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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 5 Jul 1956

Vol. 159 No. 3

Greyhound Industry Bill, 1955—Committee Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That Section 38 stand part of the Bill."

When I moved to report progress, I was dealing with the speech of the Minister for Agriculture, the Minister in charge of this Bill. As he has already manifested in the majority of the speeches which he has delivered in this Bill, he is not concerned to consider any criticism of the Bill or any suggestions for its amendment. He asks us to be grateful for the fact that he did not push the Bill through the House under a timetable.

In the course of the debate yesterday, the Minister spoke about "the prostitution of the parliamentary procedure"—not a very elegant phrase. It is not a phrase of my conception. It is the one which the Minister has chosen to apply to the discussions in this House. I can conceive nothing more calculated to deprive Parliament of all authority and respect than the attitude which the Minister has taken up in the course of the debate on the Committee Stage of this Bill. This morning, we had from Deputy de Valera a cogent, searching and critical analysis of the section we are now considering. It was a speech which any responsible Minister would have been concerned to have taken point by point and to have answered. Yet we had no such answer from the Minister—no attempt to show that the defects which Deputy de Valera pointed out existed in this section were not so grave as he had demonstrated. Instead, we had an attack upon myself. I do not know what I have got to do with this Bill—

Hear, hear!

——except that I have a parliamentary duty to discharge. It is the sole purpose of the system of Government which we have chosen for ourselves in this country to ensure that every proposal for legislation will be considered, scrutinised and criticised in order that, if there are defects in it, these defects will be made manifest to those who are responsible for the proposals. That is an onerous duty to perform. We, on the Opposition side of the House, are not flanked right, left and centre and at the rear by expert advisers with all the information and all the effective arguments with which they can provide the Minister. We have to depend upon such efforts as we personally are able to exert in order to discover the imperfections in the Bill. I opened the debate on this section this morning in, I think, a perfectly reasonable way. I was very anxious indeed about the effect of this section upon the liberties of the ordinary people of this country.

Well, well.

We are concerned on this side of the House with liberty. The Parliamentary Secretary is enjoying the fruits of the sacrifices which were made for liberty in this country.

I think that is rich.

I do not want any unmannerly interruptions from the Parliamentary Secretary.

The Deputy's manners are not so good.

The Parliamentary Secretary is a young man enjoying what his elders have provided for him and the opportunities which they have given to him.

That is a most offensive statement.

There is nobody more offensive in this House than Deputy MacEntee.

I was saying that I had opened the debate on this section in a completely non-controversial way. I was alarmed, and I am very deeply concerned, about the precedent which this section proposes to establish. I said that I cannot recall any provision of any other Act on our Statute Book which gives to a board, which has no responsibility to Parliament or no responsibility even to the Minister, the power to create a monopoly which this section gives to the Greyhound Industry Board.

I do not think that members of this House who are supporting the Government have read paragraph (a). This paragraph prohibits persons from holding public sales of greyhounds except under and in accordance with licences granted by the board at its discretion. A power is entrusted to a body of men, mark you, who are not elected, not responsible to any member of this House and not responsible even to the Minister—a power which they can exercise arbitrarily without any restriction and, in so far as that power may afflict individuals, without any power of redress for the person so afflicted. I think there is nothing in our legislation to parallel that. Paragraph (h) of sub-section (2) prohibits persons from acting as auctioneers at sales, save under and in accordance with permits granted by the board at its discretion. Again, the same arbitrary power, preventing men from earning a livelihood in a perfectly normal way.

When I opened the debate on this section, I had not had the advantage of hearing the Minister adduce reasons why these extraordinary powers should be given to any board and why these extraordinary disabilities should be imposed upon our people. He moved the section without justifying any single one of its provisions. I did say, and I think those who heard me will admit, that, in a perfectly reasonable way, I did point out that I thought this section was going too far. It has been readily admitted that abuses have occurred in relation to the sales of greyhounds which should be, if possible, rectified. There may be a right way and a wrong way of attaining a very desirable objective. Our quarrel with this section is that, while the object is in itself desirable, the means whereby it is sought to attain it are in themselves so objectionable that it could readily be said that the remedy is worse than the disease.

I would think that, from the point of view of the ordinary people of this country, who, I believe, are entitled to avail themselves of any opportunities that are offered to them to earn their own living, this section, which deprives them of that right, is a mistake and is misconceived. Nobody can say that that is an unreasonable attitude to take up. Nobody can say that it is an attitude taken up by me, or by any other member of this House, on partisan grounds.

Having said that to the Minister, I then suggested to him that there was an alternative way of dealing with this situation; that instead of conferring on, or endowing this board with very far-reaching powers of monopoly and control, a better way would be to provide that the board should set up a register of recognised auctioneers who would hold public sales of greyhounds with the endorsement and imprimatur of the board, but that anybody else, even if he was not on the register, could himself hold sales of greyhounds and act as an auctioneer. I think that is a reasonable approach to the matter. It is an attempt to deal with the abuses which have developed over the years, but it is a way of dealing with them which leaves an individual free to enter into a business if he wishes to do so and it leaves the public free to deal with such an individual if they have sufficient trust and confidence in him.

Mind you, we have registers in other professions and occupations, in which the names of individuals are inscribed as an indication that the public may, with confidence, employ them in relation to certain services. The suggestion which I made was not in any way novel or untried and it would be much more acceptable to the House and to the general body of opinion than the proposal in Section 28.

I cannot see any great difficulty in giving effect to it. I am perfectly certain that, after a certain period of time, if the register was established, and if the endorsement of the board was manifested by the inscription of the names of the individuals or firms upon this register, those who were on the register would enjoy the bulk of the business but it would be freely given to them. The public would go to them of their own free will. They would not be compelled to go to them because there was not anybody else to whom they could turn.

On the other hand, there might be people whom, at the outset, the board would be reluctant to allow on the register but as time developed, and the business of these men developed, and their reputations grew higher, and their financial status was more assured, the board could quite readily endorse them also. The sum and substance of it is that you would not permit the board to close the door to people who are anxious to set up as persons who were prepared to hold greyhound sales.

That is not an untried procedure. There is a certain similarity between the case I am about to quote although it is not quite on all fours with the business with which Section 38 proposes to deal. I remember when the dental register was set up under the authority of the Oireachtas. People will remember that there was a time when any person could hold himself out to practise as a dental surgeon. There was a provision made then whereby people who were not qualified to go on the register in the first instance, after they had demonstrated that they were in practice for a sufficient number of years, were allowed to go on the register. That case is not on all fours with this one, but there is a certain analogy. It shows that it would not be beyond the compass of the board's powers to establish and maintain a register of that sort.

I do not want to be unfair to the Minister. I was going to say that I was sorry to see that that suggestion had been turned down by him. I think he did, in fact, reject it. He did not indicate that he was prepared to reconsider paragraphs (a) and (h). Instead, he went on to say he assumed that persons who were in business as registered or licensed auctioneers would be granted licences to hold public sales of greyhounds. But that is not in the legislation. There is nothing in this section requiring the board to grant licences to recognised licensed auctioneers, to people who operate under the Auctioneers Act. On the contrary, the whole matter is left to the very wide discretion of the board. So much for paragraph (a).

Then we come to paragraph (h). From the point of view of the ordinary individual who will, perhaps, never be able to establish an auctioneering business of his own, paragraph (h) is much more serious because it prohibits a person from even standing up and conducting the ordinary procedure at an auction unless he has a permit from the board.

Who did it up to now?

Anybody can conduct it now, as far as I know. But there are certain practical circumstances, certain circumstances of location which have created a sort of monopoly in regard to the conduct of greyhound sales. I think that monopoly should be broken. I thought it was one of the purposes of this Bill to break these monopolies. My quarrel with Section 38 is that it confers a monopoly and that also it gives the board the power to create further monopolies.

When Deputy O'Leary interrupted me, I was saying I thought that paragraph (h) was, from the point of view of the ordinary common individual who would never be in business for himself, a highly objectionable proposal. How would any member of this House like to feel himself in the position in which he could not begin the occupation of a salesman unless he had a permit or licence from some body? We used to hear a lot about totalitarianism, but this is carrying it far beyond the limit. There are persons who object to the fact that it is very difficult to secure employment unless you happen to be a member of a trade union; the very people who recognise that situation in relation to employment are proposing to give effect to that principle in quite another sphere. I think we are really losing sight of the interests of individuals in this matter. There are things which we should do, things which it is desirable to do in order to attain public good, but there are also things which we should not do.

Hear, hear!

There is a saying, "Thus far and no further," and if we do not attain the whole of the public good because we hesitate to infringe upon the rights of the ordinary individual to earn his bread, then we should be prepared to accept the lesser good with all its defects rather than try to secure the perfection which will involve injustice and deprivation for the individual.

That is what is behind our attitude here. Deputy de Valera went through each one of the provisions of this section in his speech. I saw Deputy Finlay sitting in the House, apparently taking notes. I was looking forward to hearing from him from the opposite side, but we have not had the advantage of Deputy Finlay's erudition, his legal training and experience in the debate. Instead, we had a speech from Deputy Morrissey which was far off the track. Really, it was a series of gibes and sneers at the fact that Deputy de Valera had devoted a large portion of his time to this and that, with great clarity, he had put the situation before the House. I think that was an unworthy way to deal with Deputy de Valera's contribution and I just want to put it on record. It is perhaps not very relevant to what I am saying——

That does not matter.

That is very unfair. The Deputy has not contributed more than twice or thrice to this discussion. This is a deliberative assembly. It is not a place where Ministers come in with a Bill and expect the Opposition to accept it——

For goodness' sake do not be pious.

There is no piety in that; it is merely a description of the way the House is being treated by the Minister for Agriculture and by his Sancho Panza, Deputy Barry. Forgive me, Sir——

Forgive you? I would prefer if you would read the telephone directory.

This is a deliberative assembly. We are quite entitled to try to put before the House the imperfections of the Minister's proposal. It was stated this morning that we had not put down any amendments to this section. That is true. There are a couple of reasons for that. We have, however, many amendments on the Order Paper. We formed the impression at an early stage that the Minister was not prepared to consider in an objective way such amendments as we might suggest to him. We were, perhaps, a little bit too hasty in coming to that decision. In any event, this is not a section which could be readily amended without changing the whole principle upon which it is based. We would have had to find some way of substituting paragraphs (a) and (h). We may possibly have an opportunity of putting before the House our proposals for replacing these objectionable paragraphs by others, but that is a matter which is still in the lap of the gods. We would much rather, and I think it would be preferable from every point of view, if the Minister, having heard what was said here in the debate on the provisions of this section, would indicate that he would be prepared to meet us, particularly in regard to paragraphs (a) and (h).

There are a couple of other points with which I would like to deal before I sit down and await the reply of the Minister. I trust the Minister will have reconsidered the attitude which he expressed here before lunch. I, no less than he, I suppose, was a little bit on edge when it was coming close to 2 o'clock. I would hope that, having had a brief respite, the Minister might be prepared to discuss this across the floor of the House as if we were sitting around a board table and try to find a way out of the impasse which is holding up this Bill.

There are a couple of other paragraphs in this sub-section (2) to which I think some attention should be devoted. Paragraph (e) provides for the keeping of records by licenses and the production of such records for inspection and taking of copies or extracts by authorised officers of the board. I do not know precisely what purpose that paragraph is designed to serve. The Minister must have had something in his mind when he allowed it to creep into the section. It may, perhaps, have been suggested to him that the board might grant licences to untrustworthy persons, persons who would not fulfil the conditions attached to the licence. It may be that he had some other purpose in mind but we did not hear from the Minister what, in fact, was the objective which he sought to secure by paragraph (e). That again is a reflection of the Minister's manner in dealing with the Opposition in regard to this Bill.

It is usual, when so comprehensive a section as this, which is not a mere machinery section, is being recommended to the House by the Minister in charge of the Bill, for the Minister to explain the purpose for which its several provisions have been inserted in the section. We had not the benefit of any such explanation from the Minister this morning. I do not know whether we shall have that explanation from him before the debate on this section concludes, but again, I think, as I thought in relation to paragraphs (a) and (h), that the section is dangerous as a precedent.

Auctioneering is a normal commercial occupation, an ordinary business; yet here we are giving to some controlling body the right to walk in and inspect the books of a person or a firm which is carrying on this business. That is a very dangerous precedent to establish and surely before the House gives its assent to a proposal of that kind the need for it should be fully demonstrated by the Minister who is recommending it to the House. As I said, auctioneering is a plain, ordinary business, just as ordinary and as commonplace as, say, the grocery business, the tailoring business or the haberdashery business. Concede this power to the board and it may not be very long before some person will be appealing to the Greyhound Industry Bill as the Minister has appealed to the Racing Board and Racecourses Act of 1945 to justify certain provisions in this measure. It may not be very long before someone is appealing to what has been done in the Greyhound Industry Bill as a justification for applying the powers which are contained in paragraph (e) to some other occupation or business.

The next paragraph to which I wish to refer is paragraph (m). As Deputy de Valera pointed out, it looks very innocuous on the face of it. It provides for the making of regulations by the board in regard to the recording and publication of information relating to the results of sales. That is a very wide power indeed. As Deputy de Valera pointed out, it would probably be construed by the court to exclude anything which did not come within the general ambit of the provisions of Section 38. Nevertheless, even if it has that restrictive force, even if it could be said to deal only with matters which would be the proper concern of the board, I would pose this question: if a newspaper publishes the information that certain named greyhounds were sold at an auction, might the newspaper be held to have contravened some regulation made by the board under paragraph (m)? That might not be impossible. As Deputy de Valera said, the publication of information relating to sales must be made in conformity with the regulations made by the board. A newspaper might, however, publish a perfectly genuine article containing information relating to sales not in conformity with the regulations made.

Now these are the objections we see to the section as it stands. This section is, in its purpose, quite novel and, I think, unprecedented. It is unprecedented in so far as any Act of this Oireachtas is concerned because this general power, this almost comprehensive power, which is to be conferred on the board to make regulations, is without any safeguard whatsoever for the public. The board is being set up as a completely independent authority with power to limit the right of people to carry on a business, with power to limit the right of people to enter into employment. We have not even the safeguard that the regulations which the board may make will require the consent of the Minister before they become effective.

The Minister has referred to the Racing Board. There are two sections here giving power to make regulations. One of them affects what one might describe as the general body of the public in so far as the public are represented by the bookmakers. The regulations which the board may make in respect of the payment of levies on course bets are subject to the consent of the Minister. There is another regulation which says that the board, after consultation with the governing bodies, may by regulations provide for regulating the manner in which authorised racecourses are to be managed and controlled by the executives thereof. Under sub-section (2), the board may by regulations provide for requiring executives of various racecourses to keep such books, accounts and records as may be prescribed; it may provide for requiring the executives of authorised racecourses to furnish to the board such returns and information as may be prescribed, for the production of books, accounts and records by executives of authorised racecourses and for the inspection and taking of extracts from books, accounts and records of authorised racecourses.

It is quite true that in that section the consent of the Minister is not required. But the circumstances and conditions are very different. These are authorised racecourses, long-established concerns, and the board has power to make these regulations because the board does, in fact, contribute very substantially to the finances of the authorised racecourses. We all know how these racecourses have been improved since the Racing Board was established. We all know that hundreds of thousands of pounds have been spent on them and, because the board is providing these moneys, the board is quite properly entitled to supervise the expenditure of those moneys and to ensure that the racecourses are being properly managed and run.

That is a very different thing from trying to limit and restrict the practice of what is recognised as an ordinary commercial occupation into which people may enter so long as they are of good character and can put up a sufficient bond. It is because the provisions of this section restrict, in the way I have described, the right of people to earn their livelihood and to enter into business that I say the least the Minister should do—the least the Minister is in duty bound to do— is to ensure that, before these regulations are made and come into operation, he will consent to them. I know the Minister may say, as he has already said, that he does not want to interfere in the day-to-day conduct of the business of the board. But he is not being asked to do that. He is being asked, presumably on one occasion, and one occasion only, to say that the regulations which the board proposes to make in relation to all these matters are reasonable, so reasonable that he can become a consenting party to them. When he has given his consent in that regard and the regulations are published, and I hope laid before this House, then his activities, so far as Section 38 are concerned, will be at an end.

To recapitulate, we are not want only opposing this section. We are opposing it because we are firmly convinced that paragraphs (a) and (b) are not in the public interest. We admit and agree that there are abuses to be rectified. We think they can be rectified by adopting other machinery, the machinery I have already described to the House.

Finally, we think these regulations should require the consent of the Minister before they become operative. There is nothing unreasonable in that. These are perfectly rational suggestions and I hope that even now, at this stage, the Minister will consider them objectively and let us, if we can, proceed with the Bill.

I have explained to the House that this section is drafted very largely on the recommendations contained in the report of the advisory committee. In the initial stages of the discussion on this section I directed the attention of Deputies to this specific paragraph. I did not read it in extenso as it was manifest that Opposition Deputies had made themselves fully familiar with the contents of that report. The only fault Deputies could find is that I have not gone quite as far as the report recommended.

I regret to say that I remain convinced that the attitude of the Opposition in regard to this section is an attitude founded on a resolute desire to obstruct and delay the legitimate procedure of this House. I do not want to have any ambiguity or doubt about it. I am sorry to say this of Deputy de Valera who usually, even if I do not agree with him, makes useful contributions to the House: I believe he came in here this morning to help to obstruct. I believe, when he spoke for an hour and a half on a section of this kind, he did it with the intention of obstructing and I think it reflects no credit on him.

But lest confusion might be created in the minds of Deputies I want to recall the House to reality. This section deals with persons who desire to hold public auctions of greyhounds. It does not restrict the right of any person who owns a greyhound to sell it by private treaty or restrict the right of anyone who wants to buy a greyhound to buy a greyhound by private treaty. But it does operate to confer on the board power to prevent a man holding a fraudulent auction and issuing a fraudulent certificate with a dog, which can be taken out of this country with that dog, and be used for the purpose of selling the dog fraudulently to a foreign buyer to the great detriment of all those greyhound breeders in the country who breed and race their dogs honestly and who wish to sell their patrons nothing but an honest dog with an honest record.

Every person in this country who wishes to enter into the auctioneering business at the present time is obliged to become a registered auctioneer under the Auctioneers Act. It does not matter whether he desires to auction furniture, or land or property of any kind. He must submit himself to the regulations of the Auctioneers' Association. That association has statutory power to make conditions for the protection of the auctioneers' clients. Here we are concerned with something much greater than that; we are concerned to protect a great industry which can be gravely prejudiced by malfeasance on the part of auctioneers. The report points out at paragraph 180:—

"We are satisfied that cases have frequently occurred where a buyer— whether an agent or otherwise—was enabled to give deliberately false prices to the Press, with the object either of later reselling the dog at a price based on the fictitiously high cost of purchase, or, if acting as an agent, of persuading his principal that he had paid that fictitious amount."

It is for the purpose of preventing practices of that character, to the great detriment of the whole industry, at auctions of greyhounds that this section is drafted. It applies to nobody but to individuals who wish to set themselves up as professional auctioneers of racing dogs. We know from past experience that that practice is susceptible to fraudulent practice. I am concerned in this legislation for the protection of the breeders of dogs here and the industry as a whole, and I am concerned to confer on the board itself, representative of all participants in the industry, powers to protect itself against fraud. That is all.

It is perfectly manifest from the point of view of the industry as a whole that the more people who are prepared to auction dogs and provide an arena where dogs can be legitimately auctioned the better it is for the industry. It is fantastic to say that a board truly representative of the industry would seek to contract the venues where dogs might be legitimately auctioned. Of course if we proceed on the basis that the new board is to be corrupt and rotten and inefficient then we ought to confer no power on it. I am proceeding on the assumption that the board will be truly representative of the industry which in the main consists of honest men and from which we can easily find honest men to constitute the board so that the dishonest minority may be brought under control.

Here is a section with three subsections and approximately 20 paragraphs involved. The Opposition says something of this kind is necessary. They have had this section in their hands for some time; they have purported to find great danger in certain paragraphs, but not one among them took the trouble to put down an amendment, even with the intention of withdrawing it after attention had been focussed upon it. It is common practice, even though you do not intend to press an amendment to a division, that if you want to focus attention on a particular point in a section, you put down an amendment so that you may debate that section in isolation and then abandon your amendment if you do not wish to pursue it. Not one single amendment was put in by any member of the Opposition on this; not one point was raised nor a breath of notice given to me that there was any serious problem involved by any Deputy in Opposition in respect to any part of this section. If I had received no amendments, if no amendments had been submitted, I might have said to myself: "Apparently they do not wish to attempt to improve this Bill and therefore I must be prepared to meet all round opposition." But that is not the case: amendments were submitted by Deputy MacEntee, by Deputy Walsh and by Deputy O'Malley, all of which were most carefully studied to see how far they could be met. None was put down here.

What revolts me—I am not surprised at anything Deputy MacEntee does— is that Deputy de Valera should come in to be made an instrument, and to engage in jeering and winking with Deputy MacEntee——

Please, Sir, may I wink?

It is not a decent function for a responsible Deputy of this House to discharge. I challenge Deputy de Valera that his contribution to this debate this morning was not bona fide. It was not an honest contribution.

Major de Valera

May I reply to that by challenging the Minister whether his previous contributions on the same subject were bona fide?

The best defence Deputy de Valera makes is "et tu quoque” He admits, then, his contribution this morning was not bona fide.

Major de Valera

No.

We hate to hear sin reproving sin.

That confirms the suspicion I entertained. I agree that that kind of conduct can proceed in a free Parliament such as ours but I want to remind Deputy de Valera and Deputy MacEntee that this Bill was introduced for the benefit of the greyhound industry. I believe all honest sections of that industry want to see that Bill enacted. If its enactment is postponed it is by the deliberate obstruction of the Fianna Fáil Party which itself during two years failed to produce any Bill, and which meets this Bill, founded on recommendations of the advisory committee, with every device of parliamentary obstruction that they can employ.

I believe it will be to the great detriment of the industry if this board is not set up and given the power necessary to do the work that is required to be done if the industry is to be put on a satisfactory basis. I think it wholly deplorable that the Opposition should seek to delay that. Every week's delay, I think, is a detriment to the industry as a whole. I think it is deplorable for an Opposition to declare that the provisions of Section 38 are necessary in some form and, in the next breath, to admit that they had this section before them for four months and, although they offered amendments to many sections of the Bill, they offered no amendment to this section. Yet to-day one Deputy can speak for an hour and a half and another Deputy can speak for over an hour, expressing reservations which they now profess to feel but which, on their own admission, they did not think worth while to indicate to me by way of amendment during the four months they had an opportunity of doing so.

Is that the Minister's only justification for this section?

I am patient with Deputy MacEntee, particularly when he manifests the exterior of unctuous hypocrisy. Deputy MacEntee will be grateful for any assistance he can get to facilitate him in his purpose of obstruction. I do not propose to facilitate him because I know him too long, but I propose to discharge my duty to this House. The justification for this section is that the provisions contained in it are necessary, if the board, representative of the industry as a whole, is to have the power to protect that industry against the small minority of persons referred to in page 78 of the report who, to our knowledge in the past, have been using auction proceedings to the grave detriment of the greyhound industry as a whole. In so far as the Fianna Fáil Party embattle themselves in defence of that dishonest minority, they do an ill service to this industry which we seek to help.

The Minister for Agriculture seems very aggrieved to-day. He is bad enough normally, but this evening his biggest grievance seems to be that Deputy de Valera, with his legal training and knowledge, gave this section a thorough analysis and exposed all the tyrannies that may flow from putting that section in the Bill. The Minister is trying to use the report of the advisory committee to justify the putting of that section into the Bill. I have read the report of the advisory committee very closely and certainly the Minister cannot claim the report justifies the insertion of that section in the Bill. In a great number of the paragraphs in the report the advisory committee praised the auctioneers for the manner in which they conduct the sale of greyhounds. They said that the National Greyhound Racing Company, Limited, decided to conduct sales on their premises at Shelbourne Park and to employ an auctioneer on a salary basis. Shelbourne Park, when they employed an auctioneer, employed a person of competence and of standing, who carried out the auctions there in an honest manner.

The provisions of this section are very extraordinary, and it is extraordinary that a democratic institution such as Dáil Éireann should seek to embody such provisions in any legislation. I can well imagine what would happen if the Minister for Agriculture were sitting on this side of the House and if Deputy MacEntee or Deputy Walsh introduced such provisions in any Bill. These provisions set out that any auctioneer, who must be licensed by the courts of this country, who must keep on deposit annually a sum of £2,000 with the High Court and who must have it from the superintendent of the Guards that he has found nothing objectionable against him and that he recommends him to the district justice for a licence, can sell any property in this country, be it movable or immovable, with the exception of greyhounds. That is what this section amounts to. He must ask for special consent from the Revenue Commissioners to sell plate, but that is the only stipulation.

I am wondering is this the reason why greyhounds have assumed such importance in the mind of the Minister? Before the era of Christianity in this country there was a famous warrior here who had a famous dog. We are told that Fionn MacCumhail had a famous dog called Bran, and that he was a very swift animal. But swift and all as he was, Fionn MacCumhail, that great warrior of old, was able to beat Bran in a race.

The question of Bran does not arise on this section.

Major de Valera

He was a greyhound, Sir.

They are trying to raise a hare now.

The oldest records in this country mention Bran as a famous hound. Sometime about the same era, there was a human being with the name of a hound, Cuchulainn, who was also a famous warrior. Was it for that reason that there had to be special legislation in order to sell these long-tailed animals—that they cannot be sold otherwise except under the special penal legislation which the Minister proposes to embody in this Bill, if the House will allow him? Auctioneers are entitled to sell horses, that most important product of our country which brings in millions of pounds at public sales in this country. There is no special legislation and there are no special laws in this country to prevent any licensed auctioneer from selling horses, cattle, sheep, pigs or any other animal. But now it is proposed to have special legislation for the sale of greyhounds.

There is only one place in this country where there are sales of greyhounds at the present time. That is Shelbourne Park. As far as the records of the advisory committee go, there is a statement that about one dog in every ten exported was sold by auction in 1950. I cannot see why there is all the bother about the necessity for this legislation which holds up the majority of auctioneers in this country as a set of crooks and which says that they must be licensed and restricted by this board of control for the greyhound industry. They must have a special licence and, not only that, but they must also have a special permit before they can sell one of those long-tailed animals.

The average price of the dogs sold in 1950 reached the princely sum of £50 and things have not improved in the course of the last few years. The Minister is a bit too late with this Bill. He should have had it in operation in 1946 and 1947 when there was a big price for greyhounds and when many of them were exported. There were 2,000 of them sold in 1946 and they brought in £147,000, an average of £72 each. There were only 1,000 of them sold in 1950 at an average of £36 each. What is the reason for all the penal proposals in this section? I cannot see any reason for them.

The Minister could withdraw this section from the Bill and, if it was passed without it, it would be far more effective. The board has no power under the Bill to compel anybody who owns a greyhound to bring it into auctioneers' sales. These people still have the power to sell privately and I do not think the Minister proposes to interfere with that. We have the statement from the advisory committee that only one in ten of the dogs exported were sold at auction sales.

What are the conditions for the making of charges for the grant, retention and renewal of licences? Will the Minister tell us if these licences granted by the board will be sufficient to enable auctioneers to sell greyhounds or will they also require a licence from the Revenue Commissioners? Under the section the Minister is giving power to a body over which he will have no control once it is appointed. He is giving them powers much more far-reaching than the powers of any Government Department. I do not think that any Department of State, except during the emergency had the far-reaching powers which are being given to this Board to deal with bookmakers and auctioneers. Bookmakers and auctioneers seem to me to be the greatest enemies of the greyhound industry according to this Bill. If a bookmaker infringes any part of the Bill he can be fined £100. The Minister reduced that to £50 yesterday.

If an auctioneer does anything wrong he can be fined £50. He can be fined £50 for failing to furnish documents or for failure in recording and publishing information relating to the results of sales. He can be fined £50 and have his licence suspended by this board if he makes a mistake in a catalogue of sales or makes a mistake in the breeding. He can be fined £50 if he does not furnish the proper information or keep the proper records or do any other of all these nonsensical things.

The advisory committee in its report said: "We would, however, in addition, draw attention to the practice of a leading British firm of auctioneers in this respect whereby a guarantee accompanies every dog sold off their benches." They did not need any of the penal provisions of this section to ensure that a guarantee would be given with every dog sold off the benches. I doubt very much if any auctioneer in this country would give a guarantee with a dog. If the board would give a guarantee it would be all right but I do not think auctioneers would give a guarantee otherwise.

Paragraph 181 of the advisory committee's report goes on to say that they are satisfied that, on the whole, the various auctioneers had endeavoured to perform their duties efficiently and honestly. They add that the abuses were not confined to public auction sales since a small minority of private sellers did indulge in these malpractices. It is apparent that a man can sell a dog, which is a biter, to a foreign buyer and he is not being got after under this Bill at all. If the Minister wants to get this Bill through he should give an undertaking that he will bring in an amendment to this section.

The Minister asks why the Opposition have not put down amendments. The Opposition thought that this section was so bad that it was incapable of amendment and the only decision they could come to was to oppose it and to try and get it out of the Bill altogether. We believe that this Bill would be improved if we could get this section taken out of it, if the Minister would have the Bill re-drafted and take out all the penal provisions which it at present contains in regard to bookmakers and auctioneers. There is no penal provision in the Bill with regard to breeders. The great enemies of this industry according to this Bill are the bookmakers and the auctioneers. There are more serious and more stringent regulations made to govern their conduct in the future than to govern the conduct of any other section of the community. There is no other section of the community of which I know who are trying to eke out their livelihood under such restrictions and fear of the law.

I hope the Minister will see sense. He has been accusing this Party of obstruction. We have no desire whatsoever to obstruct this Bill. We agree with the Minister that some reasonable control is necessary by legislation, and if this legislation had been approached by the Minister in a reasonable way we would have accepted it. The whole background of this Bill is to be found in the report of the advisory committee. Extraordinary things have happened since this report was published, since this legislation was introduced. Many greyhound owners throughout the country have got extraordinary views. A document was published recently and considered by a committee of this House. I found myself, during the past month, in a hot corner because of the same document. I hear very sensible people accusing the Minister of being responsible, and I had stoutly to defend the Minister.

Has this any connection with Section 38?

I am referring to these things to bring home to the Minister——

To waste the time of the House.

——the problems that the report of this committee and the Bill he has introduced have raised. Queer things can flow from them. While the desire of the Minister, I have no doubt, is to improve the greyhound industry, I am afraid he is going the wrong way about it. I doubt very much if the Minister put much energy or effort into this Bill before it was printed.

We are discussing Section 38 at the moment.

Section 38 is part of the Bill.

Deputy Allen wants to sell dogs.

I never had any desire in that direction and I do not think I ever will have. I do not think there is anything in that business. This is Dáil Éireann, enacting the laws of this country. Surely we should not enact something that we would be ashamed of, something that sets out to penalise decent people unjustly. This is a lawmaking Parliament, not a cross-roads where speeches are made during election time.

It is a good lot worse now.

This is a deliberative Assembly, performing a very serious duty, and the Minister should have considered this Bill more carefully before he introduced it here. It is quite obvious to me and to everybody that the Minister handed this report to somebody to have a Bill made out of it. It is not a democratic measure; some of the sections should not appear in a democratic measure. Similar provisions were not inserted when the horse-racing industry was being regulated by legislation. Anybody may sell horses or cattle, pedigree stock worth millions, if they are employed by the owners and if they are qualified. Under this Bill, however, the most reputable auctioneer may not sell greyhounds unless he is specially permitted by the board to do so. I do not see why Dáil Éireann should pass such legislation.

Perhaps it would be pertinent if I asked where are the Minister's legionnaires?

Major de Valera

The Minister expressed his belief to-day about the purpose of my intervention. I cannot help the Minister for his belief nor do I care very much for it. I have intervened in this debate from the point of view that has worried a number of Deputies for a long time—an effort to prevent unnecessary restrictive legislation. I think there is something to be said for the charge that this section is drafted in the easy way. This board, by this section, is being put in the position of a direct deputy of this House for the purpose of making delegated legislation. I do not think we should delegate such wide powers to a board whose main function, when all is said and done, is to control the breeding, the traffic and activities of greyhounds. Is that sufficient justification for handing over all the powers —I will not go back on details again— to which I drew attention this morning? Whatever the Minister's belief as to my intentions may be, these are the facts. I think I was not beyond my rights, nor was I going beyond the legitimate and proper confines of the debate, when I sought to reinforce my own arguments regarding the objectionable character of the Minister's summary provisions in this measure. Surely, if I seek to convince the Minister, it is by way of endeavouring to avoid what has been done on previous occasions on analogous provisions.

We have dealt pretty fully with that aspect. The Minister, in his last statement, said that the sole purpose of this section was to prevent fraudulent sales by certain unspecified individuals who are apparently prone to that type of practice. If it is a question of preventing fraudulent sales, why is it necessary to go to the extent of setting up all the machinery we have here? This greyhound board is to be vested with autocratic and far-reaching powers, powers that go, not only as far as direction and permission in respect to things immediately related to the subject are concerned but even to go to the extent of censorship.

I think I made that distinction this morning and the record will show that I thoroughly understand the reasons for this. What I fail to understand completely is the need for taking this easy way out of it. It is like saying to a policeman: "Keep law and order. If you have to shoot and kill everyone in the street in the course of doing it, if that is the easiest way, go and do it," or if there is somebody in a block of houses who has stolen bananas, to say: "Lock up everybody in that block of houses." It is nearly as bad as that.

I want to refer to the Minister's use of the word "fraudulent". If it is simply a question of fraud why is the machinery not directed towards the ordinary courts? Why is it not brought under the ordinary criminal law which in the long run would be the most direct and the most satisfactory way of dealing with the matter? I personally think that a wider issue is involved and I do not wish to pursue that point beyond saying that the Minister's suggestion that this provision is merely designed to prevent that type of fraudulent sale is an insufficient and inadequate description of the purposes of this section.

The Minister made great play with the suggestion that no amendment was put down in this connection. This is hardly relevant to the section but the Minister has raised the point himself. The primary purpose of an amendment, as I understand it, is to put down a positive view in order to have something included; a more secondary purpose of an amendment is the negative aspect of deleting or removing something. It is no function, or necessary function certainly, of any private Deputy or even of the Opposition to do the Government's work for them. It is perfectly proper and legitimate in Committee for any Deputy to criticise the provisions in a Bill section by section. In fact that is his duty. I have always had a particular interest in this question of statutory rules and orders, irrespective of what Government has been in power. I think it is too easy to err on the side of making regulations.

In the long run it is better, in the interests of the community, to run the risk of subsequent embarrassment or even defeat on an individual issue than to impose a general tyranny for fear that the Government might be bested or that the executive might be bested in a small particular by an individual. Only too often, whether consciously or unconsciously, that fear can be operated and I am afraid that that fear has to a large extent inspired that section, and that is the purpose of my intervention.

I still think the section is dangerous and when I tried to point that out to the Minister this morning for my pains I was told that I was obstructing. I tried to go a little bit further than the mere general criticism on principle and to indicate the specific points involved. It is not my function, nor do I think it is within the resources of a Deputy, to provide the perfect draft. The Minister knows very well that under modern conditions it requires the advice not only of the Minister's Department but of the Attorney-General's Department as well to frame legislation in accordance with the intention behind legislation. Therefore, I would not make any attempt at supplying the deficiency that has to be supplied here. Although I would probably not be able to give a provision the form or shape that would be most desirable, sub-section (m) which is far too wide, could very easily lead to a position where this board could grant the right of publication to some privileged monopoly just as in the other section the same thing might in principle be done for a privileged auctioneer.

These are things to be guarded against. These are very solid, reputable and proper grounds for objection in this House. Therefore, when the Minister says that it ill becomes a Deputy to comment on this matter and charges him with obstruction, might I not equally retort that the time occupied by the Minister in dealing with such matters instead of dealing with the subject matter of the section could be commented on in the same way?

Now the Deputy is off again.

Major de Valera

I think the Minister is a little bit too quick.

It is a pity everyone would not be quick and we would make a little more progress.

Major de Valera

It is very interesting to find Deputy O'Higgins in line with the Minister and the other lawyer Deputies of Fine Gael who were so vehement in their attacks on provisions of this sort in the past. With the principles behind some of their attacks I went further than merely silently assenting; I think I even vocally supported their point of view. It is rather surprising to find them now on the side of tyranny, regulations, inspectors, and all the rest of it. Deputy O'Higgins should not have intervened. He only gave me the opportunity of stating all these truths over again.

Exactly, repeating them.

Major de Valera

The truth and nothing but the truth. These are my fundamental objections to the section. I submit as forcibly as I can and also most sincerely to the Minister that that section is fundamentally bad. If it related to so serious a matter as would affect the community as a whole, the inroads made on principle there would not be allowed and certainly would not be allowed without the most serious argument and discussion. To create precedents here merely in connection with a board for the regulation of the sale of greyhounds and to set up precedents for censorship, and so on, is bad and dangerous and it is for these reasons I plead with the Minister to do something with that section.

The section could do with recasting and only the Minister can do that. He should at least put in some saving clause on the lines I indicated this morning. If that is done, I, for one, will be satisfied. My interest in this, as I confessed earlier to-day, is not due to any knowledge I have of the industry or any connection with it. I am interested in the general principles involved. I do not care where an inroad is made; an inroad is something that must be watched and we must at all times jealously guard against such inroads being made. When one finds them being made in a Bill of this nature, then it is high time to draw attention to them.

When I raised objection to this section this morning I had no idea it would still be under discussion at ten minutes to five this evening. I thought then that the Minister would see reason and that he would be prepared to accept reasonable arguments. I thought then that he would take the only way out, namely, delete the section because of the dangers inherent in its implementation as it stands.

It has been pointed out that there is a grave danger that the public will not get the services to which they are entitled if we retain this section in this Bill. Possibly my doubts are built on a different foundation from that on which the doubts of many other speakers rest; my doubts are built on the element of control and on the composition of the board which will control the sale of greyhounds. We shall have in the future the same control which has operated for the past 30 years. There is no change as far as personnel is concerned. There may be a change in numbers, but there is no change in personnel because the people who now control the industry, with all that that control implies, are the people who were responsible in the past 30 years—

The composition of the board may not be discussed on this section.

I shall come to that later.

The section deals with the public sale of greyhounds.

That is the point I want to stress. In the report of the body set up by the Minister—remember, it was the present Minister who set up that body, not a Fianna Fáil Minister—the sales of greyhounds were commented on and we were told of the corrupt practices and the malpractices which took place. We were told of the sale of fighting greyhounds, of dogs without certificates or dogs that had not been registered, and so on and so forth. All these things happened under the jurisdiction of the self-same people the standing committee of the Irish Coursing Club will appoint——

Nonsense, and the Deputy knows it is nonsense.

The truth is there, and the Minister cannot get away from it.

Rubbish.

For the next 18 months members drawn from the present standing committee of the Irish Coursing Club will be the people who will issue permits to racetracks, coursing clubs and auctioneers. It does not matter what the Minister or anyone else may say; these are the self-same people who have been responsible for the management and control of greyhound coursing and racing and greyhound sales over the past 30 years. If there was a change in the personnel of the control board and if we had independent members constituting that board, I would not then have the same objection to the section as I have now. Knowing from past experience what has happened——

The Deputy will agree the section would be all right if the board were all right?

No. Knowing what has happened in the past and the likelihood of no change in the future, I believe the Minister should never have inserted that section and should never have contemplated giving the powers envisaged in this section. When Deputy Corry was speaking here to-day he raised a hare, a hare I thought someone else might chase.

It did not run.

Not very far. If it had been raised yesterday it might have had a good gallop and it might have given a grueller to a few. As Deputy Corry rightly pointed out to-day, the board has the right to appoint auctioneers. It has the right to appoint one auctioneer to act as an agent for the board and to draw percentage fees on sales. The Minister has neither the right nor the authority to stop the board from doing that. This will be a statutory body.

That is all cod, and the Deputy knows it is.

It is not all cod. If it is all cod, why does it not appear as cod? Will the Minister reply in the negative to these queries: has the board the right to licence the auctioneer; has the board the right to give the sales of greyhounds to one track or to a dozen tracks; can it not specifically name a track here in Dublin where sales are to take place; can it not specifically name the auctioneer who will conduct these sales here in Dublin; can it not do likewise in Cork, Limerick, Waterford, Galway, Kilkenny, Newbridge, Mullingar or anywhere else? If it can, there is nothing to prevent it appointing one auctioneer and one track. That auctioneer will act as an agent with £1,000 or £1,500 a year. It has been computed——

That is all cod, and the Deputy knows it is cod. This is a section authorising the board to licence auctioneers.

——that our income from greyhounds could reach £2,000,000. Greyhounds are needed in Britain. We could build up a market in America for our greyhounds. There is nobody so foolhardy at the present time as to say anything against our trying very hard to build up exports. Many of our old and well-established exports are dwindling. Here is a new field of which we should take advantage. We should not be quite so conservative as we have been in the past.

The Fianna Fáil Party will take good care we will not get a chance to take advantage of such a market.

Here is a new field opening up. If this industry is put under proper management people who come in to buy will be assured of a genuine article. There is a market for greyhounds in Britain and America.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 10th July, 1956.
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