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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 12 Nov 1953

Vol. 142 No. 13

Private Members' Business. - Valuation Bill, 1953—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed—"That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Mr. Brennan

I was speaking for a few minutes last night on this Bill when I reported progress. I was saying it was an important measure so far as it refers to a problem which interests every single Deputy, every member of a local authority, and practically every citizen of this country. That means we can gauge the importance of the question of the volume of work behind the bringing in of legislation of a suitable type to deal with the problem.

While the Bill provides certain limitations and stabilises valuations to some extent, it does not in any way strike at the root of this problem. In fact, not only does it not strike at the root of the problem so far as people are aggrieved at present, but it tends to rub salt into the sores of those who are aggrieved by the inequitable system operated so haphazardly in the past. As time goes on and if rates tend to rise, those who have been revalued under the old system will continue to bear increasingly heavy burdens in comparison with their neighbours who have not been victims of this disproportionate code as it operated in the past. Therefore, I think it would be a serious thing for this House to pass a half-measure that would perpetuate a grievance—a most fundamental grievance—which is involved in this whole question of revaluation.

Most Deputies pointed out that if a general revaluation were carried out, the burden would fall equitablyon all. That is the happy position we would all visualise, and unless some sort of legislation can be brought in that will envisage that state of affairs and that will tend towards relieving those people who are aggrieved under the old system, then I think we should be better not to bring in any legislation of this type. The present system presents problems which very few people, if anybody, can fully understand. We are told it is based on letting value of premises. In some cases it is based on the capital cost and the contractor's valuation of the premises, or it is based on the profits which derive from the business in the premises. Whether based on one or on all three of these, I cannot very easily see how either test can be applied in a general way to the areas concerned. What might be a true basis for valuation in Meath would certainly not apply in Donegal. What would apply in Dublin City would not apply in Connemara, and local conditions would have to be taken into consideration at all times. I know what it is for an auctioneer and valuer to go around and value premises and property for probate. He is guided by one particular rule and that is local valuation. While he takes into consideration the outgoings on the property, its rateable valuation, ground rent or head rent, its location and the district, the main thing he takes into consideration is its comparison with properties of a similar type that were disposed of within recent times in the same area—which is really the only proper test.

But you have people coming out from the valuation office in Dublin and I have known them to take a cursory glance at buildings extended and in course of time notification is given of a huge increase in valuation. Sometimes I think in spite of all the regulations which govern their procedure, and in spite of the basis it is held they are bound to go on, I think they just think of a number and double it and the valuation is struck. I think until we get some decent code whereby an equitable system will evolve and whereby we may have some—one could hardly hope for a perfect system— more equitable system than thatoperating at the present time, I do not think we should venture with a Bill like this to rub salt into the wounds of those people who were aggrieved under the disproportionate and inequitable system that has been operating. It would be very unfair for people whose valuations have been trebled, say, within the last year, and who are carrying a disproportionate share of the local rates—it would be very unfair for those people to stabilise valuations at this stage and to allow those people to go on, and if rates tend to rise, to have them continuing to carry disproportionate burdens. I do not think anybody in this House would support legislation which would allow that state of affairs to exist, and if we have to wait for a few months until we have fundamental legislation which will tend to resolve these grievances, then I think we will be justified in waiting until that legislation is put before us and until we have an opportunity of criticising its every proposal and amending it at every stage so that we will have a piece of legislation that will settle this outstanding grievance of the people in regard to valuations and the inequitable manner in which they were operated throughout the country as a whole.

I wish to support this Bill. I cannot understand the attitude of some Deputies in opposing it. I do not believe that the Bill is perfect, but the Deputies who introduced it have not claimed that it is perfect. But it is at least going some way towards relieving some of the injustices that exist at the moment. I believe with Deputy Cowan that probably the best way to deal with the matter would be to abolish rates completely. After all, central taxation has gone to such a level now that if we added the local taxation on to it we might get a better scheme in the long run.

At the moment there are very serious injustices occurring under the present system and this Bill proposes to give relief in certain respects. We have at present going around the country a number of health inspectors and they are instructing or compelling people to make certain alterations in their premises and immediately thesealterations are made the valuation officer comes along and increases the valuation. We have the same in the agricultural field. A person wants to be registered under the Milk and Dairies Act and a veterinary inspector comes out and says: "You must build a stall here of certain dimensions. You must build a new dairy." When the farmer has done that the valuation officer comes along and increases the valuation.

There is a story told of two gentlemen that came to a butcher's shop. The first man said: "I am an inspector from the Department of Health. I have come here to tell you to make certain improvements in your premises. And this is my friend from the valuation office who is coming to increase your valuation when you have the improvements made."

We have that actually happening in the country at the moment. This whole system is having the effect of hindering progress. Everybody who travels in rural Ireland can see the deplorable condition of our farm buildings and the outmoded state of our agriculture as compared with other countries. The people are afraid to modernise their buildings, to produce more efficiently and in a more up-to-date manner because of this bogey of increased valuations. The present system is somewhat similar to that which existed in the old landlord and tenant days. Unless some relief is given in the directions indicated in the Bill improvements will not be carried out. We will not have the increased production for which all of us are clamouring. We will not have premises in our cities and towns brightened up as we would like to see them brightened up for events such as An Tóstal.

At the moment, the county manager comes in each year with an estimate to his local authority and he tells that body that he wants so much in the £— 33/- or 35/- in the £. When the local authority reduces the estimate the county manager straightway sends up a list of premises to the valuation office to have the valuations increased and in that way he gets his estimate. That has the result of making the system utterly ridiculous, and it isa serious injustice on certain people.

The rates generally are a very heavy burden throughout the country. Increased valuations have the effect of increasing the rates. In the case of licensed premises, there is also the effect from the owners' point of view —an advantage from the Minister for Finance's point of view—that increased valuations mean an increase in the cost of licences. Increased valuations mean increased revenue to the E.S.B. and a heavier burden on the owners of these premises. Indeed, this is a device to impose concealed taxation on the people.

I have very great pleasure in supporting this measure. While I agree it is not sufficiently comprehensive, because it does not go far enough, it will at least have the effect of removing some of the injustices that exist at the moment.

I am surprised that the Government has not received this Bill with open arms. This Bill is badly needed at the present time and the gratitude of the country is due to Deputy O'Higgins, Deputy Morrissey and the other Deputies responsible for introducing this measure. Apparently when they had the foresight to bring it in the Taoiseach agreed that it was a very good Bill. How can the Government now oppose the Bill? This is one measure for which the country is crying out. There is unemployment in the building trade; this Bill is just the antidote we want for that unemployment. This Bill will create employment. Is the Government anxious to foster unemployment? Deputies protest that they want to see the people in the country provided with work. The one industry which is down and out at the present time is the building industry, and this Bill, if passed, will give that industry the greatest fillip it has ever had.

Everybody knows that at the present time people are afraid to carry out even essential repairs to their premises because they believe that when the valuation officer goes in, it is not alone the repairs that he will examine, but he will examine the whole premises and revalue it fromroof to foundation. This Bill has been introduced at a very opportune time to allay the fears of those people who have a certain amount of capital and are anxious not to have their property, or their landlords' property, as the case may be, fall into disrepair. They are not afraid to spend £500 or £1,000 on putting their premises into proper condition, but they are afraid of the results that that expenditure may have because they may find themselves burdened with an extra £100 or £150 per year which they will have to carry, and their children, and their children's children after them.

I cannot understand the Government's attitude. Two Deputies have introduced this excellent measure which is welcomed by everyone in the country and particularly by the builders who hope to get a lot of contracts straightway when the Bill passes into law. I cannot understand why the Government will not accept it. Are they afraid Deputy O'Higgins or Deputy Morrissey will get some well-deserved kudos? Is that the reason? If that is the reason, then it is a very petty one.

Deputy Lehane adverted to the new health regulations under which people have been requested to reconstruct their premises. Whether that reconstruction will mean more business, or whether it will not, I do not know, but I do know that once the premises are reconstructed the valuations will go up and these people may have to chuck in altogether. Under the present system it might be as well for them to give up because otherwise they will be bled white with rates. If these people carry out these reconstructions they will have to pay through the nose.

Deputies supporting the Government, who are familiar with business, or who are associated with chambers of commerce, must know what the present burden of rates means to business people as a whole. I think the Government will be doing a great disservice to the country if they do not accept this Bill. If it passes into law and is put into operation immediately, thousands of unemployed builders' labourers and tradesmen who are atpresent idle will find remunerative employment. They are hoping that if this Bill is accepted they will find themselves in work again this side of Christmas.

Deputy Crotty and Deputy Lehane made the point that if this Bill goes through it will have the effect of reducing unemployment in the building industry and that it will put into remunerative employment certain of our skilled workers and labourers who are idle at the moment. On the other hand, if this Bill is put into operation and the business community outlined in the Bill is saved and exempted from any further increases in valuations because of extensions or improvements to their premises, surely it is clear to everybody that it is the builders' labourers and building operatives who will have to carry the additional burden of rates on their own houses to pay for the people who, we are now told, will make work for them. This question of valuation is not new. It is because it is so old that it causes so much trouble. Our valuation system is based on an Act brought into operation over 100 years ago. The greatest cause of grievance to-day is not the revaluing of new premises or of premises which have been improved or extended but the fact that a number of valuations are out of date and premises are not bearing the rates that they should carry.

Take, for instance, the case of a business premises to which some small addition was made which resulted in the valuation of, say, £50 being increased to £100. In my opinion the owner of the premises has no cause for complaint. If he maintains that the addition to his premises warrants only a 25 per cent. increase in valuation, which would bring his valuation to £62 10s., I maintain that the person was for many years getting away with a lower valuation than his premises should carry. When he carries out some alteration and the premises are revalued, he has no grouse because he has been getting away with less than his true valuation for 10 to 20 years.

Take the case of a private house in aterrace of houses in which the owner started a little shop for the sale of tobacco, confectionery or minerals. No notice may have been taken of that business venture at the start. Perhaps due to the owner's initiative or to increased prosperity in the area the business became really lucrative. The grouse is not with the shopkeeper in that dwelling-house if he finds his valuation increased, but with his nextdoor neighbour who is paying rates on the same valuation.

This Bill, if passed, would perpetuate that type of grievance. We can only get rid of the grievances that arise as a result of our valuation code by a complete revaluation of the whole country. It is true that a Minister of this House was about to bring in such a Bill for revaluation. I was not a member of the House at that time but from what I have heard I consider that the Minister was lucky in not being run out of the country for proposing such a terrible thing. Yet we all know that the only hope is in complete revaluation. The damage is not being done by the present valuation code but by the manner in which it is administered.

In the absence of any better system, the system of valuing premises and property on letting value is as fair as possible. Many of the grievances in connection with the code have been created by the fact that individual persons were reported by, possibly, the rate collector who was instructed by the local authority to report cases of improvements being carried out. In many cases that has resulted in increased valuations. The grievance is not so much that the valuation has been increased in that case but that the valuation of the premises next door has not been increased. If the valuation of all premises were brought up to date the result would be a lower rate per £ in every county and everybody would be on an equal footing.

There may be other solutions—they have not been suggested in this House —but in my opinion the only solution is to retain the present system of valuing property according to the letting value, relating it to the locality and the district. If that were done and thewhole country were revalued according to present-day values we would have a fairly satisfactory system. To say that this Bill should be welcomed because it will relieve a certain group of the disabilities inherent in the present system is a very wrong approach to this question. Unless it is done for some ulterior motive, I cannot see why anybody should try to press such a Bill through the House.

It has been said that the Bill has had the effect of getting all Parties talking on the subject. If the Bill was introduced for that purpose, it was not a bad idea. If they are genuinely behind this measure I certainly would have no time for it and could not possibly see it do any of the things that are claimed for it by its sponsors. Instead, for instance, of improving the situation generally, would not this matter of relieving certain business premises of any increase in valuation due to improvements or extensions have the effect of further increasing the disparities that already exist as between one premises and another? If a house or a building is being used for a business and that business is improving and increasing, surely no matter what business it is that house as a result of this increased business is a better letting proposition to-day than it was last year, and if there is an increase in valuation because of that, I think it is quite a fair way to do the matter, but our whole problem is that all those places are not being done and kept up to date. If we can by any further legislation in the near future bring about some measure that will see to it that the country as a whole is revalued from the North to the South and from the East to the West and that none of the new valuations so struck will be put into operation until the last is finished—in other words, if they start this month in County Dublin and they do not finish in Donegal or Kerry until this time two years—then I would say that the various valuations should be suspended until such time as the last tenement or property should have got its new valuation, and then all should go on together.

One way at the moment that is open to anybody under the present code of valuation, or to any county, to bring about revision or revaluation of its county is that by the request of the local authority duly furnished to the Valuation Commissioners here in Dublin a valuation revision, if you like, but really in effect a revaluation of that county or rating authority, can be carried out. So far as I understand, there is in operation, or at least a precedent for, such a measure to go through this House so as to relieve those who are revalued within the county of certain property taxes and income-tax legislation. I understand that something of this nature occurred in Waterford some years ago and, to my mind, it could be applied possibly with good effect to all the other counties as they saw fit to apply for revision or revaluation. To say this and to make that claim and that statement in a local authority is rather dangerous for anybody in public life, because of the fact that so much confusion can be created in the minds of ratepayers and so much misrepresentation can be made out of such a statement. But if we look at it with reason and without trying to confuse we will see that without really putting any new valuation code through this House in any way any local authorities in the counties throughout the Twenty-Six Counties can, in effect, bring about that revision and that revaluation on the entire country without having to have new legislation at all. I think myself, and I have said it in my own county council some time ago, that it would be a good thing, and a most disirable thing. When I come to mention my own county council, I think that it would not only be a good thing and a most desirable thing that in my own county particularly such a revaluation should be requested because, as this House knows and people throughout the country know, we have a valution crisis, if you like to call it that, existing at the moment in a town in our county, and that is, Buncrana. Buncrana revaluation was brought about by the self-same means as I have now suggested all county councils may use, when the local urban council byvote of such council asked for a revaluation.

In asking for that revaluation they apparently only saw the good side of asking. They only saw that dwelling-houses which had grown into shops over the years were only paying the old dwelling-house valuation like their next door neighbours who were still living in them as dwelling-houses. They saw things like this, and that what were originally dwelling-houses had enhanced so much in value due to business carried on in them without any structural alteration. When they saw these things in Buncrana, which has flourished and prospered very well under recent law, the disparity in the actual valuations and the old valuations of different premises, although the buildings were originally the same, and in actual structural effect are still the same, was very noticeable. They put this through their local urban council with a view to remedying that situation of where a person was living in a house valued 20 years ago as a dwelling-house at £7 or £10, and another had meantime started up and succeeded very well in running a shop in the house next door. They thought it was time those people next door should carry a fair share of valuation on premises used as business premises, although built as dwelling-houses. Therefore, they asked for and they got very promptly a revaluation of the town. But, as I say, in asking for that apparently they only saw the good side of this manner of equating the different valuations in this town. They did not realise one very fundamental thing, and that was that Buncrana, although a local authority exists there and controls the destinies of that town, is at the same time only part of a rating unit; and, instead of only having to strike a rate to carry the costs of their own town which would work out all right no matter whether it was under the old valuation or the new, where they have been really badly hit is that they must pay the county rate as well as the town. In the town their valuations have been increased by almost 50 per cent. Outside, in the areas of the rating unit in the county, the valuations have notbeen so increased, and the result is that, the rest of the county being a much greater part of the rating unit than Buncrana, an amount has been demanded on that town on a new increased valuation which is in a much greater proportion to what they should be paying all the way through.

They did not apparently see that sang when they were putting this through, and although they saw it very quickly afterwards, and made all efforts to try and stop this being put into effect, it was of no avail, because once the Commissioners of Valuation get hold of a request issued in proper order by a local authority that request must and will be carried through by them, and that new valuation will be struck and enforced irrespective of what other actions that local authority may afterwards decide to take or why they acted.

As I say, in each county or in any county it is now a desirable thing to ask for a revaluation of the entire rating unit. I think that is a good thing in any county, but at the moment it is not only a good thing in our county for the town of Buncrana but it is very essential for that town that some such effort should be made by our local authority for a kick-off in Donegal, so as to relieve Buncrana of an unjust and undue load which they are now carrying because of the revaluation asked for by their own urban council under the misapprehension that it could only bring about good.

Under sub-section (2) of Section 3 of this Bill it is suggested that "Where an increase in the valuation of the tenement including such building is made on an application for the revision of such valuation by reason solely of such enlargement or improvement, such increase shall not have effect until the expiration of a period of seven years from the date of such increase." I cannot see why that particular case should be made for the business community. It is fairly true to say that if a businessman is improving his premises, if he adds to the size of his premises, if he improves their structural layout, it is fairly certain that he is a successful businessman,and if he is a successful businessman he must also be a sensible one, so I take it then that if he adds to his premises in that way and expends money on it he is doing it from a purely business point of view, from a point of view of commercial gain. Surely if he can see that by extending his premises and improving them he could make more money and make a greater success of his business, the rest of the ratepayers in the rating unit or in the county should not allow him to go on for seven years without having any return from him by way of rates on that improved and increased business house, because during those same seven years, I take it, he will be reaping the rewards of his efforts. He will be reaping the benefit of the gain which he hoped to get as a result of his improved business house.

As I have already said, a businessman is a sensible man as, otherwise, he would not be long in business. If he decided to add to his house he is quite sure, before doing so, that it will add to his profits. That being so, surely the community in his particular county can expect part of that profit which is taken from the people as a whole in the same county and surely part of that profit should not be grudged to the community in general in the way of rates when the valuation is increased. I can see no reason for making an exception in this particular case. Neither can I see any particular reason why any part of this Bill should go through, because I can only see its effects in one way. If the effects of this Bill are to make more obvious the disparities that already exist and to increase the grievances and grouses that we all know of throughout the country at the moment due to the inequitable system of valuation—if the Bill can only add to all that, and I can see it achieving nothing else—then no good case can be made for it and we should, with all haste, turn it down and, if possible, bring in some measure in the future which will cater not merely for a particular section of the community but which will try to remedy the grievances which are in existence in all sections at the moment.

Now that we are coming towards the end of the discussion on this stage of the Bill, we can look back and say that at least it has provided this House with a forum to discuss all aspects of valuation. There is no doubt that, because of the attention which the Bill has received by way of support and opposition, the problem must be a very serious one throughout the country.

There is tacit admission by most of the speakers on the Government side that the system of valuation as it exists to-day, and the effects which it has, are detrimental to the increased production which is the expressed desire of all Parties in this House, causing to a certain extent a deterioration in employment in the building trade. It is regrettable that the Government will not accept this Bill in the spirit in which it is offered as a measure at least to relieve some of the hardships caused by the immediate revaluation of all premises in respect of which, in many instances, immediate financial return does not accrue to the person carrying out the improvements. On many occasions it is possible that, through ill-health or some other peculiar circumstances, the people who occupied and owned the premises may not have had the incentive or the wherewithal to improve them, and they may have left them as an inheritance to other members of the family. The new owners would feel, in taking over the premises, that it was incumbent upon them to make up for the deficiencies of the past. It might take the most of a lifetime before they would recover the expense involved—and, to-day, the expense is considerable in that respect. We feel, therefore, that such people would be encouraged if they were not called upon to meet commitments so soon after effecting the improvement works. The condition of the valuation system, as it exists at present, has been described by Government Deputies as "a festering sore" and even as "a cancerous growth," and they have said that nothing short of a severe operation by the Government would save the patient.

If the patient's condition is as badas all that, surely the Government cannot complain because some remedial measure has been taken by the Opposition in the form of this private Bill which has been presented to the House. We, therefore, ask Government Deputies to accept the Bill in that spirit and, if it can be improved later on, well and good. It was at least time that the spotlight of the opinion of this House was directed to this matter of providing an inducement to people to go ahead and improve their premises and brighten up the places where we go to secure the services we require.

Often in this House, on various measures, we pay tribute to the importance of our tourist industry. The Government very quickly accepted the possibility that improvements for the Tóstal might entail increased valuation which would, perhaps, deter many people from incurring the relatively small expenditure that would be involved to brighten up their premises for that event. That was an acceptance by the Government of that state of affairs. People who wish to improve their premises are in dread of increased valuation and, still more so, according as the rates increase. People throughout the country to-day often pose us this question: If we apply for a grant to improve our premises, how soon will we be called upon to pay an increased rate?

There is no doubt that exists. Perhaps it is a legacy from the days when the landlords operated this system and that very same threat has been handed down to us, that, if a man improves his place, he will have to pay for it in the long run.

We must remember that many of the people affected by this are already subject to several means tests in relation to social welfare and many other services and it is unfair to heap upon them the additional burden of increased rates. Is it not a fact that the person who allows his premises or his farm to go into ruin will be immediately compensated by the State? People get the old age pension and possibly that man's widow may get the widow's pension and so on. Is it not only right that we shouldencourage those who will take over such a place, who will engage labour and give valuable employment in providing a place where people can get food or any of the services that they require under proper conditions? Is it not a fact that, particularly in these days when self-driving has increased so considerably, we require an improvement in the premises along our main routes where meals will be available and that these places should conform to the regulations under the Health Act? These places are called on to go to considerable expense in providing amenities, but the moment they do so they get a visit from the valuation officer. There are people in the country who are waiting for the results of this debate with considerable interest and I suggest that, even if the Bill has defects, the House should accept it as something long overdue and, perhaps, in the future it might be possible to go a little further and wipe out injustices which have been admitted by many Deputies to exist in relation to this matter.

Having listened to the speeches made from both sides of the House, it is clear that both sides agree that there is need for legislation to deal with this matter of valuation. I am inclined to believe, however, that it is purely a matter of Party politics that we have not arrived at a decision long ago. While the Bill is effective in many ways, there is no reason why we should not improve it and bring it nearer to our heart's desire. We are supporting the principle of this Bill, but we definitely intend to make it a Bill which can be regarded as satisfactory. Deputies have advocated that it should be an agreed Bill.

Subject to a survey and an understanding of the problem.

I was here in 1939 when a Valuation Bill was brought in. There was a good deal of discussion on that Bill, but it has been pigeonholed since.

The Deputy asks why, but I am not going to waste the time of the House telling him. Briefly, itwas because it was not popular. Neither side was prepared to face it because it was too unpopular to pass. Numbers of people have approached me with regard to this matter of valuation and, even down in Killarney this year, people connected with hotels I was in told me about certain changes they wanted to make, but they said to me: "What is the good of doing it when our rates will go up?" I believe that there is a lot of that type of work being held up for that reason.

Does the Government announcement recently made not solve that?

I do not propose to allow Deputy Briscoe to sidetrack me. If we get this Bill to Committee Stage, all sides can agree on amending it in such a way as to make it suit the interests we have in mind. There is no reason why the Bill should not be supported and then, in Committee Stage, made the Bill the people want. The time has arrived when many of these things are necessary and it is about time we gave up playing Party politics. Let us get down to dealing with these matters in the interests of the people rather than play Party politics. We are not satisfied that the Bill is what it should be, but we have in mind making it the Bill we want. If we do not succeed in that, we will not vote for the passing of the Bill.

This is no new problem. Deputy Corry taunted me last night with regard to this matter of valuation in Cork, but Deputies from Cork know that some of the valuations there are as old as 100 years. They know also that there are new shops, erected following the burning of Cork, which are paying rates on new valuations as against premises the valuations of which have not been increased for over 100 years. The reason these valuations were not increased is that it was felt then that if we raised the valuations, we were doing so in the interests of the British Government. Deputies should know that 1d. rate in Cork City to-day—this is an answer to Deputy Corry, who tried to put me in a wrong light—cannot yet bring in £1,000,which shows that there is something wrong. Is it any wonder that our rate is 38/6 in the £?

This Bill may have its defects, as all Bills have when introduced. The Health Bill was not everything we wanted when it was introduced, but we accepted the principle of it and did everything we could to make a perfect Bill of it. The same applies to the Workmen's Compensation Bill. We were promised that the compensation code was to be greatly changed in the near future, but when it came to a question of supporting the Bill, we found many of the defects we were anxious to get rid of steamrolled through by a Party vote. That is why I urge both sides on this occasion to stop the Party politics. Let us have the Bill, and let us amend and improve it. So far as we are concerned, it will not be passed by our vote, if it is not a satisfactory Bill.

There is this to be said for the Bill, that it has opened up an opportunity for all of us to have a full and frank discussion and exchange of views on this matter. We all realise that this matter of valuations is very complex. The system in operation in this country has been in operation for 101 years, but, having looked at the Bill and studied it I cannot see anything in it, even from the Fine Gael point of view about which one can be laudatory. Its main provision is designed to assist the well-to-do who might in some cases improve their premises for one reason or another. It has often been the case that up-to-date, well-established business premises have been extended with a consequent saving to the owner or occupier.

What I do not like about this Bill is that the movers of it seek to cover up its main principle by telling us that the farmers can get an exemption in respect of any farm buildings they erect which add to the amenities or value of their farms. Speaking subject to correction, I take it that any farm buildings renovated or reconstructed within the past seven or eight years have been allowed a two-thirds remission of rates. I have a very openmind on this matter of valuation, but it is a matter to which I have given a great amount of thought and study. Naturally, any of us who have associations with local bodies, find ourselves confronted with problems of rating and valuation every day, but the one thing which struck me on reading the Bill was that it is sectional, in so far as it is intended to apply, and to apply very beneficially, only to the well-to-do class of the community. I do not give it full marks for any provision it makes in relation to the giving of relief to farmers for the reconstruction of dwelling-houses or renovation of out-offices.

Another thing that struck me very forcibly during the debate is the fact that we have had very little contribution from the Labour benches.

Because we have a very good idea of what is wrong between the two sides of the House. They are just playing Party politics.

Mr. O'Higgins

There is a quiet smile on Deputy ffrench-O'Carroll's face behind you.

It strikes me as rather peculiar that the Labour Deputies should sit idly by and refrain from giving their views on this matter.

Mr. O'Higgins

Look at the corpse behind you.

Deputy Collins is in possession and should be allowed to make his speech.

Is it in order for Deputy O'Higgins to refer to Deputy Dillon and Deputy Flanagan as corpses?

Mr. O'Higgins

Heavy wit.

As I was saying, before I was interrupted, the point I wish to make is that I was really amazed and surprised by the silence of the Labour Party in relation to this Bill. Their contribution, if any, hasbeen negligible. While I appreciate the Fine Gael point of view that this is another effort to assist the conservative elements in whom they have a very special interest, I say that it is just a smoke-screen, a well thought out subterfuge which is being exploited to suggest that the main principles of the Bill will give certain, concessions to farmers who have already derived benefits under the various housing Acts. With other speakers I agree that now, 100 years or more since the Griffith Valuation Act of 1852 was enacted, it is time that this whole question of valuation and revaluation should be tackled. The system as we know it to-day is outworn and outdated. Notwithstanding the assurances Deputy O'Higgins has given us that on the Committee Stage, if we are prepared to do so, we can embody in the Bill certain provisions that are not in it at the moment, I do not know why Labour Deputies, if they have the interests of the labourers of the country at heart, should wait for the Committee Stage to make this Bill the measure they would like it to be.

What about all the other Bills which we amended on Committee Stage?

What amendments did you make?

Deputy Hickey might cease interrupting.

Mr. Collins

I should like to remind Deputy Hickey or any other Labour Deputy that if and when the question of a comprehensive Valuation Bill is under consideration, cognisance should be taken of the fact that, as was mentioned by the Minister for Local Government in introducing his Estimate, the 1947 housing census showed that we needed 72,000 houses in this country and that, as indicated in the report which he presented to this House and was published in the Press, 52,000 people have been housed in this country—artisans in our cities and towns. Is it not the clear, naked fact, known to Labour Deputies and to every other Deputy in the House, thatwhen tenants for these houses are selected by local authorities, they get no remission of rates? According to the present system operated by the Commissioners of Valuation, a valuation as high as £7 is placed on rural cottages and the incoming tenant must pay the full rate in the £ on that valuation from the day he enters into possession.

Is there anything to prevent you amending the Bill to bring about a change in that system?

The same thing applies to labourers, artisans, tradesmen or others who are given houses in our towns. Deputy O'Higgins, Deputy Sweetman and Deputy Morrissey, who introduced this Bill, tell us that there is a principle enshrined in the Bill that should be accepted. I shall give them credit for going part of the way, so far as their lights, their political affiliations and their intelligence permit them to go, to seek an amendment in the present system but, surely to goodness, something that is outworn and outdated, having been 101 years in existence, is not good enough to offer to the people. Even if we were free from the Party Whips, I would not support this Bill, because I believe it is tinkering with a matter that requires careful consideration. It requires the calculation and calm deliberation of all sections of this House to devise a measure sufficiently comprehensive to meet present day conditions.

I should like to support the viewpoint of Deputies from this side of the House, and from the other side, who said that the valuation authorities would be well advised to suspend the operation of the system at present in force. I heard Deputy Blaney speak of the situation which operates in Buncrana. I know of several cases myself in West Limerick where valuations were raised on houses that were not even reconstructed or renovated. These houses had their valuations increased in the last five years by at least 300 per cent.

I remember an occasion in this House when the then Deputy Kissane,Deputy McEllistrim and myself tabled a question to the then Minister for Finance, Deputy McGilligan, asking if it were not a fact that during his term of office as Minister for Finance a circular marked, "Private and confidential", was sent from the Revenue Commissioners to the Commissioners of Valuation and to all city and county managers, asking them to go through their rate books and to list therefrom premises with a per-1914 valuation, special emphasis being laid on the fact that licensed premises should get priority of place in such lists, which they were asked to submit for revaluation to the Commissioners of Valuation in Dublin. In a supplementary to the then Minister for Finance I repeated that question but he did not answer me. I wonder will it be challenged now by the promoters of this Bill that I am stating the truth when I say that a secret, private and confidential circular was sent out in 1948 to local authorities to list pre-1914 ratings, whether the premises were renovated or not? They were to be listed on the grounds, of course, that their letting value at that time was much greater than it had been prior to 1914. I say the whole system is wrong. In so far as this Bill focuses attention on the question of valuation, I think I can say that Deputy O'Higgins has done a good day's work in introducing it and that he is deserving of credit from all sides of the House to that extent. We have had unanimity amongst Deputies generally that some comprehensive measure will have to be introduced——

If this Bill gets a Second Reading, it will come up in Committee and then you can do what you like with it.

That is another day's work.

I should point out to my namesake that if we allow this Bill to go through on Second Reading, it will not be possible to make any fundamental change in the principle of the Bill on the Committee Stage.

I cannot make up my mind whether you are against this Bill or for it.

I am making the point that a certain amount of credit is due to Deputy O'Higgins for introducing the Bill, but if Deputies opposite are sincere in their desire to tackle this serious problem I suggest that they should simply withdraw this Bill and give all Parties of the House an opportunity of bringing in some measure that will be comprehensive and more equitable to all sections.

We will give you a chance not to vote against the Bill.

Mr. O'Higgins

I have difficulty in understanding why you should speak on the Bill at all.

I know where I stand. But I cannot understand why the Labour Party should sit idly by and allow Fine Gael to introduce a Bill without any provision being made for the 52,000 labourers and workers who occupy local authority houses. That is what I have against it.

Have not the Fine Gael Party a perfect right to introduce any Bill?

They have a perfect right and I can appreciate their doing it from their own particular angle, but I do not understand how Deputy Hickey can support it.

Listening to Deputy Collins one would not know whether he was for or against the Bill.

Deputy Hickey has already spoken and should allow Deputy Collins to proceed.

I did not intend to speak as long as I have spoken but I am glad that I had an opportunity of making the few points I have made. I say to Deputy O'Higgins that he should withdraw the Bill. The responsible Minister, I am sure, when he is considering the bringing in of a more comprehensive and equitable Bill will give full and due consideration to all the points made by Deputies from all sides of the House, including my worthy friend, Deputy Hickey.

Mr. O'Higgins

I am sorry that Deputy Collins did not speak a little longer because, if he had done so, I think he would have talked himself into clear support for this Bill. The trouble with Deputy Collins is, of course, as he expressed it in the middle of his speech, that he is not free.

On a point of explanation. I did not say that. I said that if I were free I would not support it.

Mr. O'Higgins

Deputy Collins's speech certainly convinced me, as it did several other Deputies, that if he were free he would act as a man and would support this Bill, but he is not free. Accordingly, Deputy Collins, who recognises in this Bill something worth while which should be accepted by the House, is put in the appalling position of speaking and voting against it. Beside him on the other side of the House are many Deputies similarly situated. Some of them are new recruits to Fianna Fáil but they are opposing a measure which they know to be sound common sense. Deputy Collins, I am sorry to mention his name so often, finds himself saying, I think his exact words were, that there was great credit due to the Deputies who introduced this Bill for introducing it but, if they were sincere, they should withdraw it. That is an appalling situation for poor Deputy Collins to find himself in.

On a point of explanation.

Mr. O'Higgins

These were the words he used.

Deputy O'Higgins has given that a twist which is in keeping with his form.

The Deputy should be allowed to reply.

Mr. O'Higgins

I am sure that if Deputy McGrath and Deputy Collins were free men they would act according to their conscience and support the Bill. The Bill was opposed by the Minister for Finance some weeks agowhen it was introduced. He described it in his own provocative way as being a half-backed proposal. I do not want to be hard on the Minister for that particular phrase, but he did so describe it. It is a half-baked proposal, according to the Minister, that in the last four months has done extraordinary things. It was introduced into this House in the month of June of this year, and it was followed shortly afterwards by a panicky announcement by the Minister for Local Government that he proposed to introduce certain remission of rates proposals. The introduction of the Bill was followed by a sort of leap-frogging by Fianna Fáil Deputies and members of the Dublin Corporation who were anxious to assure the citizens of Dublin that they were going to introduce some measure of rate relief. That half-baked proposal has certainly achieved that extraordinary result in the last three or four months. There has not been a measure within recent years—and it is a compliment to the House—that has aroused so much discussion as this Bill has aroused in this House. Some 33 Deputies have spoken on it, a tribute again to the intelligence and wisdom of this House. The only regret is that more Deputies are not free to vote as they have been free to speak.

I do not want to go over again the case made for this Bill. In introducing it, I said that it was not intended to be a comprehensive measure. It was an effort made by private Deputies to remedy in some small way a burning grievance felt by the people of this country. It has been introduced at a time of economic depression, at a time when throughout the country the people are feeling the brunt of bad times. I would have thought that any measure which helped to provide employment, to increase domestic capital and, generally, to set going again even in a small way the wheels of business would receive general acceptance in this House.

This measure would tend to do that. It would tend to provide employment, to increase business and, in a small way, help to dispel the clouds ofeconomic depression which are at present gathered over the country. Of course, it would be accepted by every Deputy in this House, if they were free to vote according to their conscience. But the Minister for Finance has opposed it and, because he has opposed it, every Fianna Fáil Deputy, new and old, must act in accordance with the particular programme laid down.

Three months ago, Deputy Cogan would have been the first Deputy to applaud this Bill. Deputy Cogan, as a free farmer from Wicklow, promoted a ratepayers' organisation and stumped the country from Wicklow to Cork and up to Donegal, fighting the ratepayers' battle before he joined the man whom he had described as "the senile delinquent in the Fianna Fáil Party". Now, like so many other Deputies who are not free, he must do what he is told to do.

Just like Fine Gael.

Mr. O'Higgins

Deputy ffrench-O'Carroll was remarkably silent on this Bill. If he were still free or semi-free, would he not be one of the first city Deputies to speak on behalf of the small shopkeepers of this city who are at present being ground down by the burden of rates? He is silent, however, and the only reason he sat in this House throughout the discussion on this Bill is to wait to vote when the question is put.

The Deputy was very silent when Deputy McGilligan increased the valuation of business houses in the County Dublin.

Deputy O'Higgins is in possession and Deputy Burke should cease interrupting.

Mr. O'Higgins

I want to refer, Sir, to the songs put on the card by the Minister for Finance. They have been sung by Fianna Fáil Deputies since, with one exception because, even in a bad chorus, there is occasionally a good voice. I am glad to say that in the bad chorus of Fianna Fáil there was one good voice in the person of Deputy Seán Flanagan. We welcomedthe very fine approach he made to this Bill, but the songs that the Minister for Finance ordained should be sung were numerous. Many of them would not be acceptable in this House because of our strict censorship rules, but I suppose some of them should be dealt with here.

The Minister for Finance said that this was a bit of class legislation. I do not know whether that was intended to be taken seriously. He said it was class legislation. That may be a good debating point. I do not know whether it makes good sense either to Deputies here or to the people outside. I suppose, when the Tourist Traffic Act was introduced last year providing for grants for hotels, it would have been fair to describe that as class legislation.

Because of the employment it gave.

Mr. O'Higgins

I am sure, when Deputy Briscoe is Minister for Finance and introduces legislation providing for the reduction of the dance tax, that that could be described as class legislation. I am certain in the same way that when we in this Bill provide for the general body of ratepayers, as we undoubtedly do, it is a good debating point for the Minister for Finance to describe that as class legislation.

The fact is that under this Bill we hope to help not the better-off section —they are no concern of ours—but the ordinary struggling shopkeepers of this country, the people who have a small business and who find it difficult to pay their way, to make ends meet, and who are anxious at times to expand and improve their premises for the business they are doing. Those people dare not at the moment put a drop of paint on the smallest brush for fear of the visit of the rate collector and a revaluation of their premises. Those are the people we are endeavouring to help and if that is class legislation I am proud of it.

I think that every Deputy opposite recognises the good sense of what we are endeavouring to do. If this Bill became law—I am certain this Bill either in its present form or in some similar form will become law—it willbe possible then to encourage the decent kind of business conditions that we would all like to see obtaining in this country. Mind you, deliberately in this Bill we did not, as we might have done—and the Government apparently propose doing it—merely try to bring about a remission in rates. Quite deliberately we did not do that. We sought to bring about a postponement of valuation because we know well that if the owner of a business house proceeds to expend capital on reconstructing or enlarging it, his valuation is substantially increased.

There is very little use saying to him: "We will give you two-thirds remission rates for a number of years" when his income-tax doubles or trebles; when, if he is a publican, his excise duty is increased and when his charges for electric light and water are substantially increased because the valuation has gone up, although the charge on valuation for poor rate is not collected. It is for that precise purpose that in this Bill we proposed to give a postponement of valuation, not a remission of rates, so that every businessman could be encouraged if necessary to borrow money from the bank or somebody else and invest it in improving his business in the knowledge that he would not have to meet, in addition to bank charges and other charges, new taxes for rates and valuation, excise duty and various things of that kind. That is why this Bill is introduced, not as a remission of rates Bill, but as a Valuation Bill.

The Minister and, of course, other Deputies also suggested that the Bill proposes to stabilise valuations. Under Section 2 of the Bill we propose that no valuation may be increased unless there has been some form of improvement or structural alteration. That does not mean that valuations may not be reduced. We had in mind in that section many examples of wholesale general valuations in particular areas. We had particularly in mind the case of Buncrana and other areas throughout the country where a general revaluation took place and the valuation of particular houses was increased although, in fact, no alteration whatsoever took place.

We also had in mind what is happening at the moment in the Store Street area of the city which is represented by Deputy Cowan. I have no doubt Deputy Cowan will support this Bill. Merely because a large building has been built within 20 or 30 yards of business premises these premises are scheduled for revision. The people who own these premises may have done nothing whatsoever in the way of alteration or anything of that kind, but the mere fact that the Store Street palace for civil servants and refuge for passenger——

The refuge was very necessary.

Mr. O'Higgins

Which is first?

What we built it for— a bus station.

Mr. O'Higgins

Who gets the shower baths?

It was you people who altered it.

Mr. O'Higgins

Merely because Store Street has been built, a revaluation is now about to take place in that particular area. Our Bill, if it becomes law, will prevent the valuation being increased on any building unless, of course, the owner of it has enlarged it, reconstructed it or done something of that kind.

Or even if the ratepayers' money has been spent in considerable sums in improving the area?

Mr. O'Higgins

I will deal with Deputy Briscoe in a moment, but if, in fact, reconstruction does take place, then, under Section 3, we propose that the increase in valuation shall not operate for a period of seven years.

The Minister made one reference to Section 2 which was quite sound, again in theory. He imagined the case of an ordinary residence which ceased to be used as a residence and which it was proposed to use for the purpose of offices or something of that kind. He had to indulge in considerable mental exercises to imagine how that changeof user could be effected without any structural alteration whatever. He apparently did think that was possible, but it certainly is not intended by me, or by any other Deputy supporting this Bill, where such a change of user takes place, without any alteration whatever, that there should not be an alteration in the valuation. That is a matter of detail and can be dealt with on a later stage of the Bill.

The Minister also referred to farm buildings. I want to say a word about them. It is very easy for the Minister for Finance, or for anybody else, to point to a section in the Act of 1852 which provides that where a farmer erects a farm building or an outhouse he will have two-thirds remission of rates for a period of years. It is easy for the Minister to say that that concession is already there. If it were there already, we would not be inserting Section 3 in this Bill. It is because of my experience, and the experience of many other country Deputies, that where an existing farm building is reconstructed—where, for example, an old shed is turned into a machine house and something more substantial is put in its place—there is a revaluation of that building, and the valuation is increased. It is because of that, that in Section 3 we are providing for farmers, as we do for business people, that if any farmer wants to carry out reconstruction or to improve a building on his farm, he will have the assurance that the increase in valuation will not take place for a period of seven years. We are there providing something what is not there at the moment.

I am very glad and very grateful to Deputies in the Labour Party and to some other Deputies who referred to what they called omissions in this Bill. There is no Deputy here who could imagine himself sufficiently competent in a short Bill of this kind, to deal with all the things that all of us would like to deal with. It was not due to an oversight, for instance, that dwelling-houses were not provided for in this Bill. Any person who at the moment reconstructs or alters a dwelling-house is entitled to a two-thirds remission of rates under an Act passed in 1940, andcontinued a number of times since. It is for that reason that the Bill does not set out to deal with dwelling-houses. I am conscious, and we were conscious at the time, that people might say: "Well, why should not the owner of a dwelling-house get a postponement of valuation instead of a remission of rates?" We thought not. We thought, with regard to the reconstruction of dwelling-houses, that the position there is covered amply at the moment.

A different case arises with regard to labourers' cottages. At the moment, in many counties, purchase schemes are coming into operation, and quite a number of tenants to local authorities will, in the near future, purchase out their cottages. The cottages which they will purchase out under the first schemes will, to a large extent, be the older cottages. Most of them who will buy out these houses will do so with the intention of expending money immediately on reconstruction or improvement. We have considered carefully, and had considered carefully, whether or not those cottages could then be regarded as cottages provided under the Labourers' Acts. If they cannot be so regarded, then a full remission of rates is already provided for and will apply, but in case there should be a doubt in the mind of any Deputy with regard to this matter, we shall certainly take steps on the next stage of the Bill adequately to provide for labourers's cottages, and for any other doubts that Deputies may have as to what is covered by the Bill.

I do not want to delay the House unduly, but in so far as it has been possible to diagnose from the speeches made on the opposite side, a line of logical opposition to this Bill, it seems to be based on a demand for a general revaluation throughout the country. The Minister for Finance is the father of the idea of revaluation. It was he who introduced the Bill designed to that end in 1938. In this debate, his views in that regard were repeated by Deputy Briscoe, and by quite a number of other Deputies. Now that is a point of view. A general revaluation is, apparently, the aim and policy of the Government at the moment. I do notknow whether those who talk about it consider what is likely to happen. Of course, it could immediately be said, as the Minister for Finance said, that the poundage rate will drop. That is perfectly obvious, and I give no one any marks for that. If, at the moment, the house that any one of us lives in could be let at, say, £200 a year, and if there was to be a general revaluation, the poor law valuation of that house, subject to some obvious deductions, should be £200 a year. We may take it that if, in every part of Ireland, a general revaluation took place, valuations would be increased some ten or 12 times.

That is, provided we accept the 1852 Act as the basis. Is that not so?

Mr. O'Higgins

Can the Deputy suggest, contrary to the Minister for Finance, any other basis of valuation? The Minister for Finance represented me as being opposed to the basis of valuation set out in the 1852 Act. If the Deputy can suggest some other basis of valuation, well, then, he is next man to Griffith.

I suggested a survey first.

Mr. O'Higgins

The important thing that has emerged from this debate is this idea of a general revaluation. I want to warn the Government and Deputies who are inclined to be affected by that kind of policy that they are starting something extremely dangerous. The idea of valuation, the idea of the poor rate, is something that was put upon this country 100 years ago. We are the only part of the United Kingdom that has still retained it as it is retained here, and in this House the only Party that is concerned to see it maintained and, in fact, increased, is the Fianna Fáil Party, the most conservative Party in Ireland. In England, in the North of Ireland, in any part of the United Kingdom that was then affected by this idea of valuation and poor rate, adaptations have been made, but in this country in 1953, 101 years later, when two or three private Deputiesproduce a small, humble measure, they are termed as class legislators by the Government Party.

There is great danger in a general revaluation. I know it will never happen because, if it does, local taxation will succeed in destroying all initiative. I am astounded to see Deputy Cogan quiescent and calm behind the Party that proposes a general revaluation. I am astounded to see Dublin Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party calmly accepting a demand for a general revaluation as made by the Minister, by Deputy Briscoe and other Deputies over there.

Mr. A. Byrne

And which they ran away from in 1939.

Mr. O'Higgins

We know what happened to the Valuation Bill of 1938.

This Party never ran away from anything.

Mr. A. Byrne

You did in 1939.

DeputyO'Higgins should be allowed to conclude.

Mr. O'Higgins

This Bill has been discussed extremely well here subject to the limitations imposed on Fianna Fáil Deputies. Whether or not it is accepted by the House this proposal or something similar has been accepted by the people. The Government need not think that coming in here in a month's time with a tiny little mouse called a Remission of Rates Bill will suffice. It will not. What the people require if business is to expand, if employment is to be made available, is something far more than a proposal to remit rates for any period. I am glad we have had an opportunity of proposing the Bill, and I am glad that Deputies on all sides of the House who have moaned about the ratepayer, who have inveighed against the rate collector, who have sneered at the Valuation Office and at all those persons and officials who are countenanced by the present state of the law, will have an opportunity now to vote according to their conscience, if they are free men.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 57; Níl, 59.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Belton, John.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Byrne, Thomas, N.J.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Carew, John.
  • Cawley, Patrick.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Deering, Mark.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Esmonde, Anthony C.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finan, John.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • Lynch, John (North Kerry)
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Mannion, John.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Murphy, William.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Gorman, Patrick J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Rooney, Eamon.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Dan.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • de Valera, Eamon.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Duignan, Peadar.
  • ffrench-O'Carroll, Michael.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gallagher, Colm.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lynch, Jack (Cork Borough)
  • McCann, John.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • Maguire, Patrick J.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Teller:—Tá: Deputies Doyle and P almer; Níl: Deputies Ó Briain and Hilliard.
Question declared lost.
Barr
Roinn