Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 18 Feb 1954

Vol. 144 No. 6

Local Loans Fund (Amendment) (No.2) Bill, 1953—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. This Bill makes provision for further issues from the Local Loans Fund in respect of local loans. The existing statutory limit on aggregate issues as fixed by the Local Loans Fund (Amendment) Act, 1953, is £70,000,000. The Bill extends this limit to £90,000,000.

Issues from the fund from the 1st May, 1935—when it was established— up to 31st December, 1953, amounted to approximately £57,500,000, of which £47,500,000 was for housing loans, £6,500,000 for public health loans, over £780,000 for a temporary advance to Dublin Corporation under the Finance (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1945, in connection with redemption of stock, over £1,000,000 for vocational education loans and £1,500,000 for loans for other services.

Over the same period, sanctions for loans from the fund—including a carry-over from before 1st May, 1935— came to approximately £68,500,000. The difference between the figure for sanctions and the figure for issues is accounted for by the fact that while loans are normally sanctioned in full they are issued in instalments as required by the borrowing authorities.

The total of commitments at 31st December, 1953, stood within £1,500,000 of the present limit of £70,000,000, and the additional margin of £20,000,000 provided for in the Bill should suffice to cover commitments for another two years or so at the present rate of issue.

Would the Minister be good enough, for the purpose of facilitating debate, to give us the rates of interest charged over the period? I think they fluctuated from time to time. Has the Minister got them to his hand?

I have them here. The Local Loans Fund rate of interest was as follows:—

October, 1935

4¾ per cent.

January, 1936

4¾ per cent.

October, 1937

4¾ per cent.

October, 1938

4¾ per cent.

April, 1939

4¾ per cent.

February, 1943

4¼ per cent.

February, 1946

4¼ per cent.

September, 1948

3¼ per cent.

January, 1949

3¼ per cent.

April, 1951

3¼ per cent.

June, 1951

3¼ per cent.

February, 1953

5¼ per cent.

June, 1953

5¼ per cent.

The latest figure—the change made effective a couple of months ago—is 4¾ per cent.

I do not suppose there is any purpose for which it can be more proper for Oireachtas Éireann to authorise the issue of loan money than the purpose of the Local Loans Fund, particularly in so far as that money is advanced to local authorities for the purpose of financing loans to citizens under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts. I want to ask the House, now that we are about to authorise the issue of a further £20,000,000 for this purpose, how can we under the rule of reason continue to approve of an arrangement initiated in February, 1953, whereunder we increased the interest rate chargeable on money borrowed to build houses for our own people by 2 per cent. at a time when, for reasons that seemed good and sufficient to the Minister for Finance, we are actually lending £62,000,000 sterling at 2 per cent. to the British Government to build houses for their people?

Do Deputies appreciate what the increase in the interest rate charged on the Local Loans Fund loans from 3¼ per cent. to 5¼ per cent. effected in February, 1953, involves? It means this, that if a young man contemplating matrimony in the City of Dublin or the City of Cork, the County Limerick, County Mayo, County Westmeath or any other county in Ireland, desires to build his own house and applies to the local authority for a loan under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act wherewith to purchase or build a new house for himself, two consequences flow from his application. One is that, when you had made due allowance for the fact that he got a housing grant under the housing legislation of this Oireachtas and got further assistance by way of grant from the local authority, full allowance for that having been made, the fact that he built his own house and proceeded to pay for it through the machinery of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts, resulted in a net saving to the Exchequer and the local authority of £500 in respect of that house as compared with the charge that would have come in course of payment if that man had sought to secure a municipal house for renting.

It was cheaper to the local authority and to the Government by £500 to facilitate that man to build his own house than it was to get the local authority to build a house and set it to that man at the rents approved by the Department of Local Government. So that, quite apart from the desirable social end of seeing every man build and own his own house, on the purely fiduciary aspect of the question, there was a net saving to the Exchequer and to the local authority in facilitating the man in doing so.

Prior to February, 1953, if such a young man applied to the local authority for a loan under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act to finance the purchase or erection of a house the total cost of which was going to be in the order of £2,000, he redeemed the purchase price of his house over a period, I think, of 30 years by the payment of a weekly rent of 22/- a week. Now, if that young man's brother in February, 1953, purchased an adjoining plot and commissioned a contractor to build him an identical house he would discover that, while his brother had paid out £2,000, owing to the reduced cost of building materials the identical house was only going to cost him about £1,900. Can you conceive of that youth's astonishment when he learned that, as a result of the Government's increasing the interest rate payable on the loan by 2 per cent. he had to pay 34/- a week for 30 years to redeem the cost of his house, while his brother could redeem the cost of a dearer house for a weekly payment of 22/-?

Now, outside of bedlam where is there someone to be found who will justify the proposition that we ought to raise the cost of money by 12/- a week for 30 years for one of our own people while we lend money to the British Government at 2 per cent. to build houses for their people?

On a point of order. How is this relevant to the purpose of the Bill? I do not want to stop the Deputy but I submit it is not relevant.

The Deputy is discussing the question of local finance and that is relevant.

How can it be relevant? The purpose of this Bill is to increase the statutory limit in respect of the Local Loans Fund from £70,000,000 to £90,000,000.

A little knowledge is a dangerous thing.

I warned the Deputy before——

I have raised a point of order and I am asking for a ruling on it. I am entitled to that, no matter what remark Deputy O'Reilly makes.

Deputy Dillon is quite in order so long as he is discussing the purpose for which the money is being voted.

Very good, but I beg to disagree.

The Deputy is entitled to disagree.

I beg to disagree.

Am I not showing great self-restraint?

By not cutting the socks off you.

I am not going to cut the socks off you but if the Deputy wants to throw catherine wheels into this debate he ought to select some one other than his own neighbour when doing so. I do not want to give a sharp answer to one who is my next door neighbour in Ballaghaderreen but I warn him not to trespass too far on my patience.

What has this to do with it? I am entitled to ask a question as to whether the Deputy is in order in what he is saying.

The Deputy is entitled to make a damn fool of himself any time he wants to, but not to expect that he will emerge scatheless.

If Deputy Flanagan is not putting a point of order he should not interrupt. Deputy Dillon is in possession.

He can talk away as long as he likes.

I hope that pious resolution will long survive with the Deputy. Outside of bedlam can there be anyone found to defend the proposition that we should levy 12/- a week upon one of our own young people who is seeking to establish a home in his own country by reason of the cost, not of building materials, not of land and not of labour, but of money at a time when we are lending £62,000,000 sterling to the British Government at 2 per cent. and for what purpose? To build houses for their people. I ask Deputies, if they have familiarised themselves with the proceedings of the British House of Commons, to advert to the fact that the Tory Government in England in the course of the past six weeks had it to say that they were not satisfied that people seeking to borrow money from building societies under the local loans administration there were doing it in sufficient quantity and that they, therefore, proposed to introduce legislation to provide that, if a building society was prepared to advance 80 per cent. of the present valuation of a house, the Government would insure them for the remaining 20 per cent. so that they could advance 100 per cent. to a young person desiring to raise money to build a house in Great Britain. It is our £62,000,000 that is going to be hypothecated by the British Government to insure the building society in Great Britain and to enable it to advance 100 per cent. of the valuation of a house.

It is particularly interesting that it should be the acting-Minister for Finance we should have here to-day, because I pressed the acting-Minister for Finance on a previous occasion, as did certain Deputies on the Labour benches, and he professed to be under the impression that members of the Labour Party were persuading him that he had been directed by the British Chancellor of the Exchequer to raise the lending rate from 3½ per cent. which obtained while our Government was in office, to 5 per cent. which he offered for the National Loan of 1953. The acting-Minister said:—

"I want to make one thing perfectly clear. Our Government raised the borrowing rate by 2 per cent. on our own initiative, because we thought the people who were going to lend us money ought to get a fair interest on the money they lent."

As to £5,000,000 of that money, it was provided by the joint stock banks of this country and we have, apparently, accepted this astonishing proposition: that, in order to secure that the joint stock banks of this country will get a fair interest on the money they lend to the Government of this country, a man who wants to build a house in Ireland under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts must pay 12/- a week over and above what his brother had to pay two years ago. I think that is daft.

Is there any form of credit the redemption of which is more certain than the credit provided to a man to build a house? Suppose the man himself fails to redeem the loan. Is the house not still there? A human being is not like a tortoise—he cannot walk away with his house on his back. The loan is charged on the house, and if the present occupier does not meet the loan charges, his successor in title will. Why should a man be fined 12/- a week for 30 years because he wants to build a house for his own family? Is there anybody in the Dáil who does not want to help a young married man to build his own house? If it is true, and I say it is true, that the British Government can borrow from us £62,000,000 of money at 2 per cent. is there any reason why the credit authorities of this country should not make money available to our Government for the same purpose, particularly in so far as our Government wants that money to relend it to our people to build their own houses?

Do Deputies realise that if we could get that principle accepted and made the consequential reduction in the interest rate levied on Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act loans, the rent of every house in Ireland which has been built under this legislation, and about to be built under this legislation, could be reduced by from 15/- to £1 per week? I want to ask the acting-Minister to pause here and to tell the House does he think it right that money should be offered to a local authority at 5¼ per cent. and that they should relend it to people seeking loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act at 6½ per cent. Does he think that equitable or fair?

I am going to suggest that there is evidence in the record to prove the acting-Minister knows that that course of conduct is wrong and it is rather an interesting story. In February, 1953, the lending rate to local authorities under the Local Loans Fund Act was raised to 5¼ per cent. and I ask Deputies to give special attention to that, because it is a most significant revelation. The question was at once raised in this House: what was going to happen to applicants in the City of Dublin who were already committed to building houses and who were awaiting issue of their loans? I remember certain T.D.s of the Fianna Fáil Party going with an all-Party deputation to the Minister for Finance and I remember the Minister for Finance, after some deliberation, saying: "Where any person's application for a loan under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act has been filed with Dublin Corporation prior to a certain date, that person will get the loan at the old rate and that makes provision for anybody who has his house half built." Then the case was put forward: "Is that concession not an admission that, if the new rate is charged, a great many people who wanted to build houses will not be able to do so?"

Mark this well, for here was the interesting revelation. The Minister could not resist the logic of that argument and this device was employed. Deputies will have noticed that, under the Local Loans Fund Acts, a local authority can borrow money from the fund for a variety of purposes and not only the purposes of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. Dublin Corporation had borrowed from the Local Loans Fund prior to February, 1943, £1,000,000 for another purpose, and of that sum there remained unspent £365,000. The Minister for Finance, in consultation with the Minister for Local Government, told the Dublin Corporation to transfer that £365,000 which they had borrowed at the cheaper rate from the other purpose into the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act fund and to go on issuing loans to applicants at the old rate so long as that balance remained available. That balance has now gone and those who borrow to-day must pay the new rate of 6½ per cent.

I am asking Dáil Éireann now, on the occasion of giving the Government authority to issue a further £20,000,000, to instruct the Government, at least in so far as the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts are concerned, to issue the loan under the Local Loans Fund Acts to a local authority at a rate not exceeding 3¼ per cent. and to take under immediate review the question of whether it might not be made available for this purpose at a cheaper rate.

I am quite certain that, without involving any charge on the Exchequer whatever, we can make the money available forthwith at 3¼ per cent., and I am prepared to make this case, and I think it overdue: the acting-Minister for Finance has justified his Father Christmas Act, the National Development Fund, or whatever cod title he gave it, on the grounds that he was entitled to create a deficit in the Budget without Supplementary Estimates when the unemployment situation was bad. I want to suggest to him that if it is that he has in mind, the relief of unemployment, there is no more effective way to create permanent, remunerative and productive employment throughout the whole of Ireland than to restore vitality to the building industry. If he would proclaim to-morrow that in respect of this £20,000,000, the whole of it, he would appropriate from the National Development Fund a sum sufficient to reduce the annual rate of interest charged to local authorities to 2 per cent., or 1 per cent., on the understanding that they would proceed to advance it to applicants under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act at 2¼ per cent. or 2 per cent., to allow for their administrative costs, I warrant he would put in employment more men in three months than will be put in employment by all the local authority schemes put forward by every county council in Ireland under the National Development Fund. He is quite welcome to go full steam ahead with the other works he has envisaged. Would the Minister be good enough to remind me how long he expects the £20,000,000 to last at the present rate of interest?

About two years.

£500,000 a year out of the National Development Fund to make available loans for the purposes of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act to the local authorities at 1 per cent. on condition that the local authority will lend it out under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act at an increase in rate not greater than will discharge their administrative expenses. That might be 2 or 2¼ per cent. or even less. Does any Deputy in this House doubt that if that announcement were made to-morrow morning an immense stimulus would be given forthwith to housebuilding throughout the whole country that would absorb more unemployed men than any other device that can be envisaged or any other form of expenditure that a local authority could undertake? There is no administrative expense, no supervisors required, no gangers, no engineers, no clerical work in the office, simply the machinery of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act and then leave it to the small contractor and the individual purchaser to make their own arrangement for digging foundations and building the houses.

Surely, if the present Government has created a situation in which it is addled by the problem of unemployment what we want to do to remedy that situation is not to create a multitude of slush funds to pour out money to such of the unemployed as are prepared to come out and pot-wallop for Fianna Fáil. What we want is to create employment that will be available to everybody and will give those whom Fianna Fáil have thrown into unemployment not a temporary relief job but the prospect of permanent employment again at real trade union wages, a job that is going to last, that will entitle them to look forward to something that will not put them under the monthly obligation to come hawking their principles or their souls to the backdoor of a Fianna Fáil cumann for the right to live in their own country.

Let this be the test: do we want to provide permanent employment for our people at work that is dignified, productive and honest? Do we want them to get trade union wages for a fair day's work building homes for themselves and their neighbours? Or do we want to put them cleaning up the Dodder at so much a week or applying to Deputy Cowan's committee—or is it Deputy Briscoe's committee—of the Dublin Corporation for the right to live in their own city? I want to give, and I believe most honest Deputies in this House want to give our people dignified honest employment doing productive work to the advantage of themselves and the nation as a whole. What type of work more accurately corresponds to that criterion than individuals building their own homes and paying for them out of their own earnings? One million pounds out of the £20,000,000 that Fianna Fáil proposes to spend on relief works will put every building operative in Ireland to work within six months. It will make available to every local authority in Ireland all the money they want at an interest rate identical with that at which we are lending money to the British Government—no more. It is no extravagant proposal. On one condition— that they will relend it, adding nothing more to the cost than their cost of administration, to those who wish to borrow it under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. Come, now, are the Deputies of Fianna Fáil so downtrodden and afraid that they dare not get up to approve that proposal? Is there one amongst them with the guts to say: "We know that to enable every man in this country to build his house for a pound a week less than it is costing him now would give more employment than any other single proposal that could be brought before Dáil Éireann?" There is your chance.

One million out of £20,000,000 will put the humblest citizen of this State in a better position to own his own home than can be said of the citizen of any State in the world, and I do not exclude the United States of America or Great Britain. You can build the Bray Road, you can find £9,000,000 to rebuild Dublin Castle, you can send out your message to every county engineer in Ireland to put every scheme that is submitted to him by county councillors into operation without reference to the Department of Local Government or the Department of Finance for prior sanction—you have money to do all that. Why? Because you are going to have a general election in June and you hope, if you do, to add Deputy McQuillan to your numbers between this and then.

The Deputy is getting away from the Bill.

I am not; but you will have not only a slush fund but a trifid tied in triumph to the tail of your chariot to join Deputy ffrench-O'Carroll, Deputy Noel Browne and Deputy Cogan as well.

This is not relevant to the Bill before the House.

I am simply asking not for a slush fund to buy votes, not for a slush fund to decorate the triumph, but simply for the means to enable our neighbours to employ their neighbours, building homes for our people. The proposal to that end is no more extravagant than that our Government should lend money to the Dublin Corporation, the Mayo County Council, the Meath County Council, the Limerick County Council and the Galway County Council so that they, in turn, may lend it to our people living in these counties in order that they may have the wherewithal to build their houses at a rate one-half of that at which we are at present lending it to the Government of Great Britain. If that sounds too radical for the Fianna Fáil Party, let them make it available at the same rate as we are lending it to the British Government, for that will cost nothing at all and they can keep then the £1,000,000 for the slush fund they require. Surely they will not say that in order that their slush fund may be kept intact, and in order that British securities may accumulate in sufficient quantity to maintain calm in Foster Place, our people must go on paying 6¼ per cent. and 6½ per cent. if they aspire to own their own homes, while the British may claim from us ad infinitum the proceeds of the currency reserve at less than 2 per cent.

The Government has recently changed its policy, more because of political considerations than out of any particular solicitude for the effect that policy has had on a great number of workers here. I want to direct the attention of the House to the very substantial decline that has occurred in the numbers employed in building houses. Deputy Dillon has stated very fully the effect which the increase in the interest rate has had on persons building houses or persons availing of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act facilities to acquire houses.

In June, 1951, when the inter-Party Government left office the number of persons employed on local authority housing throughout the country, according to the figures which I have been able to discover, was 11,400 persons employed on that work. That included skilled and unskilled labour. Within two years of June, 1951, the number had dropped to something over 7,200 and at the same time there was a substantial drop in the number of houses under construction by private builders.

All Parties here have from time to time expressed the view that housing is not a political matter and there is general agreement that the housing problem has the support of all those interested in solving the legacy of bad housing, slums and so forth. But that substantial decline is in itself a condemnation of the efforts made in the last two and a half years to deal with the problem. I do not ask the House to accept my views in this matter, but just before Christmas the Fair Trade Commission conducted an investigation into the cost of building materials. It had evidence from builders' providers and builders themselves. Amongst others who gave evidence at that commission was Mr. Bailey, chairman of the Dublin and District Housebuilders' Association.

He expressed the view that there was a slump in building such as had not been seen in the experience of many builders. He was asked by the chairman when did that occur and he said in the last 18 months or two years. He went on to say that last week— he was speaking on 6th December— there were 400 carpenters idle in Dublin. Allowing for the fact that it may have been the slack time from the point of view of the building trade, because of weather and so forth, that fact is indicative of the extraordinary slump that has taken place in building, a slump which has affected not only local authority building but all other building as well. In the main, whatever activity is still being carried on is being carried on on local authority housing schemes. The substantial drop in private building cannot be due to the fact that the demand has been met. Deputies are familiar with the clamour for houses and the clamour for accommodation by every section of the community.

If local authorities are being inundated with applications for houses under construction the same is true in relation to persons availing of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act loans. I do not think there has ever been a spontaneous expression comparable to that to which effect was given in October or November of 1952 when it was announced that it was proposed to raise the interest rate in respect of Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act loans. Without any approach from political Parties, a large number of persons came together, representative of those building houses or acquiring them throughout the City and County of Dublin, and an overflow meeting was held in the Commercial Club in Upper O'Connell Street. As a result of that meeting representations were made to the Minister for Finance and an alteration was effected in so far as persons who had undertaken or entered into commitments to buy or build houses were concerned. That overflow meeting represented people who had saved or who had undertaken commitments on the basis of whatever income they had.

Now, last year, the bank advances showed that in respect of money advanced to builders and persons undertaking that type of work there was a drop of nearly £750,000 as compared with 1952. It is also significant that in the addresses by the various chairmen of the different banks the phrase was used: "There has been no undue restriction of credit." That, of course, implies and admits that there has been a restriction of credit. In fact, I think that is the most emphatic indication given by anybody speaking on this matter. I invite anybody interested to read the addresses of the various chairmen. They all use more or less the same language and that includes the phrase: "No undue restriction of credit." That in itself indicates that they recognise that there has been a restriction of credit and that that restriction of credit has operated in the manner shown by the figures and by the views expressed particularly before the inquiry conducted by the Fair Trade Commission.

The Deputy seems to be getting far away from the Local Loans Bill.

If you bear with me, Sir, you will realise that this matter all turns on the effect of the rise in the interest rate and the serious deterioration that has occurred as a result of that alteration. I believe that there is no scheme which could be embarked upon, either directly by the Government or indirectly by means of State aid to local authorities, which would give in the long run a greater return than the expenditure of money or the advancing of money for housing purposes. It is true that many people consider that in the strictly economic sense money spent on housing does not show an economic return in the same way as it would if advanced for an industrial project or for some other purpose of that nature or probably even for drainage et cetera. But it is agreed national policy that, if it does not show an economic return in the ordinary accepted interpretation of that term, it does give substantial social benefits, benefits which are reflected in better social conditions and which must be reflected in improved health as well.

I believe that there are few projects in which the State could invest money to a considerable extent that would show a return comparable to that given for money invested in housing. For that reason I urge the Minister to alter the interest rate.

Some time after this Government was elected, they pretended that there was a crisis affecting them which prevented them from spending money. They have now thrown all that sham talk, all that preaching, overboard. As far as the Government are concerned, they are prepared now to spend money freely and foolishly if it will show a political return. I ask the Minister to give a small proportion of the £5,000,000 which it is proposed to provide for the National Development Fund for the purpose of providing our own people with adequate housing. We have given substantial advances in money provided for local authorities for housing. The money that is being provided under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act is, I believe, given to a section of the community who have been hit harder than any other section, the section commonly referred to as the white collar workers. They have felt the impact of heavy taxation. They have felt to a considerable degree the heavy burdens placed upon them by the Budget of 1952 which were continued in the Budget of 1953. They have been affected, in common with other sections, by the enormous rise in the cost of living in the last couple of years, a rise which the O.E.E.C. investigation showed was greater than in any other country in Europe. All these things have affected that section of the community. They are thrifty, hard-working and anxious to collaborate with the State in whatever facilities are afforded, and they are prepared to do their share to solve the housing problem.

I believe that the machinery for that is available, that it only requires a Government decision. There is no reason, financial or otherwise, which would prevent the rate of interest from being reduced. There is no reason outside our own control which prevents that. We have within the control of the Government, and within the control of the Oireachtas, the means whereby that decision can be made effective, and it only requires the will to do it. I believe that the Minister would be acting in conformity with the desires of the vast majority of the Deputies, as well as the desires of the majority of the people, if he did that. If he wishes to give expression to it, it is easy to get a Government decision authorising it. I suggest to the Minister that he would substantially alleviate the burdens which persons at present repaying such loans are obliged to bear, and it would act as an incentive to those who have not so far availed of these facilities and who are probably nervous about doing so on account of the heavy interest commitments that they would be obliged to undertake as long as the present interest rate operates.

The more I hear Deputy Dillon the more I am amazed at his impudence. How Deputy Dillon can have the cheek to stand up in this House and say that because the Central Bank holds certain funds in British securities it is lending money to the British Government at 2 per cent. How he can demand that this Government should instruct the Central Bank to withdraw those securities——

You are lending it at 2 per cent. by British Treasury bills.

He must know, as I pointed out in this House time and again, that from April, 1948, until April, 1951, during the term of office of the Coalition Government the sterling holdings of the Central Bank went up by £36,000,000.

And the Local Loans Act was operating at 3¼ per cent.

During the time he was in office the sterling assets of the Central Bank went up by £36,000,000, the sterling assets of Government funds went up by £6,200,000, and the rate of interest on the sterling securities which they bought for that extra £42,000,000 was ½ per cent. Was it to enable John Bull, as Deputy Dillon is wont to call him, or the brutal and bloody Saxon, as he called him on other occasions, to build at a cheap rate that the Coalition Government allowed the Central Bank to increase its sterling holdings by £36,000,000 and the Minister for Finance to increase the holdings of Government funds by £6,000,000? Deputy Dillon is very voluble. On every occasion when I ask him that question, he looks coy.

I will answer that now if you sit down. What a preposterous fraud this is. My plea to-day is that money should be made available to our people at a low rate of interest to build houses. During the years of the inter-Party Government money was available to a person in this country to build his own house under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act at a rate which enabled him to pay it off at 22/- per week. Is that not so? It is now available to him at a rate which costs him 34/- a week. The Minister is now going to borrow £20,000,000 for the National Development Fund. I am asking him, first, to bring back the interest charged on Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act loans to the level obtaining during our administration and out of the National Development Fund, which is designed for the promotion of employment, to contribute a further 1 per cent. reduction in the rates of interest to be charged on loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, thus reducing the rate to 2¼ per cent., and reducing the rent on these houses to £1 per week. What is unreasonable in that? Is there anything coy about that?

The Deputy has avoided the question which I asked him.

What is coy about that?

The Deputy should keep quiet.

You were asking me to talk a moment ago.

The Minister should be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

He asked me to talk a moment ago but he does not like it now.

The Deputy cannot, by interruptions, when I am making my argument, avoid the issue or prevent me from making my point. The Deputy accused us of deliberately giving £62,000,000 to the British Government to build houses at 2 per cent. because the Central Bank had certain funds which it holds partly in gold, partly in British Government securities and partly in dollar securities. During the Deputy's tenure of office as a member of the Coalition Government, the Central Bank did not get 2 per cent. on the money which is held in London.

And they did not charge 6¼ per cent. on loans either.

They got one-fourth of the rate which the Central Bank is getting now. They got ½ per cent. In spite of the fact that there was a report early in 1947 that we required 60,000 or 70,000 odd houses, the Coalition Government allowed the Central Bank to increase its sterling holdings by £36,000,000 during its term of office and allowed the holdings of Government funds to be increased by £6.2 millions—£42,000,000 in all. During the time that the rate paid on the sterling holdings of these institutions was ½ per cent., the local loans rate here was 3¾ per cent. I want to put this question to anybody who listened to Deputy Dillon and who might be carried away by what he says: Why did the Government here at that time, the Coalition Government, charge 3¾ per cent. for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act——

3¼ per cent. You told me 3¼ per cent.

3¾ per cent.

There was ½ per cent. allowed for administration, but it was still 3¼ per cent. for the local authorities.

3¾ per cent.

The rate you read out was 3¼ per cent.

The rate was 3¼ per cent. for the local authority and the local authority lent it at 3¾ per cent.

3¾ per cent. was the rate charged to persons who obtained loans.

And they are now being charged 6¼ per cent.

At the same time, the Central Bank held British securities yielding ½ per cent. Why did the Coalition Government allow that to go on? Was it to enable the British Governmen to build cheap houses that they gave them this money at ½ per cent., as the Deputy put it, while the young man about whom he spoke, who wanted to marry, had to pay 3¾ per cent.? I explained on the Appropriation Bill last November—I do not intend to go into the technicalities of this business again—the difference between the rate of interest on the external reserves held by the Central Bank and the rate of interest on internal credit. I pointed out that, if we wanted to do it, the Government could have created credit and lent money at nil per cent., at no rate of interest. To-day, if we wanted to do it, we could have money created on behalf of the State and lend it out of the Local Loans Fund at ½ per cent. or less. The reason we do not do it is that we want to secure that the economic development of our country will be steady and progressive. Why should we run after every harebrained idea that Deputy Dillon propounds, when he is out of office? In office, he is quite prepared to increase the holdings of British securities of the Central Bank and Government funds, even though these securities yield only ½ per cent.—to increase them by £42,000,000 in three years. In almost the next breath, once he is out of office, he condemns us for allowing the Central Bank to hold securities in London at four times the rate of interest that the Government of which he was a member got on such securities during their term of office. If any Deputy is interested in pursuing that matter further, and seeing the considerations involved, I would refer him to the speeches I made on the Appropriation Bill in the Dáil and in the Seanad.

To come back to the question of housebuilding, the plea is that we should reduce the rate of interest and make money more freely available for the building of houses, particularly through the Local Loans Fund, for the purposes of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. Actually, during the past couple of years the amount of money going out for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act has been increasing. In 1948-49, the first year of the Coalition, £217,000 went out for this purpose.

In 1949-50, £1,118,000; in 1950-51, £1,496,000; in 1951-52, the year in which Fianna Fáil came back, it doubled.

It was £2,791,000.

Good man. That was 3¼ per cent. money, was it not?

The next year it went up again to £3,000,041.

Still the old money?

The rate of interest was changed on the Local Loans Fund in January, 1952.

In February, 1953, you told me.

Yes, in February, 1953.

Homer has nodded.

But notwithstanding that—to be perfectly accurate I gave the interest at various dates but the actual date of the change was the 6th October, 1952.

Well, you told me February, 1953.

I gave you the amount of interest at that date. I did not tell you it was the date of the change.

Do not get cross.

I am not getting cross.

Before you sat down you stated the rates of interest payable on local loans.

And I gave certain dates and I am telling the Deputy the actual date of the change was the 6th October, 1952, and in that year——

There was £3,000,041 issued for small dwellings acquisition?

Just a moment. The local loans fund changed on the 6th October, 1952, and during that year, 1951-52, the figure was £2,791,000 but the next year included the year in which the interest rate changed and it went up to £3,000,000. I want to point out to the Deputy that with the allocation of grants for new houses for all public and private building, including the building that it going on under the Local Loans Fund, it is estimated that this year there will be 300 more houses built with grants than in the year 1952-53. They are going up.

What has that got to do with it?

Will the Deputy behave himself?

These interruptions must cease. Deputy Dillon has already spoken. He should allow the Minister to make his speech.

He does not want me to make a speech.

He wants to blather here for an hour and then let nobody else speak to reply.

The more you talk the deeper you sink.

The fact is that private housebuilding is going ahead fairly rapidly—very rapidly compared to a year or two ago and we must remember that the need for houses has decreased.

I cannot get a house for a fellow living with four children in a room in a tenement in Dublin.

The need for houses has decreased with all the building.

There are people living six in a room in this city and they cannot get houses.

Deputy Dillon cannot make another speech on this.

I remember when the party with which Deputy Dillon became associated and for which he now speaks, was here as a Government in 1931. The then Minister for Local Government was asked to embark on a housebuilding campaign and he said:—

"We cannot go on with any big campaign until the cost of materials falls, until the wage levels fall, to the point where we can build and let houses at an economic rent."

When we came along a year or so afterwards we started to show what was the right thing to do in regard to housebuilding and no Government in the northern hemisphere has given such help for the building of houses, both public and private, as the Fianna Fáil Government. The people were lucky that the Fianna Fáil Government came in in 1932 because otherwise in 1939, when the war broke out, they would be about 120,000 houses short. Between 1932 and 1948 we succeeded in getting something like 46,000 houses built and reconstructed. Our Housing Act of 1947 prepared the way for the great post-war boom in housing. It was only in 1948-49 that timber and other materials became reasonably freely available. Those who remember the difficulty with which anyone who wanted to build a house was faced in 1946-47 will remember that it was impossible to get a piece of piping. You had to pay a black market price for a piece of lead to put in a valley, or if you could not get lead you had to use some poor substitute. We have reached the point now in a large number of local authorities when the demand for houses is falling because those on the waiting list for houses have been given houses. There are two big pockets of bad housing left: one is in Dublin and the other in Cork. The Deputies here from Dublin know that one of the reasons for the slowness in building houses in Dublin in the last year has not been the want of money or the rate of interest but the physical fact that the northern side of the city required a completely new sewerage system. But housing by the public authorities in Dublin is picking up and in the last quarter of 1953 there were 3,006 persons employed.

On a point of order. Can the Dublin Corporation borrow from the Local Loans Fund for housing purposes?

How is it relevant for the Minister to be talking about Dublin municipal housing?

The matter has been referred to by previous speakers and I feel the Minister is entitled to reply.

No, Sir, not municipal housing. The Dublin Corporation cannot borrow from the Local Loans Fund in that connection.

Deputy Cosgrave spoke for ten minutes on unemployment and employment among building workers in Dublin.

I am drawing attention to the fact that the Dublin Corporation cannot borrow from the Local Loans Fund for that purpose.

Dublin Corporation employed more in the last quarter of this year than in the second quarter of 1951.

Not under the Local Loans Fund.

When the last Government left office, there were only 2,770 employed by the Dublin Corporation. There were 3,006 employed last December by the Dublin Corporation.

Stand up and cheer. There are 20,000 unemployed. You put in 200 and put out 20,000. I think we might now have a suspended session and get up and cheer.

The Deputy is almost airborne.

One would want to be.

Every time a full moon comes it gives the Deputy a lift.

The Minister is referring to the building of municipal houses by Dublin Corporation. I submit that the Dublin Corporation cannot raise money from the Local Loans Fund to build municipal houses and that, therefore, it is irrelevant to discuss it.

I am sure the matter was dealt with in a perfectly regular manner.

I am asking on a point of order.

I cannot give a ruling on a point of order unless the matter is actually before me. The Deputy is putting a hypothetical question and I cannot rule on it.

The Dublin Corporation cannot borrow money from the Local Loans Fund for the purpose of municipal housing.

I did not hear the Minister refer to that.

It is only one of Deputy Dillon's usual acts when anybody says something he does not like to hear. He wants it to be "dogs tied and stones loose" all the time. He fulminated here for an hour and when I got up to reply to him he would not allow me to speak. He interrupted me every moment. I gave the Dáil the reason for introducing this measure. We want another £20,000,000 so that we can give loans to local authorities from the Local Loans Fund. The Deputies are aware what the local authorities use these funds for. We are anxious to be in a position to accommodate them if they want the money for local loans, the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, housing, sewerage and all the other matters in which they may engage.

It is anticipated that at the present rate of issue from the fund the £20,000,000 would last another couple of years. I ask the House to vote it.

Question put and agreed to.

Does the Minister want the other stages now?

I would be obliged if I could have them now.

The Minister can have them.

Agreed to take the remaining stages now.

Barr
Roinn