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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 13 Jun 1956

Vol. 158 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Finance Bill, 1956—Committee Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That Section 1 stand part of the Bill."

Without passing any criticism on anybody, it seems to me we discussed on this section rather a variety of subjects. However, I do not propose to follow many of the Deputies down some of the tortuous paths they trod. I said before, and I repeat now, that I will give the question of a more general commission on taxation attention immediately we have concluded our examination of the Industrial Taxation Committee's report.

Everybody in the House will accept, I think, that it is quite inevitable that the work of any such commission would involve a great strain for the technical personnel of the Revenue Commissioners. It would be quite impossible for us to provide the facilities that would be required, and properly required, by the general commission, simultaneous with the examination of the report of the Committee on Industrial Taxation. It was for that reason that I made it clear long ago that I was not going to deal with the one until I had finished with the other. The type of commission best suited for that task is one upon which I have not yet come to a final conclusion. I am inclined to disagree with the suggestion made by Deputy Lemass that members of this House should be included. I think it would be better that the members of this House should be free to give their views, completely unfettered, when the report comes to hand, and when a Finance Bill is, perhaps, introduced, based on some such report. Undoubtedly, the task will be very heavy and onerous and will be of long duration.

Deputy Byrne referred to the fact that we are now in the 104th year of income-tax. Notwithstanding the consolidation of the Income Tax Acts in 1918, there has been such a change in the modern structure of society that it is a task of enormous magnitude to consider how income-tax should be fitted in with modern requirements. It will entail a great deal of work. I agree completely with those who said that only a limited number of people are available to give the time and the energy and who have expert knowledge. The question of "Pay As You Earn" is one of many problems in that regard. In some circles, there is a desire for that system and, in other circles, there is a desire that it should not be introduced. Like many other things, it is a problem of how to reconcile two opposing views. The difficulty about "Pay As You Earn", as it is operated on the other side, is the administrative machine that is built up because of the necessity to make variations on any change of earning conditions during the period—cessation of work, cessation of income and so forth —and the exact system that is suitable for an industrial country like theirs is not necessarily suitable for our country.

I have a completely open mind about the type of commission that should be set up. I am inclined to be against the suggestion made by Deputy Lemass. I agree with Deputy Morrissey that this is a need that has not arisen just now, but which arose many years ago. Of course, each year, as it goes unfulfilled, the need for an examination of that sort becomes greater. I do not think one should face that examination, however, on the lines on which many people are inclined to consider it. I think Deputy Allen fairly and truthfully said there was a tendency to consider the revision of any taxation as meaning that the person speaking would pay less and somebody else would have to pay more.

While I agree with Deputy Byrne in many of the things he said in his maiden speech, I cannot agree with him all the way. He certainly put a good deal of time and research into collecting the material for that speech and, for that, he deserves to be complimented. He adumbrated a very city view—a view that did not take any account at all of the position of our primary producers. Not very long ago, I had a very interesting personal experience in regard to the taxation of farmers here and across the water. It so happened that, in my professional business, I had the necessity to have before me for a period of four or five years the accounts of a 300 acre farm in this country and a 280 acre farm in Berkshire. I found that by and large, year in and year out during that period, the payments made to authorities, central and local, were more or less the same in each country. Here, the farmer paid rates on a heavier scale altogether and income-tax on a lighter scale; there, the farmer paid income-tax on a heavier scale and his land was de-rated. In the end, it worked out more or less that what was lost on the swings was made up on the roundabouts. It is not correct, therefore, for Deputy Byrne to take the view he took, that, in regard to taxation, central taxation alone is to be considered.

I do not propose to follow the various Deputies down the paths they trod in relation to this section. I will content myself with saying that I accept that the provisions of our income-tax code are complicated in the extreme. In an endeavour to make them equitable, I am not sure whether we shall be able to make them simpler. Very often, when you set out to try to simplify something that is complicated and, at the same time, to overcome certain anomalies, it works out in the end that you have a very much more complicated system than the system with which you started. Some Deputy —I think it was, perhaps, Deputy Byrne—suggested that this was the last year, he hoped, that this section would be moved. I think anybody who believes that a commission of the sort that is visualised by either side of this House would have produced results in one or even perhaps two years would be a super-optimist altogether. It may be that such a commission may be able to give an interim report on certain limited aspects, but a general review of our income taxation is something that will take an immense amount of time, and the people who undertake it will be very public spirited indeed.

So far as my views as Minister for Finance on income taxation or on taxation on expenditure are concerned, I have made them fairly clear, not merely by words but by deeds. The Budget, which this Finance Bill implements, turned entirely on expenditure taxation to raise the additional sums that were necessary, and in so far as taxation on income is concerned, it gave certain relief for the purpose of getting more industrial efficiency, and, with that industrial efficiency, more employment, in addition to getting more savings; so that, so far as that aspect of the problem is concerned in this Bill, the trend is obviously away from taxation on income, towards taxation on expenditure. At the same time, I must confess that I agree with my predecessor in office, Deputy MacEntee, that I do not see a practical method of carrying it as far as, say, Mr. Kaldor, of having everything dealt with without gathering a tax of that nature.

Mr. Lemass

I did not suggest that members of the Dáil should be included in any committee that may be set up to examine the whole system of taxation. I indicated that, if it was intended to have members of the Dáil, this Party would co-operate. The Minister will, of course, have in mind the fact that, so far as the Committee on Industrial Taxation was concerned, one member of it succeeded in getting elected to the Dáil after he was appointed. The same could happen again.

The Deputy is not suggesting that it was because of his membership of the committee he was elected?

Mr. Lemass

That was probably a handicap. I do not think the Minister should start off with the assumption that this inquiry will necessarily take years. While it will undoubtedly take some time, the aim should be to complete it within the shortest possible time. The British Royal Commission on Taxation, which produced a very voluminous report, succeeded in doing so within two years from its appointment.

It depends entirely on whether you are going to limit it to certain sections or make it general.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 2 agreed to.
SECTION 3.

Mr. Lemass

I move amendment No. 1:—

In sub-section (1), line 13, before ",with" to insert "with a building society".

The Bill proposes that, as an encouragement to savings, the first £25 of interest received on deposits in savings banks or commercial banks should be free of tax. I do not know why the Minister decided to confine the concession to deposits of that kind and did not include deposits in building societies. It is true, of course, that the amount at present held on deposit in the savings banks is considerably greater than the amount held by building societies or invested in their shares.

Would it convenience the Deputy to tell him?

Mr. Lemass

Certainly.

This is intended to be an incentive to a person who is going to invest. The Deputy is aware that as far as the person is concerned he is paid his interest free of tax by the building societies.

Mr. Lemass

That is true, but of course it is not free of tax. The depositor receives it free of tax, but it is not free of tax.

As far as the depositor is concerned, the Deputy's suggestion would be a benefit to the building society rather than to the depositor, and it is the incentive to the depositor I am trying to push.

Mr. Lemass

I do not know if the Minister will appreciate this, that the effect of this section may be to divert to saving societies funds that might otherwise go to building societies, and that would be an undesirable result, particularly in view of the fact that the Minister for Local Government appears now to be relying upon building societies to finance house purchase activities.

If the Deputy looks at the rate of interest, he will see the answer to that.

Mr. Lemass

I appreciate that the amount of interest he will receive from his investment in a commercial or a savings bank will be less than he will get by investing it elsewhere, but the inducement of tax free payment will, I think, be to encourage saving in this particular form to the detriment of savings in other forms. The Minister may not increase the total amount saved, but will divert savings into the savings banks from other organisations. Is that not possible?

The situation is that at present the person who has savings and deposits them in a trustee savings bank, the P.O.S.B., or a commercial bank, has to pay tax assessed under Schedule D in respect of that interest. In respect of money deposited with the building society, he does not have to pay income-tax. The building society in relation to their profits and amounts on administration assessments do pay, but the person concerned does not. He has a yield of whatever percentage it is——

Mr. Lemass

3¼.

3¼, free of tax, and it is going to be, therefore, in excess of what he will get in any event in the other institutions. In addition, if I extended the section as the Deputy would wish, it would not be the personal depositor who would be benefiting but the building society, and I think the Deputy would agree with me that the essential aim in this respect is to make it attractive for the personal depositor to save.

Mr. Lemass

Is there not an official preference being given in this section to one form of savings as against another?

I think the preference will not be of importance, if one is considering the rates of interest.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Mr. Lemass

I move amendment No. 2:—

In sub-section (1), line 14, at the end of the line to insert "or in respect of interest on any Government stock".

I presume that the same argument applies here. It is true that, in the case of Government loans, there are very many big subscriptions in respect of which this concession would be of very little interest, but, again, it seems to me that, if you are going to use the principle of tax concession to encourage saving—the British Royal Commission came out very flatfooted against that principle—we should try to encourage savings of all kinds, or at least savings of any kind which will make funds available for State purposes. I do not know if the Minister can inform us as to the number of investors in the recent loan who subscribed £500 or less at 5 per cent. rate of interest. This concession would be fully effective only in respect of those who subscribed £500 or less; but various concessions have been offered in the past to induce subscriptions to public loans. The most recent was the payment of the interest on those loans free of deduction of tax at source, and it seems to me that, having regard to recent experience, it might be an advantage to extend this concession to induce more extensive subscriptions to any future loans.

I think I appreciate the Deputy's argument, but I believe the better method of dealing with it is that that type of small saving set by the limitation in question—£25—should go into the saving certificates rather than Government stocks. As the Deputy knows the interest on saving certificates is free in any event. The House I know would be glad to note the progress that has been made in the last issue of saving certificates which became available at the beginning of May. That progress has been satisfactory and I hope it will be maintained, but it was because I thought saving certificates were better for that type of small saving than Government stocks that I did not include it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question proposed: "That Section 3 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lemass

What is the position regarding surtax? Will this concession apply to surtax?

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 4, 5 and 6, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 7.

Mr. Lemass

I move:—

To add to the section the following new sub-section:—

( ) The principal section is hereby amended by deleting in sub-section (1) thereof the following words "claims and proves to the Special Commissioners that he "and by substituting the following paragraph for the existing paragraph (a) in that sub-section:

"(a) the income-tax applicable to any dividend or interest received by him in respect of such stocks, shares or securities shall be the standard rate diminished by 20 per cent."

I think amendments Nos. 3 and 4 might be taken together. This is a point which I raised during the course of the Second Reading of the Bill. It seems to me that the need is to divert the interest of investors to Irish as distinct from British investments and anything which may have that result is beneficial. One of the purposes of Section 7 of the Act of 1932 was to bring that about—to increase the interest in, and possible investment in, shares issued on the public market by Irish manufacturing concerns. It was only recently that I attempted to assess the effect of that section upon the Irish stock market and I found it was practically nil. I consulted with accountants and stockbrokers who were familiar with the reaction of the public to the various issues that were offered to them and they all agreed with me that the effect of the section was nil and that, indeed, its existence was hardly known at all to the public.

The reason for that, in my opinion, is that there is no process by which the availability of this relief is made known to the public. The individual investor does not know about Section 7 of the Finance Act of 1932, and he must, as an individual, make application for the relief. It would be very much preferable if some arrangement could be made by which the actual liability to tax of the company which has issued the shares could be reduced by the 20 per cent. for which the 1932 Act provides and that the individual investor would get his dividend with the lesser deduction of tax indicated. I think that the effect would be that the advantages of investing in the publicly-issued shares of Irish companies would become a matter of discussion among investors and would become far more widely known. That is why I would urge that the changes I am suggesting would be made. I appreciate that the amendments as drafted by me would not by themselves be sufficient to bring this about but I have brought them in as indications——

I assume that the Deputy is not going to stand on the wording; it is the principle.

Mr. Lemass

No. Indeed some consequential provision would obviously have to be inserted if the limitations of the 1932 Act were to be maintained. The Minister is aware that the Act limited this relief to individuals who were resident in Ireland. Why it was limited to those individuals I am not quite clear.

There is somebody sitting very near to the Deputy who ought to be able to explain that better than I could.

Mr. Lemass

I do not know if his recollection goes back that far. It seems to me there was no specific reason why corporate bodies should not be encouraged to invest in issues of Irish companies, just the same as individuals should be encouraged to invest in Irish issues. There might be some problem in the case of interlocking companies, but the fact is that there is an increasing probability that the capital provided for Irish industry —as the recent commission report indicated—is coming from what they call institutional investors, insurance companies and other corporate organisations, which have funds available for investment. Also, in the circumstances of to-day, particularly having regard to the policy of the Government as expressed by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, there would seem to be a positive disadvantage in confining the relief to persons resident in Ireland. If it is the aim to encourage increased investment by people outside Ireland in shares in Irish companies, then that limitation should be removed and, indeed, there might even be a case made not to confine the concession to people coming within the provisions of the Control of Manufactures Act.

The main point I want to make is that the purpose of the 1932 Act, Section 7, has been very largely defeated by public ignorance of its existence and that the best way of bringing to the notice of the public the fact that this relief in tax is available in investments in certain types of Irish companies, through shares issued on the stock market, is to provide for a reduction in the company's liability for tax in respect of the distribution of profits to the shareholders so that the shareholder will know when he gets the dividend direct that that relief is there.

I will admit that the point about corporate investment invalidates calculations I made previously but it seems to me there is a substantial number of individual shareholders entitled to this relief who are not getting it either because the companies who issued the shares have not sought the certificate under this section or because they themselves are unaware that they are entitled to this concession.

As the Deputy is probably aware, every dividend counterfoil issued, in respect of which Section 7 applies, must bear on its face the statement that the 20 per cent. allowance can be claimed in respect of it. If there is any further lack of knowledge by individual stockholders it is a lack which can be made good to a large extent by stockbrokers, solicitors and accountants and people like that who are dealing with the personal affairs of individual investors.

I must say that my experience is the opposite of the Deputy's. I have experience of cases where the relief was always eagerly looked to and where there was never any difficulty whatever in obtaining the offset. I accept, of course, there were cases in which there was a direct assessment under Schedule D on other income of the people concerned, in addition to the dividend which they received taxed at source. But the Deputy is wrong when he thinks that the administration of the Act requires personal application; in fact, it does not——

Mr. Lemass

It says so.

I know the Act so states, but the administrative method of dealing with it, as I know to my own personal knowledge, is that one merely refers to the dividends in one's tax return. Every taxpayer has to complete a return in order to get marriage allowances, children's allowances, dependent relatives' allowances or any other allowances. He does not get any of those without completing a return, and if he inserts on that return that he has, shall we say, sugar company shares which were issued subject to Section 7 certificate, then he automatically gets an offset in respect of any interest which falls to be taxed by direct assessment under Schedule D. It is only in the rarest cases— and again I have personal knowledge — that the inspector of taxes asks for the dividend counterfoils or for proof of ownership. It is dealt with regularly, year after year, by inclusion on the return in the same way as marriage allowance is given automatically as soon as the name of the wife is included in the return.

Mr. Lemass

All that is required is publicity then. People are unaware of that provision.

Let us hope the fact that the Deputy raised the matter will give it sufficient publicity.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 7 agreed to.
SECTION 8.

Mr. Lemass

I move amendment No. 4:—

Before Section 8, but in Part I, to insert the following new section:—

( ) When an individual pays a premium under an annuity contract, approved by the Revenue Commissioners as having for its main object the provision for the individual of a life annuity in old age, the amount of that premium shall be deducted from his relevant earnings for the year of assessment in which the premium is paid.

This amendment is taken from a section in the British Finance Act of this year. The section in the British Act was based on a recommendation of the British Royal Commission upon the taxation of profits and income. The section in the British Act covered four pages.

Actually, it covered six-and-a-half pages. I am glad the Deputy did not put down the whole of it.

Mr. Lemass

I thought the first part would be sufficient. The purpose of that section and of this amendment is to attempt to deal with the special position of self-employed persons in making provision for their old age— making provision for retirement pensions when their earning lives have ceased. The problem was, perhaps, debated more in Britain than it has been here, because of the operation of their whole national insurance scheme, under which everybody has to contribute and under which everybody who contributes becomes entitled to a retirement pension. We have not got such a comprehensive system here, but the existence of that comprehensive scheme in Britain highlighted the particular problem of the self-employed person who was not covered in the ordinary way by a scheme which applied only to employed persons. Here, as in Britain, we have the same proportion of persons who make their livelihoods by their own efforts in self-employment —people, not employed for wages, who follow various trades and occupations on their own.

There is, I think, every reason to assist and facilitate those people, in making provision during their early earning years, to provide for their old age. The provisions contained in the British Act sought to exempt from income-tax the premiums which these people pay to purchase old age retirement pensions. That is what I propose here. There is a concession under the Income Tax Act, but it does not go as far as would be desirable in this regard. Having regard to the points made by the Minister during the Second Reading, I believe the granting of this concession would stimulate a greater volume of savings. I think this provision would encourage people to set aside from their present earnings a certain sum for retirement pensions. On the whole, it seems a desirable provision and, while I cannot calculate what it might cost——

No question of cost arises. The matter is extremely complicated in itself and is part of a very complicated field of interlocking questions. We have been examining these for some time, but I found, I regret, that the examination had not concluded in anything like sufficient time to be able to incorporate the result of our examination in this year's Finance Bill. I can stress how complicated it is when I say the British section dealing with this matter covers six and a half pages. We propose to proceed with our examination as expeditiously as possible. I propose to examine the whole question in the light of certain representations being made to me on behalf of bodies of self-employed persons, such as the Incorporated Law Society. The Bar of Ireland is another. I hesitate to mention the bodies on whose behalf representations were made.

Mr. Lemass

Apparently they have much more influence with the Minister than I have.

The first of these representations came only at the end of April.

Mr. Lemass

I am satisfied, so long as I know the matter is being examined.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Mr. Lemass

I move amendment No. 5:—

Before Section 8, but in Part I, to insert the following new section:—

( ) Where an assurance company, registered in the State carries on pension annuity business then exemption from income-tax shall be allowed in respect of income from investments and deposits of so much of the company's annuity fund as is referable to that business.

This is somewhat different in character. There is an element of urgency here. Again, this amendment is based upon a provision in the British Finance Act of this year. The effect of that provision in the British Finance Act upon Irish assurance companies could be fairly serious indeed, if a similar relief is not granted here. The purpose of the amendment is to secure the exemption from income-tax of income from investments and deposits of so much of an insurance company's annuity fund as is referable to that business. The House is aware that British life assurance companies can, under our law as it stands at present, carry on business here in competition with Irish companies.

Some 20 years ago, we had legislation to limit the operation of British and foreign companies in other types of insurance business and, in effect, give some protection to Irish companies in that field. However, because of the very complicated nature of the business, and because of the possible consequences of such legislation upon members of the public who had policies with the British companies, we did not attempt to operate similar legislation regarding life assurance business. It is very important, indeed, that the Irish companies should continue to get a very substantial part of the available business. Deputy MacEntee, as Minister for Finance, recognised that in 1953 by an alteration in the tax relief arrangements which were made in the Finance Act of that year.

The Committee of Inquiry into Industrial Taxation have referred to the increasing importance of these Irish assurance companies as a source of capital for Irish industry. They quote the opinion of Dr. J.P. Beddy that they are providing about 10 per cent. of the industrial capital in use at present. If British companies are free from income-tax on these funds, they can obviously improve the terms they can offer to persons seeking that type of cover; they can increase the amount of annuity that can be purchased, and the Irish companies could not hope to compete with them for business. In fact, it might drive the Irish companies out of business.

I notice the Minister shakes his head. My information as to the possible effects of this on Irish insurance companies comes from a fairly reliable source. They feel that the advantage which this remission of taxation gives to the British companies is to their disadvantage.

They did so feel, until certain things were pointed out to them. There are three different classes of this type of insurance company—those operating under the 1918 Act, those operating under the 1921 Act and those operating group employment schemes. One Irish company does not operate the 1921 Act schemes and the other does practically nothing under that scheme. In fact, it is only the 1921 Act schemes that the British companies operate. They do not operate the first or third schemes which I have referred to here and which are the main categories operated here.

In addition, the British, under Section 379, have to approve of the type of scheme and, in fact, they cannot approve of a scheme which affects employment outside Britain. As far as we can see, this relief would not affect group employment here and therefore the British companies operating here would not have approval under Section 379 in respect of any group endowment affected here, unless the affected group endowment here was for employment in Britain, which is very unlikely.

There was anxiety, as indicated, at an earlier date, but I think we have satisfied the parties concerned that they need not have any such anxiety because of the fact that their business arises under a different scheme from the British scheme and, also, because of the lack of approval under Section 379, for group schemes in respect of persons employed in Ireland. I do not think there is much doubt about that, but if we found that the effect might be in any way substantial, I would have no difficulty in dealing with the matter.

Mr. Lemass

Do I understand that British companies cannot do group employment schemes here, and, if they did do them here, they would not get the tax relief?

That is my understanding.

Mr. Lemass

In that case, there is no anxiety under that score. No immediate anxiety would arise if the competitive position of the Irish companies is not worsened.

I think we have satisfied the Irish companies to that extent.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question proposed: "That Section 8 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lemass

This is the section which increases the tax on tobacco. I do not suppose there is any point in initiating a prolonged debate on the increase. If increased taxation has to be imposed, tobacco is as good a source as any other from which to get it. I am not questioning the wisdom of the Minister's decision to choose tobacco as a source of additional revenue.

I suppose, in the matter of reminding Deputies opposite of their promises to reduce the tax on tobacco, and of their attacks upon the proposal to increase it in the 1952 Budget, it would be a waste of the time of this House. If I thought there was any possibility of awakening in them the slightest interest in their election promises, or the slightest desire to fulfil them, I would do so, but they have apparently completely resigned themselves to the position that these promises are to be discarded in their entirety.

There is, however, one aspect of the tobacco position concerning which I am anxious to get information. It arises out of the Budget statement. Part of the increase in the price of cigarettes and tobacco which has been decided upon by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, is going to the benefit of tobacco manufacturers and traders. Last year, these manufacturers went to the Government for sanction to increase their prices. The Government referred the matter to the Prices Advisory Body and, on receiving their report, sanctioned an increase in price. I assume that the increase in price which was sanctioned last year was the increase which the Prices Advisory Body recommended. No statement to the contrary has ever been made.

A further increase has been given this year. I asked, during the Budget debates, if the need for the further increase was considered by the Prices Advisory Body before it was decided upon, and I got no reply. I think the public should be told whether anybody investigated the necessity for giving another £500,000, or whatever the sum is, to the manufacturers and traders in tobacco, as well as the increased tax which the Minister has imposed for the purposes of the Exchequer.

Some Deputies will recollect that the same question arose in 1952. In that year, the then Minister, Deputy MacEntee, found it necessary to propose an increase in the tax upon tobacco and, at the same time, an increase in the price of cigarettes was authorised which allowed additional margins to the manufacturers and traders in tobacco. That increase was found to be necessary after an examination by the Prices Advisory Body. They recommended that the increase should be given, having regard to the rise in costs. On this occasion, nobody has yet said that there was any investigation by the Prices Advisory Body and the silence of Ministers on the matter suggests that there has not been.

There are two possible explanations. One is that the Prices Advisory Body, last year, recommended a higher increase as being necessary than the Government considered to be necessary, and that the position is now being regulated, and the other is that the increase was decided upon without any reference to the Prices Advisory Body. If that is so, I think that this pretence of the regulation of the price of cigarettes and tobacco by Government Order should be abandoned. It is futile at the present time. If it was abandoned, I doubt if any manufacturer in the country would want to increase his prices or would succeed in doing so, if he attempted it. There is a great deal to be said for getting the Government out of the position of having to control prices, if its control means nothing. In relation to cigarettes and tobacco, its control means nothing at the present time and particularly so if the Government are prepared to give what is a considerable amount of money to the manufacturers and traders, even though it is a small amount to each of them, at a time when a very substantial increase in prices is caused by increased taxation.

I am asking the Minister whether this additional increase in the price of cigarettes and tobacco, for the benefit of manufacturers and traders, was decided upon by the Government, with or without reference to the Prices Advisory Body. If it was examined by the Prices Advisory Body, did they recommend it as necessary? If it was not examined by the Prices Advisory Body, on what basis was the amount of the increase required by the manufacturers determined?

In connection with this increase in the price of tobacco and cigarettes, will the Minister give an explanation about all the talk we heard in the 1952 Budget about the old age pensioners' tobacco? I remember well all the wails we then heard from these benches from the Fine Gael and Labour Deputies about the increase in the cost of the old age pensioner's smoke. Is there any special consideration being given now in this section of the Finance Bill to the old age pensioners, and has the Minister for Finance any excuse or any apology to offer to the House and the people for the volte face that has taken place since the 1952 Budget was discussed?

I do not think Deputy Ó Briain can have read the section. If he did he would see there is a special rebate for hard plug, which is largely the type of tobacco that is smoked by old aged pensioners.

The price has gone up.

The Deputy asked was there any concession. I am saying that it is there. Deputy Lemass asked me about the margin. The margin that is allowed in the difference between 4½d. duty and 5d. for the ordinary packet of cigarettes amounts to less than £10,000; and considerably less than even half that sum is the margin for the distributive trade and not for the manufacturers at all. There is no increased margin for the manufacturers in that except the rounding figure. The margin for the distributive trade is based on the same percentage as has been carried on for some time but so far as the 5d. on the packet is concerned, as I indicated in my Budget statement, approximately 4½d. is duty on the packet and the remainder of the margin—the Deputy will understand I cannot disclose the exact confidential figure except to an extent less than £5,000—goes to the distributive trade apart from the manufacturers. The manufacturers only get that rounding figure. I have also similar information in respect of the previous margins in 1952 to which the Deputy refers. I will quote them if the Deputy wishes.

Mr. Lemass

The Minister for Industry and Commerce does not control the price charged by manufacturers. He does not control the price charged by wholesalers. The only price Order he makes relates to the retail price of cigarettes and tobacco. In other words, there is no official effort to secure that the benefit of this margin will go entirely to the retailers. Maybe the manufacturers have done it on their own but if they have, it is their act and not a decision of the Government. Just adverting for one moment to the 1952 debates, is the Imperial Tobacco Company making £32,000,000 profit?

I am afraid that is a question I cannot answer, not having any shares in it.

Mr. Lemass

The Minister for Finance in 1952 had none either.

I did not suggest he had.

In regard to the question I raised in relation to tobacco, the Minister says there is a special concession to old age pensioners in the Finance Bill, but is it not a fact that the price has gone up considerably for them just as it has gone up for every other smoker? Is that not the position in spite of the concession? What does the concession amount to?

The Deputy may take it that the costings do go to the distributive trade only.

I think the Minister for Finance ought to give some more information to Deputy Ó Briain in relation to the question he asked. He ought to be more informative than he is in regard to sub-section (6) of Section 8. He ought to tell us what in fact the rebate amounts to. My recollection is that it is 4d. per ounce, that is to say, it is relatively smaller than the rebate given in the 1952 Budget. I have not unfortunately got the text of the Minister's speech by me.

The concession costs £200,000 this year.

And that is somewhat less than the concession given in 1952.

I have not got that figure readily to my hand.

I think it is, and one wonders whether, in fact, the Minister, after all the parading we have had in this House about what was to be done to the old age pensioners, is not taking back in the form of pipe tobacco one of the pipe dreams which the Minister for Social Welfare wanted us to believe the old age pensioner was going to enjoy through the munificence of the Coalition this year. I do not wish to go back on the old ground but it is consoling to those of us who remember how vocal the Minister for Social Welfare was in relation to the tax on tobacco in 1952, to see how silent he has been on the present position in the course of this debate. One would have thought that at least he would have informed the House what were the cogent reasons which compelled him to change his views as to the taxability or otherwise of tobacco. My recollection is that in 1952 Deputy Corish, as he was then, the Minister for Social Welfare as he is to-day, took the view that it was iniquitous to deprive the people of cheap tobacco even if the proceeds of the increase in the tax rate on tobacco were required in order to finance the social welfare schemes which the Minister for Social Welfare professes to have at heart. I think, therefore, it is somewhat astonishing to see the Minister sitting here to-day without in any way endeavouring to justify himself for voting, as he will have to do in a few minutes, in support of an increase in the tax rate on tobacco.

I shall do it gladly, too.

What has gladdened the Minister's heart? After all, he was shedding salt tears in 1952, at the idea of the old age pensioner's smoke going up and, to-day, he will vote gladly for making the old age pensioner's smoke dearer. I am glad to see the Minister is so versatile and can change colour so quickly.

The Budget was changed, of course. There is a difference in the two Budgets.

There certainly is.

Very much so.

I do not know how many taxes we have here: one, two, three, four—there are 12 new taxes in this Budget, 12 increases in taxation. There certainly is a difference in the two Budgets, as the Minister for Social Welfare has said. I should like to hear the Minister justify this sudden reversal of the attitude he took up in 1952. Why was it wrong to tax tobacco then in order to provide social welfare benefits? Why was it wrong to tax tobacco to provide the moneys to pay increased remuneration to civil servants and public officials? And why is it right now to increase the rate of taxation on tobacco to-day for precisely the same purposes? We should like to hear the Minister address himself to these questions.

If the Deputy wants to talk about the 1952 Budget, yes.

I can see that it is quite obvious that the Minister for Social Welfare does not want to talk. He is dumb, in this case, of malice.

Will we talk about the £6,500,000 the Deputy withdrew from the food subsidies?

That does not arise.

The Minister should go ahead. We want to hear him on these points.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 70; Níl, 59.

  • Barry, Anthony.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, Jack.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, James J.
  • Byrne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Carew, John.
  • Casey, Seán.
  • Coburn, George.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Crowe, Patrick.
  • Deering, Mark.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Morrissey, Dan.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Murphy, William.
  • O'Carroll, Maureen.
  • O'Connor, Kathleen.
  • O'Donovan, John.
  • O'Hara, Thomas.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Anthony C.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, Thomas A.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Glynn, Brendan M.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, Denis.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lindsay, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tully, James.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Burke, Patrick J.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Eamon.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kelly, Edward.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Malley, Donough.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies P.S. Doyle and Mrs. O'Carroll; Níl: Deputies Ó Briain and Hilliard.
Question declared carried.
SECTION 9.
Question proposed: "That Section 9 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lemass

I should like the Minister to explain the need for sub-section (5) of this section.

This section requires payment of the duty to be made by 15th May last; but it gives the Revenue Commissioners power to defer the date for payment until 1st January, 1957, subject to security being given. There may be certain small manufacturers not in a position to pay immediately, until they have got back the amount from the retail of stock to the shops through sale.

Mr. Lemass

The Minister thinks it is necessary to give this time to the manufacturers to pay?

In certain cases, it might be.

Mr. Lemass

The reason I was anxious to get that information is that I have a very vivid recollection of the debate here in 1952 when a similar provision was inserted by amendment in the Act of that year, with this difference, that, in 1952, the then Minister for Finance, Deputy MacEntee, thought it desirable to give the manufacturers six months in which to pay the excise duty on their stock, whereas the present Minister thinks it necessary to give them eight months.

A few quotations might be in order here. Deputy Dillon, as he then was, and who is now Minister for Agriculture, said this—it is from column 778, Volume 132:—

"I think the picture of the Fianna Fáil Party being flogged into the Division Lobby for the purpose of securing that the tobacco companies... are to be given six months' grace wherein to pay the duty which becomes due on the stocks they at present hold, lest they be incommoded by having to pay on the nail, is something so grotesque as to deserve adequate description."

Will Deputy Dillon have to be flogged into the Division Lobby——

He has been flogged.

Mr. Lemass

——to vote for a similar provision in this Bill? The Minister for Social Welfare, then Deputy Corish, also took part in that debate and alleged that the Government's only concern in framing this provision in the Finance Act of 1952 was the Imperial Tobacco Company. Then— and this is their gem—the Tánaiste and Minister for Industry and Commerce, then Deputy Norton—and I quote again because of its pretentious character—said:—

"I see no reason why the Irish banks, having been permitted recently to increase the discount rate by 1 per cent., should not be compelled, as a matter of State policy and in an issue of this kind where the liability is self-liquidating, to advance money in order to enable these otherwise solvent Irish tobacco companies to meet their obligations to the Legislature under the Finance Bill."

What is the reference?

Mr. Lemass

It is the same volume —Volume 132. Will the Minister for Finance now say that, in 1932, his distinguished colleagues were talking nonsense?

1952. The Deputy said 1932.

Mr. Lemass

They were talking nonsense in 1932—we know that—but were they talking nonsense in 1952 on this particular provision? May I remind the Minister for Finance that, on that occasion, the Fine Gael Party and their colleagues regarded the similar provision in the Finance Act of that year as so grotesque that they voted against it and amongst those who voted against it was the Minister for Finance, then Deputy Sweetman? Have you learned sense since? I am afraid you have not; but you now recognise that there was, I hope, good reason for the similar provision in the Act of 1952, even though you denounced it then as inspired by excessive concern for the Imperial Tobacco Company.

How much did the tobacco manufacturers get that year?

Mr. Lemass

How much are they getting this year? How much did they get last year?

How much are they getting out of this Bill?

Mr. Lemass

Was there any year since this Government came into office that they did not get something?

How much are they getting by the provisions of this Bill? —£3,000.

Mr. Lemass

How much did they get last year?

How much did they get in the 1952 Budget? That is the question I asked.

Mr. Lemass

Whatever they are getting now, they are getting in addition to what they got in 1952.

What they got in 1952, with the rest on top of it. It is getting under your skin.

I thought we were going to have some explanation, either from the Minister for Agriculture or the Minister for Social Welfare. I know, of course, that their backs are bleeding and raw and one would hesitate to rub salt into them, but there is an aspect of this sub-section which, I think, requires some consideration. We all know what they thought about the amendment I brought in to the 1952 Bill. After all, that was merely to give the tobacco manufacturers and, in particular, the Irish tobacco manufacturers, six months in which they might meet this rather unexpected demand for excise duty. Why has it become necessary to extend the six months to eight months?

It was nine months in 1952.

No, six months.

I think the Deputy will find, if he looks, that it was nine months.

In any event, it is eight months now.

A month less.

Why is it necessary that they should be given that time? Sir, I am sorry. I do not know whether the present Minister for Finance is correct or whether Deputy Dillon, as he was in 1952, the Minister for Agriculture as he is to-day, was correct in 1952.

Mr. Lemass

He probably was wrong then. That is a certainty.

Taking the outside chance that he cannot always be wrong, I see here that he said:—

"I think the picture of the Fianna Fáil Party being flogged into the Division Lobby for the purpose of securing that the tobacco companies ... are to be given six months' grace wherein to pay..."

I do not know whether the Minister for Finance has misled the House, or whether I was going to mislead the House. I thought Deputy Dillon was, for once, correct and I thought the period which we had allowed them in 1952 was six months, but the Minister for Finance says it was nine months, and I am accepting that for the time being.

What I want to know is: why is it necessary, having regard to the general prosperity which has been described to us in such glowing terms, in which Irish industry is operating at the moment, to allow this eight months' moratorium to the tobacco manufacturers? Surely we are entitled to have some information on that subject. There are other enterprises and other businesses which will be affected by other provisions of this Bill, but to none of them is granted the concession or the consideration which the Minister proposes to extend to the tobacco manufacturers under sub-section (5) That would appear to be a form of discrimination in favour of the tobacco industry, and I think that, before the House accepts the Minister's proposals, he ought to justify them to the House. It would be regrettable if, by reason of the Minister's silence, we had to divide on this section and subject the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for Social Welfare to another flagellation, in order to persuade them to vote on this occasion against their conscience, because I suppose this did represent their conscience in 1952. I assume that, even if they have joined the Coalition, they have not become so debased as to have no qualms about what they are now doing under sub-section (5) of Section 9. Therefore, I hope that, before the question is put, we will hear from the Minister for Finance something to justify this extraordinary concession.

Well done.

I do not know whether it was members of the House at that time other than Ministers, who made the error of describing it as a six months' concession, or whether it was Deputy MacEntee as Minister for Finance who then misled the House by suggesting that it was a six months' concession but, in fact, the sub-section that is included in the Act of 1952 is drafted in exactly the same terms as the present one, except that the Budget of that year, as the Deputy remembers, was on 2nd April, 1952. Of course, it might have been a day earlier, but it was not. It was 2nd April, 1952. The section is in exactly the same terms, postponing, in certain circumstances, the payment of the duty to 1st January, 1953.

I do not propose to indicate to the House any details in relation to the status or financial position of any company that may be involved in any such payment. Deputy MacEntee is fully appreciative of the reasons why this sub-section is desirable, and, while I can appreciate his little joke, I do not think it would be right that we should turn the joke into something serious by indicating the circumstances in which the companies concerned, which we all hope will flourish, would be dragged individually into this arena.

I do not think that was the Deputy's intention in any way. I do not think he would wish that to happen. The plain fact of the matter is that the duty imposed on these stocks is a substantial duty and in these days people do not necessarily have that amount of ready working capital available instanter. They have the opportunity in this sub-section. I gracefully acknowledge the precedent the Deputy created. Under the Deputy's precedent, if they have not the working capital available they have that period of time to put it together.

Mr. Lemass

This section is the same as that in the 1952 Act?

Mr. Lemass

The same as the one you voted against? We will not be as irresponsible as that.

Wait until your colleague speaks.

I am grateful to the Minister for Finance for the public retraction he has made on behalf of his colleagues, the Minister for Agriculture, the Minister for Social Welfare and the Tánaiste of the irresponsible statements which they made in the year 1952. I quite agree that the Minister is fully justified in the circumstances in extending this consideration to one of our industries which has had a hard struggle. I am glad that it is because he recognises their difficulties that he has embodied this sub-section in the section. I am particularly glad because there are many members in this House who were not here in 1952 and who were not, therefore, as well informed as the Minister for Social Welfare, the Minister for Agriculture and the Tánaiste ought to have been.

There was not anything the Minister for Finance has just said that I did not say in this House in 1952 and which was not said by my colleague, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce. Now that the situation has been clarified, everybody knows that the section was not introduced in the special particular interest of any combine, certainly not in the interests of the Imperial Tobacco Company or, indeed, of any plutocrat. It was introduced in the 1952 Bill in the general public interest because it was in the interests of the Irish people that it should be done. Having elucidated that fact and the Minister having explained the position so admirably to the House, we are content now to let the section pass.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 10.
Question proposed: "That Section 10 stand part of the Bill."

This deals with mineral hydrocarbon light oil. My recollection, again, is that there was a sort of war dance conducted by, among others, the Minister for Social Welfare and the Minister for Agriculture in 1952 as to the effects which an increase in the tax on mineral hydrocarbon light oil would have on industry and on the cost of living generally.

I suppose everything that was said in 1952 in relation to the increase in this particular tax could be repeated ad nauseam in 1956. I think it could be repeated with even greater force because everybody knows what other commodities have gone up. We have seen what is happening to coal and gas. We know what has already happened to tobacco and we may be certain that in due course when the inflationary trend which the Government initiated in November last has come to an end, there will be a very serious increase in the general price level.

Therefore, everything which was said in 1952 in relation to this tax could be repeated to-day. We are not going to do that since we feel that the public services will be carried on and that there will not be any serious attempt made to secure some reduction in expenditure. It is better the country should pay as it goes rather than that it should do as it did in 1951 —borrow in order to balance its Budget. For that reason, we are not going to vote against the section, merely on the grounds that we do not think this is the best way of dealing with the problem. We prefer that it should be dealt with in this way rather than fail to take the responsibility for raising the revenue to meet the expenditure for which the Government is responsible.

Mr. Lemass

One of the most definite reactions against the proposal in this section to increase the petrol tax came from the Dublin Taximen's Association. I think most Deputies have received the representations of that association. I must say that if the facts stated therein by them are clear, this tax will entail very serious consequences for them individually in a contraction of their net earnings. I see that there may be difficulty in meeting the case they make on their own behalf by any system of rebate in their favour, but I should like to know if the Minister or the Government have considered the possibility of lessening the effect of the increased tax upon them in any way whatever, whether by modification of the vehicle duty or in some other way.

The Minister may not be familiar with the case made by the taximen, but a document was circulated to Deputies. The earnings from the operation of the taxis are very meagre and the contraction of taximen's earnings in consequence of the increase in duty rates pushes them well below the level which other workers regard as a reasonable livelihood. The Minister, when he was introducing this tax, as I mentioned before, talked about the unessential use of petrol. He has given the remission of the tax to those who used it for agricultural purposes. There are other producers in the country who use petrol, to whom indeed expenditure on petrol involves a larger proportion of their total costs than it does in the case of the farmers, and they have to bear the full burden. Most of them can protect themselves by raising prices to the public but farmers cannot. I presume that is the argument in favour of giving the concession to farmers.

The case of the taxi owners is that they cannot hope to get people to hire them if they increase their price. They must bear the whole of the increased tax on their personal incomes which, on the figures stated by them, are extremely low. Do the Government propose to consider their position in any way or take any steps to alleviate their position?

The Deputy is quite right when he says that it would not be practicable to deal with the taxi or hackney people as a separate class of the petrol-using community. I am not aware that the position is as stated by him, that is, that there has been a refusal by the authorities to take into account any increase in their operating costs. As I understand Deputy Lemass, he suggested there had been a refusal.

Mr. Lemass

No. I said it had not happened, so far as I know.

I understood the Deputy to say that there had been a refusal. I take it that that is not so and that there has not been a change in that respect.

I think everybody will agree that, when it is necessary to impose additional taxation, it is better that one should focus one's attention on things that have to be imported. There is a large amount of petrol utilisation for non-essential purposes. Taking the broad picture, undoubtedly some is used in the way Deputy Lemass has suggested. Unfortunately, it is never possible to make an absolutely perfect law: all one can do is endeavour to deal with the matter in a broad general way that will have broad general results for the community as a whole. Bearing in mind the fact that petrol is utilised to a large extent for nonessential purposes, I think it is an import which should bear some of the burden of taxes that had to be imposed to meet essential services this year.

There seems to be some very grave misapprehension on the part of many Deputies as to the relief being afforded to farmers under this famous relief of tax on petrol. In the ordinary way, how much petrol does a farmer use? Is he getting any relief on petrol that he will have to use to get his milk to the creamery or to get his milk to the city? Will he not be charged more by the only transport that is now left to him to bring his manure to the farm from the city or town, namely, C.I.E.? He will now be charged more by them, and by every lorry owner and haulier.

The hardest hit section of the community under this tax are the unfortunate farmers who have had no increase and whose milk costings are tied up there for the past four years. Governments have done fairly well out of these taxes. I put the following question to the Minister to-day:—

"To ask the Minister for Finance if he will state in respect of each of the years 1950-51 to 1955-56 the revenue derived from (a) petrol taxation...."

In reply, the Minister informed me that the revenue received by Governments in 1950-51 from petrol taxation was £3,630,972. It went up to over £4,000,000 in 1951-52; it was more than £6,000,000 in 1952-53; and, in 1953-54, it was £6,820,292. In 1954-55, it was £7,148,520, and, in 1955-56, it rose to £7,557,552. That shows an increased revenue of something over £4,000,000 between 1951 and 1956.

We have no idea yet of what the new petrol taxation will bring in. However, despite the fact that he will have that revenue, the Minister went to the motor taxation fund, put in his hand and took out £500,000 which should have been devoted to roads which will deteriorate as a result of people using petrol on them. The Minister has ignored that.

With regard to motor taxation, about which I also asked the Minister to-day, there is an increase from £2,838,380 in 1950-51 to a provisional estimate of over £5,000,000 in 1955-56. The Government are doing pretty well out of that taxation. They have got an extra £4,000,000 by way of petrol tax since 1950-51, and they must really be scraping the bottom of the pot when they have had to turn to that item again and increase still further the tax on it.

This so-called relief to the agricultural community is not worth anything to the farmer. The Minister is well aware that the modern tractor is not run on petrol. How much will the relief given to the farmer in that line amount to in 12 months? If the Minister wants to keep his bond to the agricultural community, is he going to give relief by a reduction in the petrol tax so far as lorries carrying agricultural produce are concerned? People who do not understand the position stand up in this House and say that the agricultural community are getting something. The agricultural community have nothing to expect from this House but whatever taxation can be piled on their back, and the sooner they realise that, the better.

The Deputy could deal with that more relevantly on another occasion.

I intend to. I know very well that agriculture is taboo here, except when the Minister tells us to save more. Save more—so that he can borrow it. The Minister has found that there, too, the bottom of the pot has been scraped. He knows that whatever Government tries to borrow in this country in future will get very little. The happy period that existed for the Minister when he came in here in 1947 and had the Yanks and the Yankee money to borrow is ended. He now has to put an increased tax on petrol. He is already getting more than £4,000,000 from petrol over what was got in 1950-51.

I wonder if the Minister would consider the position he has brought about as a result of the increase in the price of petrol, so far as it affects men making their living from the use of petrol. I refer particularly to approximately 600 taximen in Dublin City. I do not know whether or not the Minister understands or appreciates how some of these men work. Apart from the man who owns his own car and hires himself and his car—plies it for hire—there is the type of employment in the Dublin taxi business, whereby a man is given a car on hire to himself, for which he pays so much per week. What comes to him then over and above the petrol and oil is his wage. I have spoken to the representatives of the taximen, who had hoped that a deputation of them would have been received by the Minister, in order that they could make clear to him how the impact of this increase would affect them, but the Minister thought it was unnecessary to receive them, and consequently they were not able to bring to his notice a number of details which, I think, might have persuaded him to reconsider their position.

At many times in the year, in the off season, their cars are not used any way extensively, and the period at which they do get what one might call full employment is at the height of the tourist season. I am told that, if they take a passenger from Dublin to Dún Laoghaire to the boat, the consumption of petrol on the way back is not calculated in the profit margin regulated by the clock of the taxi. I should have thought that the Minister might have considered, if it were impossible effectively to control the remission of tax on petrol to such persons, even reducing the registration fee which was increased on them not so long ago, and I had hoped that, if he had seen these people, he might have effected a compromise, not quite satisfactory to them and, maybe, not quite satisfactory to him, but at a very nominal cost, and that he might have found a way out of bringing back their registration fee to £10 per year instead of the present fee they have to pay.

I am making this appeal to the Minister, and I ask him: will he concede anything? Some of these men who have to raise families under present circumstances have shown me figures which in many cases only bring to them, as a result of a week's work, a little less than £4 10s. a week. There is the way out, I suggest, of reducing the registration fee. I do not know whether the Minister realises the very heavy insurance premium which attaches to a vehicle of this kind used for public transport. Everything these people use has increased, and the raw material from which they earn their daily bread is this petrol on which the Minister has put, in their case, an extra tax.

The Minister may say, as he has said, that the import of petrol has become a very heavy and serious drain on our own assets, and contributes very extensively to the adverse trade balance, but at least they cannot be placed in the category to which he referred, that generally people who use petrol are not using it on a productive side that brings in any benefit. I cannot speak for other areas that I do not know, but there are hackney men in country districts and I am sure some rural Deputy from some other area of the country might be inclined to speak for them. I can only speak for those of whom I have some knowledge. I say this is putting on them a very grave hardship, and the Minister will have to give an indication that he will consider doing something to help. I have said that I can see difficulties of control in the distribution of cheap petrol as against the full price, and that is why I have said on my own that it might be possible to consider a reduction in the registration fee for the car or taxi itself.

If the Minister is not satisfied that what I am saying is a true picture and that it is, indeed, a very serious situation for these people, I would ask him to change his mind about not receiving representatives of such a body. After all, they are citizens who contribute to the taxation in a very large way. Their cars bear an import duty on the parts; the petrol they use, which must be very extensive, is paying a very heavy tax; and the registration fees they pay bring in a considerable amount of money to the Exchequer. Consequently, though they are a small number of people in relation to the whole State, these 600 in the City of Dublin and whatever number there are in the whole country—which I cannot say— are indirect taxpayers of very big amounts of money, taking it from a point of view of average payment per head of the population. I should like the Minister to indicate whether he would be prepared to give any concession to relieve the situation which has developed among these people who make their living from taxi work in the City of Dublin.

Deputy Corry has raised the question of vehicles using petrol and conveying agricultural produce. I want to refer the Minister to people who are very important from the point of view of service to the rural community. They are the small traders in villages here and there through the country who go around weekly collecting eggs, poultry and so on from farmers and cottiers who have no market available. Everybody knows that the marketing of agricultural produce, particularly for people like that, and the marketing of eggs while they are fresh, and so on, is an immense benefit to the rural community, and very important for the economic life of those people in scattered areas. One man engaged in that business, who has only one lorry, working on the figures of his last year's experience, told me that it is going to cost him £168 extra this year to carry on the same work. How they are to be guarded against these extra costs and, at the same time, give service to the community, is a problem that is haunting them night and day. They do not want to be put out of business, and certainly the marketing of these products is so vital that I think the Minister ought to reconsider the impost upon them.

I do not know whether a division will be challenged on this or not. I am never notified of these things, and I have to act as my own Whip. The only trouble is that, in doing so, I am quite liable to find myself in the painful situation described by Deputy MacEntee in which the Minister for Social Welfare, and the Minister for Agriculture, find themselves at the moment. The difference, of course, lies in the fact that I am imposing it on myself, and they are in the happier position that the whipping is being done for their Parties, as far as they are concerned.

This imposition on petrol, as on tobacco, is to enable the day to day services of the State to be carried on and to keep the wheels of the machinery of State running. As far as the Government are concerned, they are put to the pin of their collar to try to get sufficient funds from any source possible, in order to pay for the services, and I think we are coming near the end of the road, in so far as avenues of taxation are available to whatever Government is in power. These two recent impositions, particularly the one in regard to petrol and the one previously mentioned, tobacco, have practically closed the last resort for whatever Government is in power to raise money from the ordinary sources to keep the State services functioning and from that point of view it will be a very serious position for the Minister for Finance next year if he finds that the balance of payments problem is as serious as at the present moment and if—what is still more serious—our output from agricultural and industrial sources does not increase.

My personal opinion is that if the Opposition were in power they would have to find the money for those services and I do not think it is unfair for me to suggest that whatever Minister for Finance would be charged by Fianna Fáil with the duty of raising the money, he would have no hesitation in "having a go" at the subsidies. I think if it is a choice between interfering with the subsidies, especially as far as bread is concerned, and imposing taxation on luxury consumer goods such as petrol, unpleasant as it may be, I prefer to face the public criticism by voting for the increase on petrol. My belief is that anything that is produced within the State and that comes from the work or the hands of Irishmen at home should be taxed in the lightest manner possible. Consideration should be given to that particular aspect of the matter but when we come to imported goods I am afraid that the serious situation discloses no other avenue but to try to reduce the import into this country of petrol or other items.

The impact of increased taxation on petrol will have an effect on local authorities in many ways. If, on the one hand there is a reduction in the amount of petrol used, say, by people for pleasure purposes in rural areas and so forth, there will be less use made of the roads. At the present moment, possibly the biggest item in the rates so far as any local authority is concerned, is the amount of money that goes on the upkeep of roads, and in recent years there has been a tremendous amount of traffic on all roads in the State. To my mind we are neglecting our railways to a great extent and giving preference to the roads. There is no end to the number of firms throughout the country who prefer to have vans and trucks to bring their products directly to their destinations without utilising the service of C.I.E. Wherever possible I would prefer to see these people persuaded to go back to using C.I.E. services rather than having these fleets of vans on the roads thereby increasing the consumption of petrol on the one hand and contributing to the deterioration of the roads on the other.

Petrol is only one aspect of the matter. All the vehicles are imported; perhaps they are assembled here but I shall not go into that side of it, because outside the assembly work that is done, the sole benefit, one might say, to the State is the employment given in assembly work and it is very debatable whether the amount of money expended on assembly work here is justified under the circumstances. I know that many vehicles to-day could be imported assembled at far cheaper prices than they are sold here at the present time. That is because the assembling is done in Ireland. If it was the case that the raw material was produced in Ireland and that the vehicles themselves were not just assembled but were produced here as well, then I would certainly object strenuously to any steps that would be taken by the Minister for Finance to harm what I would describe as a home industry. But in so far as this particular item is concerned— petrol—I, personally with regret, find myself in the position that I intend to vote for the extra tax that is imposed here on petrol.

It would have been a much easier proposition for me just to criticise the Government and to go into the Division Lobbies against them, but I am taking an unpopular stand on this from the point of view that I believe, if we are sincere about reducing the importation of luxury goods, it is the duty of every Deputy to show an example. It is quite all right for the Opposition to belabour the present Government about its failure to fulfil its promises; they are fully entitled to do so. I am not a member of the Opposition; I have no ties with any Party, but rather than just walk into the Division Lobbies to oppose any increase in taxation, I want to make it quite clear that the two items in the Budget on which I am supporting increases are petrol and tobacco. Outside of those, I am not one bit convinced and I have no intention of supporting Government policy on other aspects.

Deputy McQuillan's position is quite understandable. He is in partial agreement, at any rate, with the Opposition in believing that a balanced Budget is better than an unbalanced Budget and that it is better to tax than to borrow to meet current expenditure. We are in agreement on that, but the reason I have risen again is to protest against the suggestion which was first made by the Minister and which, I regret to say, has been to some extent repeated by Deputy McQuillan—that a tax on mineral hydrocarbon oils is a luxury tax. It is not. Of course, everybody knows private cars are used for private purposes, but just because a car happens to be an ordinary saloon and is not a truck or a delivery van, does not at all prove that it is being used for luxury purposes.

It is true that there is greatly increased traffic on the roads now as compared with other years but that is merely—I should hope—a reflection of increased business activity, of an increased desire, at any rate, to do business, because very little business is being done in recent months. It is but a reflection of an increased desire to do business, to induce people to sell, to induce people to buy. Many of those cars which we see on the roads are being used for business purposes, whether by commercial travellers, perhaps by veterinary surgeons, or used by doctors or others, and it is, I think, misleading the public to suggest that this is a tax on a luxury.

"Less essential" were the words I used.

This is a tax on an article which is at least 85 per cent. to 90 per cent. an absolutely essential material in the transport industry. Much more petrol is used for the transport of goods than for the transport of passengers, and when we increase the price of petrol to-day, as I assume we shall, let us not forget we are decreasing the competitive capacity of agriculture, our main industry, and of a great many manufacturing industries which we should be endeavouring to foster. I understand Deputy McQuillan's position, which is very much like my own, in this matter. Since we are committed to expenditure—since the Government have committed us to expenditure—I would rather the Government would take the responsibility of imposing taxation to get the necessary expenditure than that they should refuse to take the steps necessary to balance the Budget. I say that, while making it quite clear that what we do in this section is to increase the burden on our agricultural industry, to increase the burden upon our manufacturing industry, to increase the burden upon all those who have engaged in the sale of merchandise. So long as we are fully aware of that, I suppose there is not anything more to be said in criticism of this tax.

I have a further objection to this tax—a very grave objection. I object very definitely to this House being used for the fostering of a monopoly—a State subsidised monopoly— for the wiping out of the private haulier in this country. That is what this tax does. It is some years now since I made a visit to Roscommon, but in view of this I think I would like to take a few tourists there to see how they get along there at all. I feel sure Deputy McQuillan will find that this tax will have the same serious repercussions in Roscommon as it will have in my constituency, where at least one, if not two, decent families in each parish make a livelihood out of a lorry used to draw goods for the agricultural community.

That type of haulier has got knocks enough from all Governments through the fostering of a monopoly which has killed the transport industry of this country. The Minister comes in now and gives that man a further knock. The Minister imposes this tax on petrol because he knows C.I.E. have gone over to the use of diesel oil. Knowing that, he comes along now to complete the job by putting this tax on the petrol lorry. That is nothing but an endeavour to drive families depending on haulage out of existence.

These people were performing a service for the agricultural community which was not performed by C.I.E. and never could be. Those men are now to be driven out of existence. I do not know whether Deputy McQuillan cares a hang if they are driven out of existence in Roscommon. I certainly do not wish to see the farmers of my constituency deprived of a very essential service. The Minister is no longer a child even though he might act like one occassionally. Nobody but a child would come along with a joke like he has presented this year in the line of a financial policy. The Minister is well aware that the duties he imposed on wheat constitute enough of a wallop without a further tax on the haulage of wheat to the mills. That is what is being done through this petrol tax. The Minister knows that the activities of the Minister for Agriculture drove 18,000 tons of beet out of the market.

The Deputy is going into details of agricultural policy.

I am dealing now with the effect this tax will have on the haulage of beet, wheat, barley, pigs, everything else the farmer has to draw.

The Deputy may not go into details of agricultural policy.

I am not going into detail on agricultural policy. I am just commenting that, having already deprived the farmer of revenue by reducing his income, and having to take the money abroad to buy the sugar the beet would produce at home, the Minister now comes along and taxes the lorry which will draw the beet to the factory. The Minister comes along like one of those legal gentlemen and says: "Look what I am doing for the farmer; I am taking the tax off his petrol," completely ignoring that nine-tenths of the petrol used by the farmer will be taxed under this Bill.

I suggest to the Minister that he would look about him, if he is anxious to impose extra taxation, and find some means of taxing petrol being used as a luxury, if he is anxious to give the farmers relief from taxation. Take country lorries used practically wholly for the drawing of pigs to the market, in taking cattle to market, in drawing agricultural produce to markets and mills. Surely there should be some means of relieving them? Perhaps the situation is that behind the mind of the Minister is the fact that those beggars have survived for the last 15 years in spite of everything that has been done to drive them out of existence. They have survived only because the agricultural community want them. The Minister now wants to drive them out by a very simple manoeuvre. They must pay the extra tax on petrol while C.I.E. go free.

I suggest that the Minister should wake up and tell us what he intends doing, should tell us if he has any intention of relieving the taxation on petrol used by the agricultural community. I consider it unfair and unjust to the agricultural community, now that they have their crops in the ground at a fixed price, to put a further tax on those crops in the shape of taxation on petrol. The Minister is aware that every year the price of beet is fixed in November. He comes along now, when that price is fixed, and very cutely has stopped any hope of the farmer getting anything extra to meet the extra cost being put on him. He has prevented the Sugar Company from getting the increase that would meet the tax and now he comes along with a further tax on petrol. There are, as I have stated, about 600,000 tons of beet to be drawn. Does the Minister intend allowing the farmer anything extra for the haulage of that beet, and, if he does, how is he going to allow it?

One would think that there was nobody to be considered but the people of Dublin and the taxi drivers. I am more concerned with the unfortunate chap who is trying to rear a family in a labourer's cottage, whose only means of livehood is his lorry. Out of that, out of the profits which he makes in the use of that lorry, he has to support a wife and children on the side of the road. The Minister is going to wipe that man out and put him into the category that was so ably named here by the Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy O'Donovan, and our dearly beloved colleague, the Minister for Foolish Affairs, or Agriculture, Deputy James Dillon, when they came here and told us that emigration is the safety valve of the nation. Owing to these proposals, many more people will be going through that safety valve. It will be used now to drive the lorry drivers out of this country.

The Minister has got enough. He has got something over £4,000,000 a year of an increase in revenue out of the tax on petrol. That should be enough for him. Out of that, he should be prepared to do something to take away this extra burden, the last straw that breaks the camel's back, which he is imposing on the agricultural community under this section.

In addition to the farming community, to whom the previous speaker has referred, and the taxi people to whom other people have also referred, there are also the hackney people, commercial travellers, those who run delivery vans, transporters of farm produce, licensed hauliers and private hauliers, vets, doctors, clergymen, and other professional people who have work to do that is essential to the community. All these people are being regarded, under this section of the present Budget, as being nonessential. The use of petrol by them is regarded as a luxury. I should like to ask the people in Government to-day, particularly the Labour Party, who, in 1952, had the gallery of this House packed to capacity with the taxi drivers and hackney people from around Dublin, if they now agree to this imposition. They have not gathered those people up to-night nor do they seem to be inclined to talk very much on this section of the Finance Bill. There is no organised rally of any kind to protest against this imposition.

There was not in 1952 either.

Is it not true that the Labour Party, of which the Minister is a member, had one of their spokesmen stand up in this House and threaten all the consequences that would follow the imposition of the duty on petrol, such as the demonstrations which we saw in O'Connell Street—the lie-down strikers?

The people who came in on that occasion came in to interview members of all Parties. That is true and they saw the Independents as well.

The Minister will agree that outside Leinster House all the taxi drivers were queued up. Were they all members of a deputation?

They were not brought in by the Labour Party.

They were organised and brought in here by the Labour Party.

They came in here to see Captain Cowan, Dr. Noel Browne and Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll.

The Labour Party can carry the blame now.

I am pointing out what is the truth—that they were not brought in by the Labour Party.

The position we seem to have arrived at now is that this petrol tax is being further increased, a tax that, four years ago, was being condemned all round by the people now forming the Government. It was then considered unjust and unnecessary. It is now considered an essential and something that we cannot do without, in order to salvage what is left of this country. It is a luxury for taxi drivers, commercial travellers, clergymen, doctors, nurses and vets. to use petrol. In addition to that, there are also the delivery vans of the various business houses throughout the country who have been giving a service to the people. These people are now in the luxury class, or are burning petrol for the love of burning it. The workers throughout the country, who have to travel from their homes to their employment are also people who are using petrol as a luxury.

It is fair to assume that 80 per cent. of the entire consumption of petrol in this country is not in the luxury class. It is an essential commodity to the people who are using it. Despite that, the 20 per cent. or even 10 per cent. who may be in the luxury class are being used in this House as the reason why the other 80 per cent. or 90 per cent. must carry this burden. At the same time you have hauliers holding licences from the Department of Industry and Commerce who are being driven out of business for one reason or another, possibly for the reason already suggested, in order to boost up the subsidised monopoly of C.I.E., which cannot and never will give the service which these people throughout the remoter parts of Ireland are giving to-day. But they are being costed out of the business due to this increase in petrol, and when they seek to change over to a diesel machine which carries a smaller tax and which has not been hit in the same way, they find, when they go to the present Minister in the Department of Industry and Commerce, they will not be given a new licence in respect of the new vehicle for the reason that, as everybody knows, in order to get a carrying capacity in a diesel vehicle equal to that of a petrol machine you must buy a machine that weighs up to 10 cwt. more.

A term of the licence is that the unladen weight of the machine has to be a certain figure. Very often if that figure is 2 tons 10 cwt. or 3 tons or 3½ tons, the present Minister refuses to give a new licence to replace that petrol driven machine which weighed, say, 3 tons by a 3½ tons diesel driven machine.

That is a matter for the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

It may well be but I put it to you with all due respect that this is part and parcel of the hardship brought about on the licensed hauliers of this country by virtue of the increase in the petrol tax. We must remember that the very people who are now increasing this tax, who are now defending the increase, are the very same people who said in 1952 that this increase was not justified, that it was going to leave the wives and families of taxi men in this State starving and that it would put hackney men out of business and cause emigration. What has since taken place to change the whole picture? What has occurred to make this tax so desirable to the self-same people who then opposed it?

I was listening to one Deputy here a while ago, Deputy McQuillan, who apparently wants to have it both ways. He says that he will vote for the increase in these taxes on petrol and on tobacco because they are luxuries or semi-luxuries, because the Government have been placed in the position to-day that money must be found, and that if we were in office we would do the same thing. What I want to point out is that if we were in office the big difference would be that the present position would not have arisen and these taxes would not be necessary. It is all very well for the Minister for Finance to laugh. The Minister for Finance will recall that in 1954, the last term in which we presented a Budget in this House, we were then in the position that we could give some small reliefs which were sneered at by the Minister and his colleagues. We were even accused then of bringing in a Budget much heavier than was necessary and which would show a surplus.

The Deputy may not discuss the 1952 Budget on this section.

Very well, but I want to conclude on this note, that this story which is being put across—apparently Deputy McQuillan believes it — that this side of the House would be taking similar action to that of the present Government if they were in office to-day is entirely false and is based on false assumptions. As I already stated, the position in 1954 was much sounder and the present adverse balance of payments, which is a serious crisis for this country, amounting to a figure of £35,000,000 under this Government, rose to that figure from a mere figure of £5,000,000 under Fianna Fáil when the 1954 Budget was brought before this House. The fundamental difference between our policy and the lack of policy of this present Government has brought about the present position which was created by mishandling, maladministration and the reckless promises made that cannot be kept by those people that gave them in order to get into office.

In regard to this extra tax on petrol, we know from some figures given by the Minister for Finance to-day that in 1951 the revenue from taxation on petrol was £4,400,000, and that it is £7,500,000 to-day. The present Government thought the extra taxation imposed by the Fianna Fáil Government in 1952 was a desperate burden on the community, yet the Minister for Finance to-day is getting more than £3,000,000 extra from petrol than was obtained in 1951-52. This Minister is the Minister for Finance in a Government which is solemnly pledged to reduce taxation, and they are taking almost £4,000,000 on this one item alone. The income of the community was greater in 1951-52 than it is to-day and according to the then Opposition the people were not able to bear any increased taxation.

It is useless to say that this will not further increase the cost of living. The Minister well knows that it will. The Minister sitting beside him knows quite well that in his own constituency it will increase the cost of house building, a very important item. It will increase rents, the price of food and the cost of living generally, because 90 per cent. of the goods transported in this country is carried on the roads to-day. The railways could be closed down to-morrow morning and they would not affect the issue at all. The railways exist merely for carrying a few passengers and most of the goods being transported are carried by lorries and vans.

The point made by Deputy Blaney is a very important one. Petrol-driven engines for heavy lorries are not being manufactured any more; it is only diesel lorries that are being manufactured. People cannot buy a new lorry unless the Minister for Industry and Commerce will increase the unladen weight. Two people came to me this morning in connection with the same matter. Their petrol lorry is worn out. There are no new lorries with petrol engines available and they will be put out of business. I hope it is not the policy of the Government to wipe out completely that section of the community. I hope the Government will repent at this late stage for all the crimes they have committed against this country.

They are on their deathbed.

They remind me of a broody hen sitting on a nest of infertile eggs and blaming everybody except those who should be blamed.

Listening to the "gluggers".

That describes the Government, every one of them. They blame everyone else. The people are blamed because they are living beyond their means——

Cod! We never said that. That is what you people said.

——because they are importing too much, eating and drinking too much——

Smoking too much.

Dancing too much.

——and the children are drinking too much lemonade.

The question of lemonade does not arise on this section.

It arises because there would not have been any need for this increased taxation on petrol now had the Government carried out the promises they made to the electorate. Even if they had kept taxation as it was, instead of increasing it by £25,000,000, the position might not be so bad, but it is costing £15,000,000 more to run this broody hen Government, more than it cost two years ago. That is the sum that is being taken out of the pockets of the people. The increased tax on petrol will not lie lightly on the people. The full impact of this will only be appreciated as the year goes on when the question of transporting our millions of pounds worth of agricultural produce arises. That will have some effect on the balance of payments and the Minister may have to come in with another Budget inside a few months and further tax some of our imports. Otherwise, the balance of payments position will worsen as time goes on. This will be a very serious year for all our people. Unfortunately that will not affect the Government, but the whole community will be affected by the lunatic economic policy of the present Government. I hope the Minister will reconsider this to see if he can do without the increased revenue he hopes to derive from the increased petrol tax.

I shall not follow the flights of fancy that Deputy Allen took in regard to broody hens and similar things.

Mr. Lemass

Infertile eggs.

I shall leave that to the Deputies over there, particularly after having listened to Deputy Corry, Deputy Blaney and Deputy Allen all taking a line exactly, completely and entirely contradictory to the policy outlined by Deputy Lemass in regard to C.I.E.

This has nothing at all to do with C.I.E.

No doubt Deputies over there will themselves resolve their own differences. I will leave that to them.

The Minister need not bother about us. Look after the Coalition differences.

I would not like to disturb the Deputy at all because if I were to suggest a solution——

Try something else.

——in regard to their difficulties, the analogy that Deputy Allen produced a moment ago would be much too apt. We will leave it at that. Deputy MacCarthy said it would cost a man an extra £168 a year. Is that right?

That is correct.

That would mean he would be using 130 gallons of petrol per week.

He is on the road every day.

He is not on the road on Sundays.

He would need to be airborne to consume that much.

I do not know if he is one of the people who have travelling shops——

——because there are certain views on that. But the mileage concerned there seems to be rather exaggerated.

I can assure the Minister he does not run a travelling shop. He collects eggs and poultry and agricultural produce, and these are the figures he gave me.

He should do something about his carburettor so.

One hundred and thirty gallons per week is a lot of petrol to consume in that sort of work. The plain fact of the matter is that the revenue has to be found. I do not suggest this is a luxury tax. I said it was a tax on a less essential commodity and putting a tax on a less essential commodity is not the same thing as taxing a luxury. One can do without it, by cutting out, for example, the additional £971,000 incorporated in the Estimates, this year for the health services. If that sum were not in those Estimates, this tax would not appear in the Budget at all. If the additional 2/6 for the old age pensioners in last year's Budget had not got to be paid for in this year's Estimates, this tax would not be necessary.

That is the 6d. per week.

If the figure of £1,116,000 for social assistance had not been included, this tax would not be necessary now. The plain fact of the matter is that services have to be paid for and, when the services have to be paid for, this is a fair way of obtaining the moneys necessary, particularly in our present circumstances.

That is a grand explanation but the Minister gave a different explanation altogether in the General Election in 1954 when he promised, together with all his colleagues, lower taxes and better times.

And the Minister is well aware of that fact.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 70; Níl, 60.

  • Barry, Anthony.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, Jack.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, James J.
  • Byrne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Carew, John.
  • Casey, Séan.
  • Coburn, George.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Crowe, Patrick.
  • Deering, Mark.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Anthony C.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Finlay, Thomas A.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Glynn, Brendan M.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, Denis.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lindsay, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Morrissey, Dan.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Murphy, William.
  • O'Carroll, Maureen.
  • O'Connor, Kathleen.
  • O'Donovan, John.
  • O'Hara, Thomas.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tully, James.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Burke, Patrick J.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Eamon.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kelly, Edward.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Malley, Donough.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies P.S. Doyle and Mrs. O'Carroll; Níl, Deputies Ó Briain and Hilliard.
Question declared carried.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 14th June, 1956.
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