, attendance at a funeral or attending to business of his own at his own expense. That is the whole purpose behind the amendment which seeks to reduce the number of hours from 45 to 40. I believe that the matter could easily be arranged between the employer and the employee. Over a 12-months period, I am sure that such a thing would seldom occur. It could easily happen that, by law—not just by the wishes of his employer—the worker would be denied the right of the half-day within that period.

The Minister and other members of the House who have belonged to county councils over a number of years will recall that for a considerable period there was an impression amongst local authorities who employed workers that if they did not make a provision similar to the provision in this Bill in respect of the Saturday half-holiday—if they did not provide that no worker will be entitled to a half-holiday unless he has worked on the five previous days—a great number of abuses would arise. That impression has been dispelled by experience over the years. Generally throughout the country local authorities now provide the half-day without regard to such a long qualifying period as that visualised, namely, five days. That should help us to come to an acceptance of the fact that agricultural labourers are not a class of workers who take advantage of legislation which this House enacts for them at any time to cause any hardship to their employers. Quite the contrary is, in fact, the case. Agricultural workers are the most faithful set of employees in this country and nobody will deny it. In particular, farmers will not deny it. You will get an odd farmer who may say it, but the bulk of the farmers will agree that the agricultural worker is most obliging in his general attitude to his employer and that that situation arises from the close relationship which has traditionally existed between them.

It seems to me that this section can only be construed as anticipating an abuse of the right to a half-holiday. In other words, it is provided in the section that we must insist that a worker shall work five full days in the week before he becomes entitled to a half-holiday. That is unreal and I do not think it can work in that way. I think that in the vast majority of cases the workers will have the five days worked before they avail of the half-day. Take, for instance, occasions such as funerals, social functions and various domestic matters which might require the agricultural worker to stay at home say on a Monday morning until lunch-time or perhaps to go home on Monday afternoon or on Tuesday afternoon. Is it right that, in such instances, we should legislate that the worker must thereby be deprived of his half-day? Our purpose is to reduce the period from five to four and a half days.

Mr. Walsh

I oppose the amendment. If it were accepted it would mean getting back to a 40-hour week. We had a 54-hour week and I reduced that to 50 hours. I am not prepared to go further. It strikes me very forcibly that neither Deputy Dunne nor Deputy Desmond has any idea of the conditions that obtain in rural Ireland. They mentioned going to a funeral. What an excuse! When has a farmer refused——

I can prove it to the Minister in writing.

Mr. Walsh

Prove it. When has a farmer refused the right even to give a day off——

Mr. Walsh

It shows the lack of knowledge——

——and the lack of sincerity of the Minister.

Mr. Walsh

There is not an ounce of sincerity about the whole thing.

That is the usual Fianna Fáil codology.

Is the Minister playing for a row now?

Mr. Walsh

Anybody who understands the position of an agricultural worker and a farmer knows well that whenever the occasion arises there is agreement between the agricultural worker and his employer when he wants a half-day.

Tell that to the farm labourers.

Mr. Walsh

It is always granted. Because of that, you have the good harmony that exists between the agricultural worker and his employer. You people sit in this House and try to believe that you are representative of the agricultural workers. You come along here and try to cause disruption between them and their employers. I am not standing for it, anyhow.

It is Coganism in its finest form. He has converted you.

Mr. Walsh

It is righteousness.

For the past two hours we have been getting along fairly well on this important Bill. If the Minister now wants to adopt another attitude we will adopt it with him.

Mr. Walsh

I object to the insincerity.

I will give the Minister proof of a landowner who recently reduced the wages of two of his employees because the two employees had to go to the funeral of an aunt of theirs. The Minister seeks to suggest that we know nothing of rural Ireland. Thanks be to God, we come from the stock of the farm workers. We know very well the conditions that prevail in rural Ireland. I am insisting that this amendment will be considered. If necessary, we shall put it to a vote in order to call the Minister's miserable bluff.

The Minister has introduced a note into this debate for which he will be sorry. He introduced a personal and abusive note.

Mr. Walsh

I hate insincerity.

When he starts that game, he is in the wrong shop.

Mr. Walsh

I hate insincerity and hypocrisy.

He wants to get you out.

I intend to stay in this House. We will vote not alone on this but on several others as well.

Mr. Walsh

It does not matter to me how many you vote on.

All my seed, breed and generation came from the land. I saw my own people work on the land for farmers. They got the hardest side of the bed and the thinnest cut of the bread. The Minister need not talk, coming as he does from the soft lands of South Kilkenny, about farm labourers. I have met more farm labourers in an hour than he ever saw in his lifetime. I have discussed their problems with them and fought for them, when it was not popular to do so, and when I was slandered for fighting for them, and I shall continue to do so. We shall press this amendment and press every further amendment. We shall answer the Minister's slanders in the only way which he apparently understands. He talks about insincerity. Where is there more insincerity than in his own heart and soul, and in the heart of his own Party? We saw the performance of Deputy Burke this morning when he came in here and did not even know what the Bill was about. He simply got up to indulge in slavish praise of his own Minister. That is all he was doing, but he does not talk like that when he is speaking at the chapel gates in North County Dublin. You did not talk like that when you were talking down in South Kilkenny. You have a different approach when you are trying to delude the agricultural workers into voting for you.

The Deputy must not address his remarks to the Minister directly. He must address the Chair and address his remarks to the Minister through the Chair.

I am going to answer these remarks in a way which will be understood, not alone here but outside this House. We are pressing this amendment.

It would be no harm to remind the House that in a Bill for which Deputy Dunne claimed a lot of responsibility, the number of working hours per week was 50. Deputy Dunne fathered that Bill through the House and the Minister has improved on it by reducing the number of working hours by five. It is most peculiar that Deputy Dunne thought that that was the right number of hours to provide for in that Bill. I just mention that matter and it is no harm to mention it.

I am disappointed at the attitude of the Minister. The last thing I expected from him was the statement he made a few moments ago.

Mr. Walsh

Is it any wonder——

It is a great wonder to me.

Mr. Walsh

——when you have this insincerity?

I should like to ask a question. If a farm labourer is out ill for two days on a particular week, why should he not be allowed to enjoy his half-holiday in that week? Is that not what is behind the amendment? If a poor agricultural worker is out ill for two days or a day and a half, he is not paid for it and he will not get national health benefit until he is three days ill. Supposing he is out for a day and a half and has not worked 45 hours in that week, he will still not get the half-day in that week.

We hear a lot of talk to the effect that we do not understand the agricultural community. I claim to have some knowledge of the agricultural community. I have some knowledge of decent farmers who treat their workers in a manner in which everybody should treat them, but I know, too, there are quite a number of farmers who treat them merely as hands. I am surprised that the Minister should lose his temper by saying that this is all hypocrisy and that we do not understand agriculture.

I suggest that the Minister should approach this amendment in a reasonable fashion. Take the case of a man who is out from work on a Tuesday and Wednesday of any week because of illness or again he may have to absent himself from work because some member of his family has died and he wishes to attend the funeral. The Minister said that he will be allowed to go to the funeral but there is another question to be considered. Is he paid for that day off? I should like to know how many farmers pay their workers for the days they are sick or for days on which they have to attend funerals. If they do not pay them, they should not be deprived of the half-holiday in that week. I should like the Minister to consider this matter calmly rather than indulge in these outbursts of indignation.

There is no need for any heat nor is there any need to be unreasonable in regard to this measure. Surely it will be admitted that there must be some specific number of hours fixed as the hours to be worked, if the half-holiday is to be granted. In this amendment introduced by the Labour Party there is provision for a 40-hour week instead of the 45 hours which it is proposed to fix by the Bill. If a man is out for two days, he would not be entitled to a half-holiday even under the Labour amendment so that it is no use in putting up that type of case. I think that the provisions of the Bill mark a very substantial step forward so far as the rights of the workers are concerned and a very substantial concession on the part of the employers. I think in view of the concession that has been granted, the Bill should be accepted in a fair and reasonable spirit. I do not think the Labour Party will secure any support from any section of the House for their violent attacks on the farming community.

Violent attacks?

They are seeking to represent the farmers as brutal tyrants who will not allow their workers a day off, even for the purpose of attending the funeral of a relative. I think that is a gross misrepresentation of the attitude of the farming community and I strongly condemn it. I do not think it will be supported by any Party in this House outside the Labour Party or by any section of the community.

Go down to Coolattin and say that.

Even the farm workers do not approve of that line of argument. I have not met any farm workers who would allege that the ordinary decent farmers are tyrants of that description.

Question—"That the words proposed to be deleted, stand part of the Bill"—put.
The Committee divi ded: Tá, 70; Níl, 21.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breen, Dan.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Duignan, Peadar.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gallagher, Colm.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Jack (Cork Borough).
  • McCann, John.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Thomas.

Níl

  • Belton, John.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Byrne, Thomas N.J.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Davin, William.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Everett, James.
  • Finan, John.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Leary, Johnny.
  • Spring, Dan.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Ó Briain and Killilea; Níl: Deputies Dunne and Hickey.
Question declared carried.
Section 6 agreed to.
SECTION 7.
Question proposed: "That Section 7 stand part of the Bill."

We are opposing Section 7, which reads:—

"Where, as respects any particular week, the day on which the half-holiday is to be allowed under this Act to an agricultural worker falls on a holiday allowed to him under the Act of 1950, on a Church holiday or public holiday allowed to him by arrangement with his employer or on a day on which the worker is otherwise absent from work, he shall not be entitled to a half-holiday in that week."

We felt that this section can be used by individuals to evade the effect of the entire Bill. The second half of this section alludes to the possibility of a Church holiday or public holiday being allowed to an agricultural worker by arrangement with his employer. There is no reference whatsoever there to the question of whether or not the worker is paid for such Church or public holiday. There are certain districts in this country, notably the diocese of Ferns, for instance, where Church holidays are also regarded as being in the nature of public holidays and where work ceases on the land on such days. There are probably other examples of that. It will be found in individual cases at least that for such days as workers are required to take a holiday—and they do so I may say of their own free will because of their respect for the tradition and customs of the districts in which they reside—they receive no payment. This section provides that in such cases the workers shall be deprived of the right to the half-holiday.

In many districts farmers themselves avail of public holidays to go about their own recreations and require that workers should also take a holiday on public holidays and instances will be found where workers are not paid for such public or Church holidays.

This section lays down that in a week where such a holiday occurs, a half-holiday will not be made available to the workers. We think that that is bad. It also specifies that if in any week a holiday falls due to a worker under the Act of 1950, the worker will not be entitled to a half-holiday in that week. I take it that that refers to the Holidays Act of 1950 and that it is a necessary legislative arrangement. I should like some clarification of it, but I take it that, in so far as it does not refer to the staggering of annual holidays, it is simply a necessary legislative reference. What I am principally concerned about is the possibility that workers who are required to take a Church or public holiday, and who are not paid for such a holiday, will be deprived of their right to a half-holiday with pay. It is on that ground that I oppose this section. I do not see any advantage in the section. It restricts still further the operation of the Bill and makes it still more difficult for agricultural workers to enjoy a half-holiday, and it is on these general premises that we object to the section.

Mr. Walsh

I am not concerned with the merits or demerits of holidays with pay. I am not concerned with whether a man is paid or not. What I am concerned with is that when the half-holiday that has been arranged falls on a day which is a Church holiday or a public holiday or a holiday that is due to the worker, no half-holiday will be available. That is all that is in it.

If such is the case, will the Minister explain to the House the meaning of the end of the section where it says: "or on a day on which the worker is otherwise absent from work, he shall not be entitled to a half-holiday in that week"? Allowing for the fact that we are not supposed to know the circumstances and the conditions prevailing in rural Ireland, may I inform the Minister that there are areas where large landowners do not pay their workers for a Church holiday and give them no recompense, and if a worker is out sick on a day during the week there is no allowance for him from the employer and no national health benefit? There is quite a number of landowners of that type in this country and they have been coming into this country recently in large numbers.

Is the Minister prepared to say that the farm worker is to be denied a half-day in these circumstances? There are localities in this country where even if a man is not paid for a Church holiday he still does not work. That means that in such localities, where there is a complete cessation of work on a Church holiday, because the employers find it convenient to make no allowance for the workers the workers have to suffer the loss of a half-day in that particular week.

Mr. Walsh

All the section sets out is that where a day has been designated as one on which the half-holiday must be taken, suppose a Church holiday or a public holiday falls on Saturday, in that case the half-holiday would not be granted because that was the day on which the half-holiday was to be taken. That is all this section deals with. It has no regard whatever to whether the man is paid or is not paid. That does not enter into it. The only thing that does enter into it is that if the day designated for the half-holiday is a Church or a public holiday there will be no half-holiday in that week.

The Minister has stated that he is not concerned——

Mr. Walsh

No.

——mark the words— whether the worker is paid or not for a public or Church holiday. "Not concerned." Surely if a Bill is being put to the House which is to provide that agricultural workers shall get a half-holiday with pay—is that not the purpose of the Bill?—how then can the Minister say that in the event of the half-holiday falling on the days he specifies a public or Church holiday, he is not concerned whether or not the man is paid?

Mr. Walsh

He does not get a half-holiday with pay under the Bill. He gets a half-holiday.

In other words he gets the same sort of half-holiday as he could always have got all through his life by taking the day off himself.

Mr. Walsh

Arrangements are made about weekly payments.

I would ask the Minister not to dodge the issue. That is all right when he is talking down the corridor but it does not cut any ice here. He will not put it over on us that way. The Bill provides for a half-holiday with pay. The Minister says that if the day designated for the half-holiday falls on a Church or public holiday he is not concerned whether the worker is paid or not. I believe that the Minister is not concerned. I accept it entirely. He does not give two hoots if the worker is never paid so long as he gets the vote on the ballot paper in the election. That is his only concern, but we are concerned with making something of this instrument which he has brought in. As it stands it means that the worker may not be paid for his half-holiday if that half-holiday coincides with a public or Church holiday. In the event, and not alone in the event, but as facts have proved, there are instances where workers must take public or bank holidays for one reason or another and are not paid for them. The force of the section is that if the half-holiday coincides with such a public or bank holiday, the worker will not be paid. The Minister must concern himself whether he likes it or not with whether the worker is paid because that is what this document is supposed to do. There is no point whatever in bringing in a Bill to provide a half-holiday if it does not mean a half-holiday with pay. There have been too many half-days, days, weeks, months and years for the workers of this country particularly during the reign of the gentlemen who occupy the opposite side of the House.

Mr. Walsh

The opposite side, yes.

The opposite side to where I am. However, we are pressing this. I want again to emphasise the Minister's remark at the outset: He is not concerned—that is the operative word—not concerned with agricultural workers.

Mr. Walsh

No such thing. You can try to read anything you like into it.

I know that when workers in my area get Church holidays they are always paid for them but in view of the statements which have been made I suggest that the Minister should put down an amendment to ensure a half-day's pay where such a thing occurs. The whole object of the Bill is to see that the men get the benefit of the half-holiday. If, as alleged, there are instances where they do not get paid for Church holidays, why not bring in an amendment that will ensure a half-day's pay for that particular day? I think that is only fair and in keeping with the meaning of the Bill as I see it.

Hear, hear!

As this section stands, there can be a case where the worker is not paid for a Church holiday and will not get a half-holiday that week. He is definitely at a disadvantage and there will have to be some change.

I suggest that that can be met.

Tell him to do it and he will do it.

Mr. Walsh

Deputy Dunne has accused me of not being concerned. I said that the question of payment on Church or public holidays was not the concern of the Bill——

You are wrong; it must be the concern of the Bill.

Mr. Walsh

——because already provision is made for payment for a 50-hour week and it does not arise. The Deputy has brought in red herrings by mentioning various parts of the country where workers are not paid for Church or public holidays. When are they paid? What are they paid for?

For the days on which they work and the days on which they work only.

Mr. Walsh

That does not obtain in all parts of the country.

Do not cod me about it for God's sake.

Mr. Walsh

I know that county council workers, for instance, are paid for public holidays and not for Church holidays in some counties while in others they are not paid for public holidays and are paid for Church holidays. If the question of payment for Church holidays is to be included, it should be dealt with in another way. There is no such thing in this section. The section has no concern whatever with payment for Church or public holidays. None whatsoever. The only thing it deals with is the case where a public or Church holiday falls on the day on which the half-holiday was to be granted and in that case no half-holiday would be granted.

Or no payment.

Mr. Walsh

There is no question of payment or otherwise.

What is the definition of a holiday? Give us the up-to-date definition.

Mr. Walsh

If you take a bank holiday regarded as a holiday or a Church holiday——

Is it a day without pay?

Mr. Walsh

No, a day on which you do not work. As has been pointed out, in various parts of the country there are different conditions. Some county council workers are paid for Church holidays and not for public holidays and the reverse. However, we could consider this question raised by Deputy Corry.

Had he permission from Deputy Cogan?

I give Deputy Corry credit. He made the Minister shake up.

Mr. Walsh

He has been generous in coming forward. He put the case honestly before the House and did not bring it in as a red herring, as Deputy Dunne and Deputy Desmond did.

Sour grapes.

Mr. Walsh

No sour grapes whatsoever.

Do you want to march again?

Suppose that Wednesday was the half-holiday agreed upon between the employer and the worker. Suppose that the man were out ill on that day or went to a funeral he should have half of that day's payment. Deputy Corry has a real grasp of the question in pointing out that if he is off for some reason all day on the day of the half-holiday he should get a half-day's payment.

Mr. Walsh

Deputy Hickey is raising another question.

I am not.

Mr. Walsh

You are. Deputy Corry raised the question of public and Church holidays. You are suggesting that if the man goes to a funeral or a function of any description he must be paid for it. That is the Deputy's contention.

I understand that on a half-holiday a man gets paid even if he does not work. That is what a half-holiday means. If the day agreed upon is a Wednesday or a Thursday and on that day it is not possible for the man to resume work in the morning he is entitled to half a day's wages from 1 o'clock on for his half-holiday.

Mr. Walsh

No, it is a mutual arrangement with the employer that if he wants him to work on that day, he is paid for it.

I merely want to point out that the Act states that an agricultural worker shall have a half-holiday in the week for which he must be paid.

Mr. Walsh

No. There is no such agreement. The agreement is that he is paid for a certain number of hours worked. In addition to that he is getting a half-day.

Arising out of the Minister's statement, do I understand that the half-holiday in the week does not necessarily mean that he should be paid for the half-day he gets.

Mr. Walsh

No.

This is a new situation altogether.

It is indeed.

The Minister mentioned the county council workers. They are industrial workers within the meaning of the Act and if they work the half-day they receive extra payment. County council workers work 48 hours a week and they are paid overtime for Saturday and their cards are stamped. That puts them in a position as industrial workers and you are mixing them up with the agricultural workers.

Mr. Walsh

I am not. I have just stated their case.

You told the House before the summer recess that you would introduce a Bill to make the previous Act workable, whereby the agricultural worker, if he worked the half-day, would be paid for it. You are getting away from that.

I would like to see this matter cleared up in justice to those concerned. If a man works 45 hours in any week he is entitled to a half-holiday, or if he wants to work the half-day he is entitled to be paid for it. I am glad that a happier position exists now than existed under the previous Bill where the worker had to work 50 hours a week. I would like to give credit to the Minister for improving the position in that respect. Apparently Deputy Dunne and Deputy Desmond seem to find a different class of farmers from what we have been accustomed to in my part of the country, because there has always been what you might call a give-and-take policy. I have never seen a man's pay stopped for a Holiday of Obligation. I have always seen him getting his week's pay as when he worked for the full week. He is entitled to his half-day's pay even though he is absent for the full day, and I think that that principle should be included in the Bill. I am relying on the Minister to safeguard the workers in this connection. They are the worst paid section of our community. All Governments here from time to time seem to think that an employee is a man who should produce something for half nothing. I would urge on the Minister to rectify this situation.

There is another case where a man is out sick for a day. If he works the 45 hours of the week he is entitled under this Act to a half-day's pay. I believe that the two principles to which I have referred should be safeguarded in the Bill so that fair play will be given to everybody.

I think the Minister has indicated that he will look into this matter before the Report Stage. As I understand it, a man who works 45 hours in the five days prior to the half-holiday agreed upon is entitled to the half-holiday. A problem arises in the case of an agreed half-holiday which falls on a day upon which the man is not working and is not paid. It would seem that he would be at least entitled to be paid for the half-day, that is to his half-holiday. In any case, that is the spirit of the Act.

The only difficulty that I see is that a man should work 45 hours on the five days prior to the agreed half-holiday. Even though he may not work for the first half of the day upon which the half-holiday falls, he would seem to be entitled to the half-holiday, and in a matter of this kind we ought to interpret the principle of the Bill as fairly as we can. I do not see any objection to the proposition that Deputy Corry has put up. Farmers in general try to be as fair and as reasonable as they can to the workers. This is a contingency which must have been overlooked inasmuch as the half-holiday might happen to fall on a day on which the worker is not working and for which he is not paid. I feel he is entitled to the half-holiday and that we should not keep it from him.

Deputy Burke is about to deliver judgement.

On this point I would like to be very fair and to have any ambiguity that may exist removed. I agree with Deputy Corry that we are doing it and making a good job of it. I do not like to see these stunters on the opposite benches taking advantage.

Be honest about it.

I do not mean Deputy Hickey.

Tell us about the road workers' increase you got, or will you wait till to-morrow afternoon?

About 95 per cent. were in here making representations to me and I must do my best for them.

It does not arise on this Bill.

Which Minister is concerned?

The Minister for Local Government. Incidentally, Deputy Dunne slandered a Press reporter this morning.

The Deputy will withdraw that remark.

I cannot see how the remark, in any case, is relevant to this.

On a point of order.

On a point of order. Is the Deputy entitled to raise a point of order when speaking?

He has withdrawn the remark.

I want to raise a point of order in regard to what he said. He used the word "stunters" about Deputies in these benches.

I do not know what a "stunter" is.

Never in my whole political career have I listened to such a "stunter".

I would appeal to the Minister to do all he can in this matter and not to leave any chance of misrepresentation. I would encourage him to continue with the good work and to give fair play to the workers as a whole. I do appeal to the Minister as a member of a national Party concerned with the well-being of all sections.

About one-third of North-West Dublin.

Deputy McGilligan should be seen and not heard as far as the workers are concerned.

I was seen several times in North-West Dublin.

You starved the workers in 1930 and 1931.

Where a man works 45 hours a week under this section of the Bill he is entitled to a half-holiday and I would like that to be made quite clear. There ought to be no misrepresentation about it which will ensure that no farmers will misunderstand it. As far as I know the majority of farmers have the interests of their workers at heart and there will be no trouble about it. There might be a few odd ones who might want to interpret it in some other way.

On a point of order. I would submit to you, Sir, that Deputy Burke does not know what section we are discussing. I would be glad if you would inquire of him what section he is discussing.

That is not a point of order.

I think it is.

Mr. Walsh

I would like to have this matter clarified. I have already stated that this Bill has nothing whatever to do with wages. That is a matter for the Agricultural Wages Board.

Even payment for the half-holiday?

Mr. Walsh

Even payment for the half-holiday. It has nothing whatever to do with a fixed wage. They have power and authority to do it by virtue of an Act of this House. This House has nothing to do with it. It is not concerned with any wage. The question has been raised whether in the case of a Church holiday or bank holiday falling on the half-holiday that was granted and that was already arranged between the employer and the employee there should be a half-holiday allowed in that week or not. The section says that he shall not be entitled to a half-holiday in that week. That is all that is in the section. There is an amendment to that that it would be granted. I must oppose that. As I have already pointed out, this has no bearing whatever on payment for any day. That is a matter for the wages board. Up to the present the Agricultural Wages Board fixed wages on the basis of a 54-hour week. Now I presume they will be fixing it on the basis of a 50-hour week.

Is the Minister making it clear that this Bill has nothing to do with wages?

Mr. Walsh

Nothing whatever.

Will the Minister explain then why in other sections there is reference to fixing of minimum rates by the board?

Mr. Walsh

By the wages board.

Under this Bill.

Mr. Walsh

Yes. We have nothing to do with it whatsoever. The Bill does not fix wages at all.

Although there is a section in the Bill stating——

Mr. Walsh

That it will be fixed.

On the instructions of this House a certain board is expected to fix a certain wage.

Mr. Walsh

That is quite true.

The Minister does not know what he is speaking about.

Mr. Walsh

It is quite true that the wages board will fix it and, by implication, will have to fix the wages on the basis of a 50-hour week.

Section 11 reads:—

"The power conferred on the board by Section 17 of the Agricultural Wages Act, 1936 (No. 53 of 1936), to make orders fixing minimum rates of wages shall extend to the making of orders prescribing the minimum rates referred to in Section 8 of this Act and the provisions of the Agricultural Wages Act, 1936, relating to orders under the said Section 17 shall apply accordingly."

Mr. Walsh

Yes, under the provisions of the Wages Act.

Yet, this brilliant example of a Minister for Agriculture wants to tell us that this has nothing to do with wages.

Mr. Walsh

That section has nothing to do with wages whatever.

Do you not understand English? Is not it obvious?

Mr. Walsh

That section has nothing to do with wages.

The Minister said the Bill had nothing to do with wages.

Mr. Walsh

Neither has it anything to do with the fixing of wages.

We oppose this section. We have not an amendment to it. The Minister said we had. We oppose this section because we think it is undesirable. The Minister attributes his change of heart—I do not know if he has changed back again—to Deputy Corry's influence—a usual Fianna Fáil manoeuvre, for the records. We all know very well that the reason why he is back sliding now is that he has been forced into that position by the speeches that have been made here. Deputy Corry has joined in that effort to try to get him to come back to a sensible realisation of his duty. Will the Minister reconsider the matter? Even the apostle of progress, Deputy Cogan, has helped in the effort to get the Minister to change his mind. Will the Minister reconsider his decision before Report Stage? If not we will put it to a vote now.

Mr. Walsh

What is the Deputy putting to a vote or what does he want me to do? The only thing I am concerned with in this section is that where a half-holiday falls on a Church holiday or bank holiday it will not be granted.

The steps I want the Minister to take are steps to ensure that if it should happen that a half-holiday falls on a Church holiday or bank holiday——

Mr. Walsh

Or the holiday designated.

That is a different matter, because, automatically, under the law, the worker must be paid for a holiday which would fall due under the Wages Act of 1950. That would follow. I take it that refers to the annual holiday?

Mr. Walsh

Yes.

Therefore, it must follow that he would be paid. What I am concerned with is the possibility that the half-day under this section would fall on a Church holiday or bank holiday for which the worker would not be paid. He would thereby be deprived of his right to a weekly half-holiday with payment.

Mr. Walsh

But he is not getting a weekly half-holiday with payment. He is paid for a half-holiday where there was mutual agreement.

Did you read the Bill at all? Did you give any attention to it?

Mr. Walsh

What is the Deputy trying to convey when he mentions "payment"?

What is the point in having a weekly half-holiday unless a man is paid for it? What is the point in having a weekly half-holiday without pay?

Mr. Walsh

What do you mean by "payment"? Define that word "payment."

One person giving cash to another—that is payment.

Mr. Walsh

Yes, for what?

I will have to get down to fundamentals.

Mr. Walsh

For what?

Instead of working six full days, he will now work five and a half days and receive the same pay as for six days.

Mr. Walsh

Have I not already mentioned that?

He is therefore paid for the half-holiday.

Mr. Walsh

It is a matter for the wages board to say whether it is for the 50-hour week that he is paid. Is it not?

I give up.

Mr. Walsh

In the computation of wages.

We are opposing this section unless we get an assurance that it will be reconsidered before Report Stage. If the Minister is prepared to bring it back to his officials, I am sure the officials, at least, will be able to grasp what apparently he is not able to grasp and will probably bring in what we desire to have brought in. Deputy Corry can see it quite clearly. Deputy Cogan can see it quite clearly, or professes to do so. He cut across the Minister. He must have spoken before the Minister. The Minister does not appear to see it. Deputy Hughes expressed the same view, that this is necessary. If we get the assurance we will not press it to a vote.

As far as I can see, the contingency suggested by Deputy Dunne can arise only on a very few occasions in the year when the agreed half-holiday will fall upon a public holiday for which the worker is not receiving remuneration. I thought it was the general intention of the Bill that the worker who works 45 hours in the five days prior to the day fixed for the half-holiday must get the half-holiday and the only question that arises is whether he should get it on the day on which he does not work for the first half of the day. I feel that he should get it on that day. Say the half-holiday agreed on is Wednesday in each week. Suppose a man is sick and the arrangement with the employer is that he is not paid when he is sick— his half-day falls on Wednesday and having worked 45 hours in the previous days he should be entitled to that half-day, even though he would not have worked on the first half of that day. If the Minister is satisfied that under the Bill as it stands he will get the half-day on that particular day, even though he may not have worked on the first part of it—or, as a matter of fact, on any part of the day—then there is nothing for amendment. Perhaps the Minister would look into the matter and if he has any doubt in his mind about it, it might be the subject of amendment on the Report Stage. It is only a small matter, but it is important for the farmer and the worker. There is not much money involved, and there is only a limited number of days on which it may happen in the year. The farmer does not want to have any dispute with the worker as to the farmer's or the worker's rights. It should be fairly clear and definite. Where the law is not clearly defined it leads to disputes. Even where the farmer and the worker may be on the best of terms generally, it may happen that they would be in bad humour on a particular day and have a quarrel over a thing like this. This aspect of the Bill should be cleared up completely.

I think what the section meant to convey was that on a Church or a public holiday, where the worker by arrangement with his employer was absent from work—got a holiday in other words, and was paid for that particular day in that particular week —he could not claim to be paid for another half-day. That is what the section means to convey, but whether it conveys it clearly or not I do not know. It will be generally agreed by all sections of the House that if a Church holiday or a public holiday occurs on which the worker is paid for his absence from work he would not have a right to claim another half-day in that particular week. Everyone will be agreed on that. That is the object of the section, as I read it. I do not understand why the 1950 Act was mentioned—it deals with the week's holidays with pay, which is a different thing altogether.

Is what you are saying accepted as the meaning of that phrase?

I accept that as the meaning.

What about the boss over there?

I accept that on a Catholic holiday or public holiday, if the worker happens to be absent by agreement with his employer and is not working, he is not entitled to another half-day in that week.

It does not mean that.

I think it does.

That is the intention, you mean.

Furthermore, it means that if in that week he is entitled to the yearly week's holidays, he is not entitled to claim a half-day in that week.

It means both those things and it means other things as well. First of all, if his annual holiday falls in that week, he is not entitled to the half-day; if a Church or bank holiday for which he is paid occurs in that week, he is not entitled to the half-day; and if a Church or bank holiday for which he is not paid falls in that week, he is not paid for the half-day.

Mr. Walsh

There is the word "allow" there. By agreement he is allowed a Church holiday or public holiday.

If the employer and himself agree on a particular half-day and he cannot resume work because of illness, he is entitled to get a half-day's wages for that day. What is understood by a half-holiday or a weeks' holiday means that he is to be paid for it. The Minister says the Bill does not indicate that he is to be paid. Surely that is meaningless. Deputies Corry and Allen have the same view as we have. There are not many Church holidays in the year so this point of sickness would not occur often in that way; but he could be sick a good many week-days in the year and if there is an agreement on, say, Thursday as half-day and he cannot resume because of illness he is entitled to get that half-day's wages and we want the Minister to see that he is entitled to it.

Mr. Walsh

There seems to be a lot of confusion about this section. It has been confused with wages and payments—which have nothing whatever to do with the section. This is a question of the day on which the half-holiday is given, if there is a Church holiday in the week that is being allowed to the worker—I take it that "being allowed" would mean that he would be paid for it. The same applies in the case of a public holiday. In the case of holidays to which he is entitled under the 1950 Act he is not entitled to the half-day in that week he is away. Is it suggested by Deputy Dunne and others that if there is a Church holiday in that week, on Thursday, and that the ordinary day for the half-holiday is on Friday, he is going to get another day on the Friday, that he is entitled to take his half-day as well. Instead of taking a half-day in that week he gets a day in the week; that is what is meant in the section and it can be readily agreed to. Otherwise, if there are three men working and a Church holiday comes along and they have different designated half-days, you might possibly find nothing done on the farm at all in that particular week. All I am asking in this section is that it be agreed that where there is a Church or public holiday on the day for the half-day there be no half-day as well.

That is the first time the Minister has explained what he meant.

Mr. Walsh

It is the first time I have been given a chance.

The Minister referred to confusion. He is the only one confused.

Mr. Walsh

There is no confusion whatever over here. The statements from that side of the House would confuse anyone.

Common sense confuses numerous people who do not understand it and the Minister happens to be one of that unhappy company. Everyone here is out of step except the Minister, even those in his own Party. Deputy Corry, Deputy Allen and Deputy Cogan of the Fianna Fáil Party are all out of step.

Mr. Walsh

And Deputy Dunne, of course, is out of step.

In the earlier part of this discussion, the Minister indicated that he was beginning to grasp what was wrong with the section and when Deputy Corry rose he agreed as a gesture to Deputy Corry and fearful that Deputy Corry might walk into the opposite Lobby against him, he said: "I will take it back and bring something else in on the Report Stage." Now he has apparently managed to convince himself there is nothing wrong with the section. Everything is wrong with it. The Minister has tried to sidetrack the issue by saying that by preventing this section being passed we are endeavouring to ensure that the worker will get a public or Church holiday with pay and the following day, if it is Saturday or Friday, he will get his half-day as well. I say the day will come when that will happen, when agriculture will reach the stage when that will be possible. That time has not arrived just yet. We never suggested that it would under this Bill or this Government.

We suggest that there will be cases of individuals who will be allowed, if you like, a public holiday or a Church holiday without pay. If the half-holiday coincides with such holiday they will be deprived of their half-day.

That does not come under this section then. There is no necessity for providing for them at all as they have been provided for already elsewhere in the Bill.

It comes under this section in so far as the employer can argue out of the section that the agricultural workers are not entitled to a half-day on that particular week-day. The Deputy should cling to one line of thought and try to help the Minister. Deputy Burke has arrived back in the House now and I am sure he will clear up the whole business.

I do not wish to delay the House very long. We endeavoured to explain the whole matter but, perhaps, the Minister did not understand. Deputy Corry's explanation was the same as ours. It is provided in another section of this Bill that the farmer has a right to arrange for a certain half-holiday in the week over a three-month period. Take the case where that is done on the 1st January, for January, February and March and it has been arranged that the workers' half-day is to be on Wednesday. If a worker is unable to go to work, perhaps, through illness during the whole of one particular week, according to Section 7 of this Bill he shall not be entitled to a half-holiday in that week.

If, during the same week, there happens to be a Church holiday and the worker is one of those who is not paid for that Church holiday and under the custom prevailing in a locality no work is carried out on the Church holiday, that means the worker loses a full day. If he is not able to go to work on the Wednesday morning according to this particular section he does not work the requisite number of hours and, therefore, will not be allowed the half-day that week even though it was not his fault, in so far as that on the Church holiday he was not paid any money for that day. If he had been paid for a Church holiday we do not say for one moment that he should get the half-day on that week. Where the man works for wages in respect of the Church holiday and if he cannot, through illness or otherwise, work on the morning of the day appointed for his half-holiday. Section 7 clearly states that he is not entitled to a half-holiday that week. Deputy Corry mentioned that point and no matter how the Minister tries to get out of it he cannot change the meaning of the section.

Having regard to the fact that the last Bill of this type was left completely to those gentlemen opposite, I am not surprised that the workers of this country were deprived of their holidays for a number of years.

It was a Fianna Fáil committee.

As I say, I am not very surprised that the workers were left without their holidays for a couple of years. The title of this Bill is wrong. It should be "weekly half-holiday." Under this Bill they will work 45 hours as compared with 50 hours under the last Bill of the Labour Party.

It was chopped by the Fianna Fáil committee.

They had not the support of Deputy McGilligan.

That committee included the Minister who was then a Deputy.

To my mind, this may require clarification. If it does, I would suggest to the Minister that it be clarified. It would be very easy to do so on the Report Stage. The intentions of the Minister as set out here coincide with the intentions of practically every Deputy in the House, including those of the Labour Party. There should be no difficulty in wiping out any ambiguity that might occur in the Bill. I suggest that should be done in order to get finished with it.

We are behind you in that.

I think you are behind me in most things—very far behind

Deputy Corry is supporting us.

Where does the Minister stand in all this?

Mr. Walsh

The Minister has already explained the position. We are legislating for holidays, not wages. We are not concerned with wages in this Bill, particularly in Section 7. A board has already been set up, the Agricultural Wages Board, which arranges for wages to be paid to agricultural workers. It is their duty——

The chairman does it.

Mr. Walsh

It is their duty to fix a wage in connection with this Bill not only in relation to Section 7, if it comes before them, but in lieu of the half-day. They will have to make orders regarding the wages.

Is the Minister not going to do anything about it?

The agricultural labourer works for 50 hours a week and on a particular date he gets £3 12s. Under this Bill he is allowed a half-day on a particular day and works 45 hours and gets the £3 12s. as usual. If, by agreement between himself and his employer, Wednesday is the half-day—let us cut out the question of Church holidays altogether for the moment—and because of some domestic trouble he cannot resume work, he might be ill, I am suggesting that this man is entitled to get his £3 12s. for that week.

Mr. Walsh

He does not become entitled until he works 45 hours. The basis of the week is 50 hours.

We should be told where we stand and so avoid law cases subsequently. If the worker is unable to resume on a Wednesday or Thursday he should be entitled to get a half-day's wages for that day until Saturday comes. There is no use saying this does not deal with wages.

Mr. Walsh

It does not.

Read Section 7.

With your permission, a Cheann Comhairle, I would like to ask the Minister a question. Is the Minister going to do anything about this matter?

Mr. Walsh

No.

Very well, we will divide.

The Minister is doing that in the teeth of all the advice given to him.

Does the Minister consider that a man who has worked 45 hours in the five days prior to the date agreed in respect of the half-holiday will get the half-day regardless of the fact that he might have worked in the forenoon on the half-holiday?

Mr. Walsh

Yes.

I am satisfied.

Question put: "That Section 7 stand."
The Dáil divided: Tá, 61; Níl, 36.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Duignan, Peadar.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gallagher, Colm.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Jack (Cork Borough).
  • McCann, John.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó' Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheldon, William A. W.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Thomas.

Níl

  • Belton, John.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Carew, John.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lynch, John (North Kerry).
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Mannion, John.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • O'Leary, Johnny.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tully, John.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Ó Briain and Killilea; Níl: Deputies Dunne and Hickey.
Question declared carried.
Sections 8 and 9 agreed to.
SECTION 10.

I move amendment No. 5:—

Before Section 10 to insert a new section as follows:—

It shall be an offence under this Act for an employer to dismiss a worker for having asserted his legal right to the weekly half-holiday and the employer shall be liable on summary conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding ten pounds.

I think this is a very necessary provision. Under the operation of existing Acts which govern the rates of wages payable to agricultural workers, it has been found on occasion that when an agricultural worker has recourse to his legal right of reference to the wages board and where that action on his part brings about a court case, that worker has subsequently been dismissed by his employer. That practice is not widespread but it is fairly general. We have come across quite a substantial number of cases of that type and there is no protection for the worker under the Acts to which I have referred. One cannot do anything about it. It just happens that way and that is all.

It seems to me that unless the present Bill contains such a proviso as this the operation of the Bill may be in danger of being completely frustrated. The presence of such a section as this will have a very sobering effect, to say the least of it, upon any employer who may have the intention of dismissing a worker compelled by circumstances to take the necessary legal steps to enforce his right to a weekly half-holiday. I do not want to refer to the recent history of the previous Bill except to say that it is within the knowledge of Deputies that there have been cases of the kind I have described. There was one very glaring case where three workers representing some 15 or 16 employees took action in the courts to establish their right to a weekly half-holiday. That action was not successful but that is not the issue to which I am referring. The result of that action was that the employer summarily dismissed these men. One gets that type of employer and it is where that employer exists that the worker must be safeguarded to the best of our ability.

I do not believe that the general body of agricultural employers would react in that way. Looking at the operations of the inspectors of the Agricultural Wages Board one often finds that where a worker is aggrieved and where he feels he is not getting even the minimum rate set out and where he makes representations to the board or to someone who, in his view, might represent the board such as a Deputy, or a trade union official, the employee is invariably afraid that his employer will learn that he has reported the matter and he usually requests the person to whom he makes representations to ask the inspector visiting the farm to give the impression that his inspection is carried out independently. That is quite a common thing and it is a very natural reaction on the part of the worker because no employer relishes the idea of having to pay two years' arrears and the worker could quite naturally expect some retribution on the part of his employer, although such a reaction would be both unjust and unfair. Nevertheless, it does occur.

Looking at our experience of the recent past, looking forward to the future, seeing the difficulties which may arise, hoping that the Bill will be implemented to its fullest extent, and taking such steps as we can to secure its implementation, we feel that the insertion of this clause will have a very beneficial effect upon any employer who endeavours to get out of the responsibility imposed upon him under this Bill.

Mr. Walsh

I am unable to accept this new section because it is impracticable. There are many reasons why it is impracticable. We are all anxious to see this Bill enacted and implemented fairly between all Parties. What this new section asks for could not be carried out. A man might bring his employer into court and might have him penalised there because he did not grant his worker a half-day but that will not prevent the employer subsequently dismissing him a week or a fortnight later on some pretence or other. There is no way in which the Agricultural Wages Board or their inspectors, who will be charged with responsibility for the implementation of this Bill, or anyone else, can say what the specific reason may be for the dismissal of the particular employee. Any reason may be given; neglect in milking cows, neglect of a horse, neglect of many things. One can always find an excuse.

He might not like the colour of the worker's hair.

Mr. Walsh

One can always find an excuse. It is desirable that this Bill should operate harmoniously. I believe that this new section is impracticable and it is not worth while wasting time on it.

Is there any similar provision in the conditions of employment of industrial workers or any legislation of that kind dealing with other workers and their employment? The Minister may not have that information now. I think that it would be very difficult to operate that particular clause fairly. If there is a dispute between a worker and an employer in regard to the half-holiday, the employer might dismiss the worker afterwards for another reason. On the other hand, it might arise that an employer might dismiss a worker for some very valid reason and yet might find himself prosecuted under this particular clause although he dismissed the worker for an entirely different reason. In a matter of this kind, I think you have to allow for a certain amount of freedom on the part of employers.

What would be definitely wrong on the part of employers would be that a number of them would conspire not to employ a worker who had instituted proceedings against his employer. I do not, however, think that there is any likelihood of that happening. There is not that tendency amongst farmers, generally, to combine. Fortunately, it has never existed and I hope it never will. Every farmer likes to act independently—just as I like to act independently in this House. It is a natural trait in farmers. If a worker has a dispute with his employer and is dismissed it will generally be found that the worker will get employment the following week with some other farmer.

Suppose a farmer clearly dismisses a person for asserting his legal right?

He would have to prove that that was the reason for his dismissal.

Mr. Walsh

Does the Deputy contend that the farmer has to give the reason why he dismisses a man?

What is the position if a farmer clearly dismisses a man for asserting his legal rights? Deputy Cogan makes the case that the farmer could always allege that it was for some other reason. If he alleged it, he would have to prove it.

Mr. Walsh

No.

He would if the worker went into the court and asserted that he had a good record.

I feel that an employer who punishes a worker for asserting his right under the law is doing an injustice. If this section were incorporated in the Bill you would, in all probability, do a much greater injustice to the farmers who are employing men inasmuch as you deprive them of the right to terminate employment.

Not at all.

That is a right which a farmer must have and which employers——

Where do you read that into this amendment?

There would be no point in being the owner of a farm if a man could not assert his right to give a week's notice to an employee on the farm.

The more I listen to the discussion on these amendments the more I am satisfied, personally, that the Minister has not given any serious consideration to the amendments and that, in effect, he does not understand certain sections of the Bill which he is defending here in this House. Every one of these amendments was put down in the names of Labour Deputies after careful consideration by the Party group. I assure the House and Deputy Corry in particular—because I sympathise with some of the statements he made—that they were put down for the sincere purpose of avoiding trouble in the administration of the measure. They were put down, further, to prevent dismissals and to prevent unnecessary court cases.

Will the Minister accept that it is very desirable that we, as legislators, should ensure that every measure passed by this House, and particularly measures of this kind, should be made sufficiently clear to all those concerned —in this case the farmer, the employer, on the one hand, and the agricultural labourer on the other hand? Will the Minister agree that it is eminently desirable that dismissals should be avoided and that unnecessary court proceedings should be avoided? No matter what the result of a case may be, court proceedings eventually lead to dismissal for some justifiable or other reason.

This is a penalty clause. It is inserted for the purpose of acting as a deterrent against the small minority of farmers of the big farmer type who do not want to recognise legislation of this kind and who will recognise it only when they know that it will be costly for them to refuse to do so. If the Minister makes inquiries he will find that this kind of penalty clause is in other legislation of this kind.

Of course it is.

Deputy Corry says "No" in that infallible tone of voice. The tone of his voice would nearly compel me to accept his assertion. I am not doing so, however. If he looks up the Conditions of Employment Acts and other Acts passed by other Parliaments he will see that there is always a penalty of a deterrent character to act as an inducement to the person concerned to accept the law passed by the majority of this House and by other democratic Assemblies that have passed legislation of this kind. This amendment has been put forward for the purpose I have already indicated. I am surprised that the Minister is declining to accept it in that off-hand way. The insertion of a penalty clause of this kind would make it much easier for the departmental officials to administer an Act of this kind. It would save the Minister innumerable complaints and certainly it would save dismissals and court proceedings— proceedings that would be so costly to agricultural labourers if they had to go to court to assert their rights under this or any other section of the Bill. I appeal to the Minister to reconsider the whole position.

This is a new departure so far as legislation is concerned. Many Bills for industrial workers have been brought in here from time to time, with nothing in any one of them——

Did the Deputy ever hear of wrongful dismissal?

It is not wrongful dismissal or anything of the kind.

What is?

To my mind, this is something that should not and need not be there in that section.

How would you deal with tyrants?

Look, I had to deal with employers——

I know. You had a method of your own.

I had 11 men who were sacked to deal with one morning. That was in 1934 when Deputy McGilligan and others were out in the youth movement and wearing blue blouses. The 11 men who were sacked landed into my arms. They were sacked because they did not vote as the youth movement ordered them to vote. I had to find employment for them and I may say that I did find them employment. We are not living away back in the past. This is 1952. Every Deputy in the House knows that an agricultural labourer in this country is at a premium at the present time. It is very difficult to get his services at the moment.

Because at any other work he would get a much higher rate of pay.

Hear, hear!

You know that as well as I do. We all know that if a farmer can get an agricultural labourer he will be very glad to keep him. If a Bill is enacted, a Bill such as this Bill, entitling an agricultural labourer to a half-day there is not a farmer in this country, that I know of, who would not give it to him and who would be very glad to give it to him because, if he does not, his neighbour will.

This is a useless amendment. If I wanted to put out a man in the morning I would not tell him, unless I were an awful fool, that I was putting him out because he sued me for a half-day.

What about the pillar of truth beside you? Deputy Burke would not tell him a lie.

I shall leave the situation in Dublin to Deputy Burke and yourself. I am dealing with farmers down the country. You are a bit jealous of Deputy Burke and you should not, because when you call strikes Deputy Burke settles them. It is a job between you, the solicitor and the barrister.

The Deputy should get back to the Bill.

I was on the amendment when I was so——

——intelligently interrupted by Deputy Dunne. I think that this amendment is only foolishness and to my mind it would do more harm than good. The less there are of these restrictions, regulations and red tape between the farmer and the labourer the better for everybody concerned.

Do you believe that?

I do. There is no occasion for it.

You would like not to interfere with them at all.

Deputy Dunne knows just as well as I do that the lot of the agricultural labourer in this country to-day is not a happy one. He knows that if that labourer goes even to dig the foundations of a labourer's cottage, he will get one and a half times the wages that he would get as an agricultural labourer. He knows that it is practically impossible to get an agricultural labourer in the country to-day. There is no occasion, therefore, for all this regulating and all these extra penalties for this, that and the other thing. It is only wasting the time of the House bringing in an amendment of this kind. I should like to have seen something of this kind in Deputy Dunne's previous Bill. Why was it not put there? This is just what you would call a "snap-in."

To a public-house?

No. Deputy Dunne does not frequent such dens of iniquity.

It should be possible even for Deputy Corry to discuss a matter like this rationally. The proposal in the amendment is that it should be made an offence to dismiss a man, not who has asserted his rights but for having asserted his rights. The Minister said that this would prevent a farmer dismissing a man and that it would be a hindrance to the right to dismiss. Of course that is not so. Deputy Corry says that it is a useless amendment. Deputy Corry asked us to consider whether he would be idiot enough in dismissing a man to tell him that he was dismissing him for asserting his rights. What Deputy Corry might do, judging by his standard of idiocy, it is hard to understand, but judging it by the standard of idiocy of other people, there might be a good deal of confusion if we had to deliberate on these two grounds. The position is that it is not made an offence for a person to dismiss a man who has asserted his rights. It is made an offence to dismiss him for having asserted his rights. Therefore, the onus of proof is on the man. There is nothing to limit in that way the right to dismiss. Deputy Dunne gave an example and says that he knows of cases in which people were dismissed for that very reason. If that is so, these people should have the right to go to court. It is futile to pass legislation which is intended to have beneficial results for certain sections of the community and then stand back and say: "Where a man seeks to have these benefits applied to him, he will have to suffer any results that may follow. We have done our duty by conferring these benefits on him." There should be a clear right to bring people to court should a man be victimised for having asserted his rights. It is going to happen very rarely but should a farmer be brought to court and charged with this offence, the onus will be on the man to prove it. The Minister says that the employer may say: "Of course, the man was negligent about certain types of work." It will be for an unprejudiced and impartial judge to hear and to determine the case as between the employer and the worker.

The solicitor comes into it again.

The barrister and the solicitor.

There may not be a case brought in six months under it but the fact that it is so hard to prevent that type of dismissal—and Deputy Dunne tells us out of his experience that certain cases have happened— should not prevent us from attempting to deal with cases that may occur. Some Deputies suggest that it will be a useless amendment but it is not going to be so useless that it is not worth utilising the four or five lines in an Act required to deal with it. It seems to me from the way that the amendment has been phrased that it will impose a very heavy onus of proof on the man who wants to bring his employer to court. The onus of proof that his employer has committed the offence will lie upon the worker, and I think he should be allowed to take his chance at that. He will suffer if he fails inasmuch as he will be landed in heavy expenses.

When I read this amendment, I said to myself that it was a great thing that the Bill had escaped such a provision, because I have no doubt that no Minister for Agriculture would ever bring in legislation containing such an empty clause as this. I think that Deputy Dunne, having ventilated the problem, should now withdraw the amendment. Deputy McGilligan has pointed out that the onus of proof is on the dismissed man but I want to ask Deputy McGilligan is it not the Wages Board which would assert the rights of the worker? Therefore the worker would not be asserting his own rights at all. It would be the Wages Board who would be asserting them on his behalf. Deputy Dunne put down the section because of an unfortunate incident that happened in a certain part of the country which I and some of my colleagues know.

Do you agree with his phrase about it?

I do not. It is an accident of life more than anything else. It may happen very often that there is a strike by accident because the workers get vexed about a certain matter and they walk out unjustifiably. Men may be laid off unjustifiably once in a wonder, but that is all. If the Act is sought to be operated in the spirit of this amendment, it would be bad for the whole agricultural community. I am saying that very seriously. I would ask Deputy Dunne in all earnestness to withdraw the amendment because I think it is unjustifiable. It is a slur on the agricultural community and on the farmers. I do not believe that one farmer in 10,000 would dismiss an employee deliberately because he looked for his legal rights. There is nothing on record to prove that, good, bad or indifferent.

I am worried about any piece of new legislation which affects farmers and farm workers. Many Deputies understand that you can do an immense amount of damage to agriculture, apart from this altogether. Many men can lose their employment because a number of farmers go out of business or reduce their production. They could hang on for a long time, and at the same time could reduce their production considerably. That would be bad for the workers. All these problems should be kept in mind when putting through a new piece of legislation that is going seriously to affect the interests of very many farmers as well as their economy and their convenience.

May I ask the Deputy this question? How are the bulk of farmers who, as you say, are not likely to be guilty of any malpractices, likely to be offended by pointing out to them that the bad one amongst them can be brought to court?

You can have organisations looking after the interests of agricultural workers which may not take as responsible a view of things as, shall we say, Deputy Dunne, but Deputy Dunne will have his satellites down the country and they will be all the time pointing out that there is this penalty against farmers. We all know quite well what happens. I think that this amendment would do great damage, and I hope the Minister will oppose it for that reason. If it were in the Bill it would not matter but the fact that it was put into the Bill would do considerable damage to agriculture.

I do not believe that we are going to have the terrific repercussions which have been forecast by the three Deputies on my right hand side if the amendment is accepted. It is intended to be a safeguard. It is not directed against the bulk of the farmers or even against a large minority of farmers. It is directed against some unscrupulous farmer who would, and I know who could, victimise workers for asserting their rights.

Deputy Corry thinks that we should not bind ourselves too much in this Bill by a provision such as that suggested in the amendment. I remember well that, when the Local Authorities (Works) Act was being debated in this House, we had sheaves of amendments from Deputy MacEntee, as he then was, Deputy Smith and other members of the Fianna Fáil Party in an effort, as they alleged, to try to make the Bill watertight. My opinion at the time, and the opinion of the then Government, was that they were simply trying to make the Bill inoperative. Unfortunately, there are farmers who will dismiss their men if they attempt to look for their rightful wages or, as has happened, seek to secure their legal rights in respect of annual holidays or the half-day.

It is significant, and this I am sure must be known to the Minister and his officials, and especially to the officials of the Agricultural Wages Board—I think Deputy Dunne gave an example of it—that, no matter how plucky workers may be down in Wexford, Carlow, Cork or Waterford, there is hardly a single agricultural labourer who will dare write to the Agricultural Wages Board and say: "Farmer Murphy is not paying me the right wages." I speak on this from experience. I am not trying to make any clever point. If I go into a district in my constituency and I meet two, three or four fellows, and suppose one has a complaint to make about the inadequacy of his wages, he will not ask me to report his specific complaint. Because he has no other protection, invariably his request will be: "Would you ask the inspector of the wages board to be sent down into my district." Now, these fellows have been victimised.

I appreciate Deputy Allen's knowledge of the agricultural community, but I would not say that he was fully informed on what he was talking about. He spoke of the relationship between the farmer and the worker. He may have general knowledge of that, but what we are seeking to do here is to legislate for the outlandish cases. We have had examples of these recently where three workers, out of a bunch, had to make guinea-pigs of themselves by seeking a determination in the courts as to whether or not the half-day provision in the 1950 Act was operative or not. In the court proceedings both sides agreed that that particular case was to be a test case, and that there would be no ill will, but immediately the court case was over three of the lads got their notice to quit. It was significant that the three men, in whose names the court proceedings were taken, were dismissed. The Minister and everyone knows, that if an employer wants to sack a man, he can put up a million excuses for doing so. We want to put in a safeguard against that type of thing happening.

Deputy Cogan may not have had any experience of bad relations existing between farmers and workers in the County Wicklow, and the same may be true of Deputy Corry and Deputy Kenneally of Waterford. The practices that I have referred to may not be widespread. This amendment is merely a safeguard against such practices. I know that is a difficult thing to prove even in the courts. As Deputy McGilligan has pointed out, and as Deputy Dunne said when moving the amendment, the onus is on the worker to prove it.

I do not like to talk about any particular employer in my locality, but in the case I have referred to where three men were dismissed, it is unfortunate that two of them are making arrangements to go across to work in England, merely because they were good citizens and went into the court for the benefit of farm workers and farmers all over the country in an effort to get a determination as to whether or not the Deputy Dunne Bill was operative or not. It was proved that it was not. These three fellows had to take the rap and, as I say, two of them are making arrangements to go over to Great Britain. It is to safeguard a situation of that kind arising that we are putting forward this amendment. Deputy Allen said that the acceptance of the amendment would do damage. It would do no harm. I do not think that the farmers would take any offence at its acceptance. It is not an attempt to hound the farmers. We merely want this simple provision to safeguard the worker who, in one case out of a thousand, may be victimised because he asserts his rights.

I agree with Deputy McGilligan on one point when he says that this is a useful amendment. I think it would prove very useful for solicitors in the provinces. It would, I imagine, bring a lot of grist to his mill and perhaps would also bring a certain amount of work to junior and senior counsel. This amendment, if accepted, would, I think, entail a good deal of litigation.

That would depend on the attitude of the farmers.

It would entail a good deal of litigation because that usually happens with much of the legislation drafted by the Labour Party. It sets out that a farmer may be penalised for dismissing a worker for asserting his legal rights. When it comes to the question of defining "what is asserting a legal right," you are bound to have prolonged litigation in the courts. If a worker is dismissed in the ordinary course, as workers are from time to time, he will go into the office of some enterprising local solicitor who will ask him if, over a period of months or years, he has had any discussions with his employer about the half-holiday. If the worker said he has, that would be taken as asserting his right to the half-holiday and the solicitor could advise and would probably advise the worker, if he was anxious to earn a little money, to go into court. The worker might win the case or he might lose the case, as happened under Deputy Dunne's Bill. But, whether he wins or loses, there would be litigation involved and there would be a certain amount of money for the legal profession. Apparently, that is the only useful purpose this amendment would serve.

It would not frighten anyone.

Deputy Dunne seems to be worried about the legal profession as he wants to put a contentious clause into the Bill which would lead to a great amount of litigation in the District Court and perhaps in the higher courts. All Parties would be in agreement that it would be a bad thing if the employers were to combine for concentrated action. As I have said, however, in the ordinary course if a worker is dismissed by one farmer he will get employment the following week from another farmer. No matter how bitter his quarrel with his employer may be, he will have no difficulty in finding employment with another employer.

Mr. Walsh

As I pointed out already, this is a nonsensical amendment. It is unworkable and impracticable. It could never be carried out, because if an employer wants to dismiss a worker there is no difficulty in finding a reason for it. There are hundreds of ways and reasons which he can find if he wants to do it. But, if the half-day is not granted, the employer is penalised for not giving it. First of all, the half-day is introduced to be given on a particular day. There is a mutual agreement if the agricultural worker and the employer agree that the employee should work. Then, in the event of its not being granted, there is a penal clause. The employer is penalised if he does not give it. What more can you bring in? Are we to introduce legislation to direct an employer what he should or should not do or that he should not get rid of an employee? That is what it means, because any excuse can be brought forward, not merely at the time that the action was taken regarding the half-day, if it were ever taken, but six months afterwards. The employee could say: "As a result of my asserting my rights by claiming a half-day I am being dismissed". That will not work for harmonious relations between the worker and the employer. I ask Deputy Dunne, if he wants to have the Bill made a practical and good Bill as far as both parties are concerned, to withdraw the amendment.

The Minister says that this is nonsensical.

Mr. Walsh

From the point of view of putting it into practice.

Of course he has not the experience that we have had in regard to these matters. I should like to add to what Deputy Corish said in regard to the case referred to that the district justice who was hearing the case publicly commented on the fact that the workers concerned had no redress and that he regretted it. That is a situation which needs correction. It has been amply proved here that this amendment could not be used in abuse of the Act. The onus is placed on the worker to prove that he was dismissed. Unlike Deputy Corry, you will get people prepared to go to their workers, following a report to the Agricultural Wages Board that they were not getting a half-day: "You can get out of here. If you want a half-day go somewhere else and get it." There is nothing unusual in a worker being told, if he complains to the Agricultural Wages Board that he is not getting his proper wages, to go somewhere else and be put out on the road.

There has been a lot of talk about the relationship between farmers and farm labourers but in many parts of the country that is wishful thinking. It is not all a bed of roses for the agricultural worker as some Deputies would like us to believe. Many Deputies know that it is not. We are concerned in this amendment to try to protect the agricultural worker. It has been discussed very fully and we propose to put the matter to a division.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 24; Níl, 65.

  • Belton, John.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Davin, William.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Larkin, James.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • O'Leary, Johnny.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Duignan, Peadar.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gallagher, Colm.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Jack (Cork Borough).
  • McCann, John.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheldon, William A. W.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Tellers:— Tá: Deputies Dunne and Hickey; Níl: Deputies Ó Briain and Kili llea.
Amendment declared negatived.
Question:—"That Section 10 stand part of the Bill"— put and agreed to.
Sections 11 to 17 inclusive put and agreed to.
TITLE.
Question proposed: "That the title be the title to the Bill."

Would the Minister consider, for his own sake at any rate, bringing in on Report Stage an interpretation of the word "holiday" because he does not appear to understand it himself? It is very desirable that the Minister should understand the Bill and the meaning of words. Otherwise how can it be administered afterwards?

Mr. Walsh

What is the Deputy's definition of the word "holiday"?

That is your job. Educate yourself.

Ministers always have a holiday.

Question put and agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment.
Report Stage ordered for Wednesday, 26th November, 1952.

Before the discussion ends completely, I just want to make a point of personal explanation. This morning I was remonstrating with Deputy Burke for seeking under publicity while knowing nothing of the Bill under discussion and in the course of my observations I inadvertently remarked that the representative of the Evening Herald was not present in the House. In order that there may be no misunderstanding, I now want to state that in fact the representative of the Evening Herald was in the House and was the first representative here this morning.

A point of personal explanation!

Is the Deputy going to say he is sorry for what he said to Deputy Burke?

Do not be too hard on me.

Barr
Roinn