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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 2 Nov 1955

Vol. 153 No. 3

Private Members' Business. - Amendment of Licensing Laws—Motion.

I move:—

That Dáil Éireann is of the opinion that (a) the present system of bona fide licensed trading should be completely re-examined with a view to correcting existing abuses, (b) the normal opening hours in the trade should operate throughout the country on St. Patrick's Day, and (c) the present licensing laws should be amended so as to enable rural dwellers to enjoy the same facilities as are at present afforded to city residents: Dáil Éireann accordingly calls upon the Government to introduce forthwith the necessary amending legislation to this effect.

I do not know whether we can hope to have the same agreement amongst the Deputies on this particular motion on the Order Paper. I can assure the House that, as far as I, personally, am concerned, I am only trying to help the Government in my own small way in connection with a matter that is of great importance. This motion that is before the House is in three sections. I know that there are Deputies on both sides of the House who disagree violently with my suggestions in connection with one or two sections but there is at least one section that will appeal to Deputies on all sides of the House, and if we have agreement on one part I see no reason why the part on which there is agreement cannot be dealt with. The last attempt made in this House to overhaul and improve our liquor laws was made in 1948 by way of Private Members' Bill sponsored by the one and only Deputy Corry.

The Bill introduced by Deputy Corry dealt with only one aspect of this serious problem and that aspect was the injustice that is meted out to the rural dwellers in the matter of Sunday opening hours. His Bill was defeated by an overwhelming majority because Deputies on both sides of the House felt that there were too many issues involved and the only satisfactory way to deal with the problem was by Government action. Many Deputies were strengthened in that belief by the statement made by the then Minister for Justice. Many of the Deputies felt that it was envisaged by the Government that our licensing laws would be overhauled because the then Minister for Justice, Deputy MacEoin, stated, at column 235, Volume 114 of the Official Debates of the 17th February, 1949, with regard to Deputy Corry's Bill:—

"He (Deputy Corry) knew perfectly well that the Department of Justice were examining, and are examining, the whole licensing code. He was told that then, but Deputy Corry saw fit to introduce that Bill and he sees fit, for some reason, to introduce this one now...."

That statement was made by the former Minister for Justice and it led me and others in this House to believe that the Department of Justice were actually engaged in a thorough investigation and examination of the licensing laws with a view to preparing a report for consideration of the Government. That statement was made by the Minister on the 17th February, 1949, six years ago. We all know how painfully slow Government Departments are in preparing legislation, and so forth, and I do not think that there is any Deputy who will disagree that a period of six years is sufficient for any Department to prepare its information for submission to a Government in the form of a report.

In view of the fact that in the last six years no amending legislation or no report has been submitted to this House, I felt it would not be unreasonable on my part to submit a Private Members' motion here in order to bring the matter to the immediate attention of the Government. In moving this motion, I am mindful of the many difficulties that beset a Government in their efforts to bring into operation wise and beneficial licensing laws. For that very reason I have drafted this motion in a broad way so that the Government may take the necessary steps. As I have already said, the motion is in three parts and I feel sure, although all Deputies may not be in agreement with me on all three sections of the motion, that, at the same time, there is something that will appeal to most, if not all members, within its terms.

There is, I might mention at this stage, an amendment here that might appeal to Deputies as being a more reasonable method of dealing with this problem. I am sure the mover of that amendment will give his own reasons, but very briefly I propose to give a few of the reasons why I have submitted this motion in three sections.

The first part of the motion, namely, that the present system of bona fide licensed trading should be completely re-examined with a view to correcting existing abuses, is to my mind the most important part.

The history of the bona fide trade goes back a long way. It is a feature that was introduced here when travelling was really travelling. A day's journey at that particular time was a formidable undertaking. It was very often arduous and caused hardship on the individuals who were making the journey. What was a day's travelling at that time is only an hour's journey to day. We can all accept that the motor-car has indeed brought about a big number of changes.

On the last occasion that a Bill dealing with the licensing laws did go through this House—I think it was in 1943—it was decided then by the Minister for Justice to continue the bona fide laws as a form of experiment—a form of further experiment. That is very important to remember, that the bona fide laws were included in the last legislation that passed through this House as an experiment. The whole idea behind the bona fide laws was to allow a traveller to strengthen himself while on his journey. It was never envisaged that a person would specifically set out on a journey for the purpose of having a drink. That practice has now grown up and we have a very large trade carried on in the sale of liquor under the guise of bona fide.

In and around Dublin we have a rash of bona fide houses where trade really begins when the city public-houses close. We have a picture here in Dublin of the lounge bars where people drink until the normal city closing hour. At the normal closing hour here many of these people, in good form, or in merry form, ready for anything, depart for the bona fide houses. They normally pile into their own cars with their friends and head for those public-houses which have the right to trade up to 12 o'clock. Now, these people—I do not say the majority, but many of them—drink pretty hard up to 12 o'clock. Very often it is a matter of competition to get as many drinks as they can down before 12 o'clock, and it is no exaggeration for me to say that many of these people, after finishing at 12 o'clock, are unfit to drive their cars back home. From 12 o'clock on we have in many areas a procession of murder machines on the roads back to Dublin.

I think it is an extraordinary situation that in many of these premises, these bona fide houses, that the quiet, decent, respectable citizen who is having his pint without causing trouble to anybody has to be turned out at the normal closing hours of 10 or 10.30 from his local public-house and that he is replaced by a group, very often of tipsy individuals who have travelled out for the sole purpose of having a drink in that particular pub. Of course, Deputies may say that this respectable, quiet man who is having his pint may, if he so desires, after leaving the local pub travel, if he has a car, three or four miles and that he then is entitled to more drink. That may be, but they all have not cars.

To my mind, this question of travelling in order to keep within the letter of the law is a real game of musical chairs as far as the law is concerned. It would seem to me, at any rate, that quite a large number of the people who indulge in the bona fide trade—and when I say “indulge in it” I mean from the consumer point of view—have money to spare and I have no objection in the world to the Government relieving them of any spare cash they have in the form of taxation. I do not want to deprive people of their legitimate entertainment, but I also believe that we have responsibility to other people and that the welfare of the ordinary members of the community who are not lucky enough to have this spare cash has to be taken into consideration.

One of the biggest problems arising from this trade, and I do not think anyone will deny this, is the danger of serious accident. There have been Dáil questions asked from time to time dealing with fatal accidents that have occurred on our roads and very often it is significant to note where these accidents take place and the times at which they take place. While that is all I have to say in connection with the first part of the motion, I have a suggestion to make in connection with it. It is to extend the licensing hours in all areas in the hope of eliminating this problem of chasing from one licensed premises to the other in order to keep within the letter of the law. There are Deputies in this House who may not agree with that solution, and I am only putting it forward as my own view; but at any rate I think most Deputies will agree that there is an abuse there and that it is up to us to see what is the best way of dealing with the problem.

The second part of the motion is one that is likely to cause a certain amount of controversy. I make no bones about it at all. It is that normal opening hours in this trade should operate throughout the country on St. Patrick's Day. I will make apology to nobody for that. There are Deputies and plenty of people outside this House who may disagree entirely with my view on that, but I would like to have on the record of the House what I think of it and the reason I think the law should be amended in that respect. It is a well-known fact that more Irish people celebrate St. Patrick's Day outside of Ireland than in it. I quoted the Bishop of Cork last week where he said it was a shame that so many of our people had to celebrate St. Patrick's Day outside the country. I do not for a moment suggest that his lordship's suggestion was that they should celebrate it in the manner indicated in this part of my motion. He was not dealing with it in that respect. But, I believe that many of our exiles abroad have a drink as part of the celebration of St. Patrick's Day and they are none the worse for it.

In this country there is a restriction on the sale of liquor on Good Friday and other days. I am all for that, but I do not think that anybody should compare for a moment our feelings on Good Friday with our feelings on St. Patrick's Day. Tourists arriving in this country are under the impression that St. Patrick's Day is a day on which all Irishmen enjoy themselves, but they soon find that it is a day of gloom.

You do not need to get drunk to enjoy yourself.

Nobody has suggested getting drunk, but I guarantee to the Minister that there are more people drunk when they have to drink stealthily than there would be if the door were open and they were allowed in decently on St. Patrick's Day.

I want to get this clear. The ordinary men and women in this country are not entitled to take a drink on St. Patrick's Day, but on that day there is a dog show in Dublin and I never saw such a number of dog-admirers as come to Dublin on that day. People have to queue to get in to see all the little doggies that are exhibited. Why do they go there? Because they are entitled to have a drink in the show grounds. If it is right to have a drink at the dog show on St. Patrick's Day, what is wrong with the ordinary individual having his drink? Either cut it all out or let them all have it.

Go down to Limerick on St. Patrick's Day. I challenge any Deputy to deny that the position in Limerick City is that every public-house and hotel opens on St. Patrick's Day and they are open illegally as far as the law is concerned. Races are held in Limerick on that day and it has been found impossible to get the public-houses closed when the people know that the hotels can sell drink and are doing so. In recent years, as a result of the crowds getting into the hotels in Limerick for drink on St. Patrick's Day, the position has been that all the public-houses had to open. I hope I will be contradicted if that is not correct. I happen to be very familiar with the position, more so than some of the people in this House. I want to see that state of affairs remedied.

The Minister, by his interjection, more or less showed his own viewpoint on this matter. I am of the opinion that there will be fewer people drunk and reeling around the streets when they can drink openly and aboveboard. I do not suppose, however, that there is much hope of getting the unanimous support of this House for that portion of this motion.

You never know. You might convert them.

I will leave that for the moment and deal with the third portion of the motion, namely, that the present licensing laws should be amended so as to enable rural dwellers to enjoy the same facilities as are at present afforded to city residents. This part of the motion was the subject of a Private Members' Bill by Deputy Corry in 1948 and we know how the House received his Bill at that time. We also know that many of the Deputies who cast their vote at that time were subject to very strong pressure outside this House, when every pioneer group in the country wrote to Deputies. They wrote to me. They threatened to put horns on me and all sorts of things if I supported a Bill that would allow the rural dweller to have the same facilities as the city dweller. The extraordinary thing is that when Deputy Corry sought shortly afterwards to give the same facilities in the city as in the rural areas, namely, to stop the drinking in the cities on Sundays, we did not get the same rush of Deputies into the Division Lobbies to support that Bill.

I do not think it is in order for Deputy McQuillan to castigate the Pioneer Association in this House.

I have not castigated the Pioneer Association. I do not know whether or not Deputy Tully is able to follow my remarks. I am castigating people like Deputy Tully who have not the guts to vote the same way each time, not the Pioneer Association.

Deputy McQuillan did not refer to Deputy Tully in his previous statement; he referred to the Pioneer Association and I think he has no right to try to wangle out of it now. If he is man enough to say it, he should stand over it.

The Chair feels that the Deputy's reference to the Pioneer Association is in order.

I resent the suggestion by Deputy Tully that I am casting aspersions on the Pioneer Association. I have said that they wrote to me and to other Deputies and I am not going to be pressurised by the pioneers or by any other group.

"Threatened to put horns on you" was the expression used.

Yes. What is wrong with that? The Deputy was not in the House that time and probably will not be the next time.

That is not for you to say.

The people of Meath will decide that.

Leave it to them.

If Deputies, for conscience sake, decided it was wrong for the rural dweller to have the same privilege as the city dweller, that it was wrong, according to their consciences, to give this facility to the rural man, how was it right afterwards for them to vote so that the city people would have privileges that were denied to the rural people? I hope Deputy Tully will be able to explain that.

Probably you were on one side and they knew it would be right to be on the other.

Under the Constitution we all have equal rights in this State. I maintain that as far as this section of the licensing code is concerned that right has been negatived. We have a licensing law here that confers liberty and facilities on the city dweller and we have other legislation which penalises the dweller in the rural area. It is obvious, or should be obvious, to all Deputies that Parliament should pass no laws except laws which can be and must be enforced. I believe that the laws made by this House must be enforced impartially as against all sections of the community. It is only common sense that legislation should be capable of general enforcement.

In connection with the hours of trading on Sunday, the law is not being enforced impartially towards all sections of the community. Public-houses in the city areas open for a certain period on Sundays while in rural areas it is an offence to have a drink in your local premises on Sunday. It is a well-known fact that the authorities are incapable of enforcing this harsh law and consequently the law is broken every Sunday of the year. In some cases it is broken quite openly and flagrantly in rural areas. I can put it briefly: there is no respect whatever for the licensing code, as it stands, in the country, and I believe it is bad for legislation generally that there should be no respect for the law. Again I hope I am not hurting Deputy Tully's feelings——

Do not worry about my feelings.

——but whether he likes it or not, and whether the Government like it or not, the countryman will have his drink on a Sunday, if he feels like it, law or no law, and he is not one bit worried as to who condemns him.

This part of my motion seeks not to prevent the city man from his enjoyment on Sunday but to give to the countryman the very same privilege. Judging by the present law, it looks very much as though it were the opinion of this House that the backbone of the nation, namely, the small farmers and workers in rural Ireland, must be protected from themselves by legislation passed by the city man. There are certain tribes in Africa to whom it is an offence to sell intoxicating liquor. I presume the idea is that these people would go mad and shoot down all those who stand for law and order. It would appear that the same mentality exists in this country as regards the rural dwellers—that they would not conduct themselves and consequently would be a menace to society as a whole, if they were allowed to have their refreshment on Sunday just like the city man.

Some Deputies and some people other than Deputies argue that, if the licensing law is changed, there would be more drinking on Sunday in rural areas. I do not accept that and I think we can put it this way: Is there a suggestion that there is more being drunk in Dublin as a result of the fact that they have that privilege on Sunday? I do not see why that fear exists in the minds of the authorities, that the countryman is going to take advantage of the opportunity to drink to excess. There are people in both city and country who will drink to excess at any time, but we cannot have the majority of the community penalised for the sake of this small minority.

I think I have a fairly good knowledge of rural Ireland and I will say this to the Minister, that I am thoroughly convinced that if the licensing code was amended to-morrow morning, to confer on the rural man the same privilege as the city man enjoys, there would not be one extra bottle of stout drunk on Sundays. Deputies who know rural Ireland will agree with me on that. It is while there is illegal drinking going on that there is the danger of drunkenness. When a man gets into a public-house illegally on a Sunday, he sits down silently and takes full advantage of the limited time at his disposal. He will drink as much as he can because he is getting the drink possibly under an obligation to the publican and he sits there as long as he can because he knows he cannot get back if he leaves. There are pubs in rural Ireland to-day—I do not say there are many—in which the safest time to have a drink is when the local sergeant is at Mass on Sunday.

It is no use blaming the publicans for this state of affairs. The majority of publicans are decent, law-abiding men, but they have to live amongst the people and they know their neighbours. It is up to them not to fall out with their neighbours and it has been the custom for years back to allow small farmers who come in two miles on Sunday morning, when Mass is over at 12 o'clock or one o'clock, to have a drink before they face the long journey home. There is nothing wrong with making that position legal. I have said it is no use blaming the publican for lack of public spirit. I know that may be a pun, but, so far as his public spiritedness is concerned, I do not think he differs from any other citizen. If these people are given the opportunity of fixed hours on a Sunday, the majority of the publicans will be delighted to carry the law into operation and it will be a help to them as well.

It is very funny to hear the people who want to save the farmer and the rural worker from the evils of drink. It is not among these people I mention, the rural dwellers, the farmers and workers, that the evils of drink are wrought. I believe the people in rural Ireland can be trusted, that the small farmer and the worker in the rural areas, just like their counterparts in the city, have their feet solidly on the ground, and it is not amongst those sections of our community that the excesses take place. It is, to my mind, amongst the lounge lizards and cocktail guzzlers who flit from one licensed premises to the other that the excessive drinking takes place. I have already referred to them as the group who, when closing time comes in the city, get into their cars with their lady friends, well primed with gin-and-it, and proceed to do a bona fide pub crawl.

That is the law. They are entitled to do that at the moment, but the decent farmer and worker in rural Ireland is not allowed to have a pint on Sunday. The people in the rural areas are entitled to sit down publicly and openly in a clean bar on a Sunday for an hour or two and have their couple of pints and their chat with their neighbours. It must be realised that the period after Mass on Sunday is one of the few occasions on which the rural people have an opportunity of meeting each other in a social way.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 9th November, 1955.
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