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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 30 May 1962

Vol. 195 No. 13

Housing (Loans) (No. 2) Bill, 1961— Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

It is now some months since we discussed this measure and having read what I said then, I am afraid there is not very much more I wish to add that would have any relevance. When concluding on the last occasion, I was on the last item about which I wish to say something, the proposal in the Bill to make available advances in order to enable people to buy the interest in cottages. It was in relation to the provision to grant loans where-with certain applicants could buy the interest in cottages. The point was made that as things now stand it can happen, and indeed does happen, that big farmers in certain areas are inclined to step in and with the wherewithal available to them, to outbid the people for whom those cottages were originally intended.

In the first place, a big farmer would not be an approved purchaser from the point of view of the local authority whose consent must in all cases be given before any sale transaction can take place. If there were in the running a qualified person—in other words, a person to whom such a sale was appropriate—then that person would get the consent of the county council to the purchase, whereas a big farmer would not. That was safeguard No. 1. No. 2 was that the local authority, in a case where no qualified person is available or willing to make an offer for the interest in any vested cottage, have the power to resume that cottage or to repurchase the interest of the person who is vacating it and, least there should be any misunderstanding in that matter, a circular was issued by the Department of Local Government in 1958 drawing the attention of local authorities to their powers in this connection so that no cottage or house suitable for the working people of this country should in fact by default fall into the hands of persons for whom it was never intended.

Taking these two circumstances together, the proposal to allow loans to be given to qualified persons to secure tenancies of these cottages so that the cottages should not fall into the wrong hands is not backed up by arguments made in this House that the availability of the loans would in fact prevent an abuse now taking place. There are other ways of preventing such abuses. Over and above that, there is the argument that the persons who have qualified to purchase an interest in these houses may not have the money and that if a loan of, say, £200 were made available, the qualified person would be in a position to purchase the interest. However, if it is true that competition would exist between the big farmers or other well off persons and the properly qualified persons, surely the availability of £200 would not secure the sale or purchase of interest because the persons who would be well off would still outbid the amount that could be lent so that the only purpose such a loan would serve would be to drive up the actual price of the cottage or the cost of the interest in the house.

Outside of that point, I have not got much to add. Many aspects were mentioned during the debate with which I have full sympathy. There are intentions implied and expressed with which I fully agree, but, taking the Bill as a whole, and reverting to what I have already said, no matter how much I might be in favour of accepting the Bill in toto, its terms, drafting, phraseology and the lack of definition prevents me from recommending to the House that it should be accepted. As well, there are in it certain provisions which, as I have said, are under consideration and will in fact be included in the new Housing Bill. I said that already when we discussed this matter last February.

Almost a couple of years ago, the provision of these loans for cottiers was promised and that will now be covered by the provisions in the new Bill. The Bill before us now is one which could not give effect to the intentions I know it is intended to convey to the House in the forthcoming Bill. Besides, the measure now before us would not be enforceable, because of its drafting, in law. It would have no legal standing and I cannot therefore recommend it to the House. If it is withdrawn and further discussed during the passage of the new Housing Bill, I think certain aspects of it would receive favourable consideration. Unfortunately, for the reasons I have given, I cannot recommend the House to accept it.

Fine Gael speakers expressed their views during the discussion of this Bill. I noted that they were somewhat at variance with our proposal to give a loan for the purchase of a vested cottage. Let us make it clear that this is a permissive Bill. Should it become law, every local authority would have the option to adopt it, if they so wished. In the event of a local authority adopting it, the responsibility would be imposed on that local authority, as in the case of SDA loans, to prepare a scheme. Those of us who are members of local authorities know that all members, irrespective of Party, would make sure, in the formulation of any such scheme that it contained a provision whereby no loss of revenue would be involved for the local authority. Fine Gael speakers will see, therefore, that there is not that terrible danger they think there is. Even if a local authority or a member of local authorities adopted such a scheme, I think the number of applications for loans for this purpose would be very small.

It was mentioned that a local authority might find four or five applicants for one vested cottage. There would be no question of the local authority stepping in between four or five would-be purchasers. They would step in only in the odd case where a house would be for sale and a person would be in need of housing accommodation. Despite the cost of raising money, even a farm worker would find, in the case of such a cottage going cheaply because of lack of competition, that the rent and annuity on it would be 9d. or 1/-a week. Even if he bought that cottage from the vested owner and borrowed the money from the local authority, he would find himself in a better position than if he were the tenant of a new cottage with a rent of anything from 10/- to 15/- a week. As I say, I believe the number of these cases would be rare. Our view is that it is desirable to have provision even for these rare cases so that the local authority will be able to help.

I appreciate the constructive attitude of the Fine Gael speakers. All of them, without exception, were helpful. I am sorry to say such cannot be said of Deputies in the Government Party. The Minister suggested that it be withdrawn. I have no personal animosity against any member of the Government Party to whom I may refer here, but it is essential to draw attention to some of the statements that have been made. I had expected that the first speaker would have been the Minister for Local Government. Quite frankly, if the Minister for Local Government had shown to us he was well advanced in the preparation of a Bill containing such assistance for these people, we would not now be discussing this Bill. We had arranged to withdraw it. It is late in the day for the Minister to come in now and suggest that we should withdraw it. I do not want to spring any sudden vote on the House. We are calling for a vote on it.

Deputy J.J. Collins was the first speaker for Fianna Fáil. I gave Deputy Collins credit for a good knowledge of local government, but he mentioned that repairs to cottages should last for ten years. That does not always apply. Many of these cottages have a vesting period of 20, 25 and 30 years, and the new ones even longer. I am speaking of the old ones. Take a cottage with a vesting period of 15, 20 or 30 years. When the ten years are up, where does the tenant stand? That is a question that must be answered by Fianna Fáil Deputies. I am sure Deputy J. J. Collins was aware that the provision in the Bill was not simply to cover the repairs of cottages alone but also reconstruction. In Limerick and Cork, as well as in other counties, we know of many cases where the tenant of a vested cottages with a young family finds, after a number of years, that three bedrooms are not sufficient. He finds it necessary to get extra accommodation through reconstruction of the cottage. That may happen in less than ten years; it may happen in a few years after vesting. Therefore, there is no use in saying repairs should be adequate for ten years.

Deputy J. J. Collins referred to the fact that Limerick County Council had power to buy back such a cottage. That power is not confined to Limerick. In so far as it goes, it is available to all counties. The Minister mentioned his departmental circular. It happened to be 1959, not 1958. It would almost be as easy for a local authority to buy back a vested cottage as it would be for Deputy Collins and myself to put Lord Brookeborough into orbit.

He also mentioned that Limerick County Council were determined to give vested tenants the right of free sale. Let me put this to Deputies. Is there anything in this Bill that would interfere directly or indirectly with the free sale by vested tenants of their interest in the cottage? There is not. If Deputies wish to oppose the Bill, it would be fairer to do so openly rather than to make insinuations and read something into it which is not in it at all. There is nothing in the Bill which interferes with the free sale by a vested tenant of a cottage, provided he meets the legal requirements of the local authority.

Some months ago, I read an article in a Sunday paper which led me to believe that we had a new Fianna Fáil Deputy of outstanding ability who would be in the forefront in discussions on future legislation. Having read the remarks of the Deputy in this debate, I must say that if any member of Fianna Fáil ever made a vicious contribution to the problem of tenants of cottages, it is Deputy Gallagher. Even among Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party, there must be many who regard the statements made by Deputy Gallagher with as much amazement as I do.

Deputy Gallagher started off by saying: "I oppose the Bill." Naturally, he is entitled to do that. He went on to say:

Cottages are repaired and adequately repaired before they are vested and that is adequate for the moment. If we decide to give the people loans and commit ourselves further, I think it is the thin edge of the wedge to remove from local authorities any control over these cottages at all.

That is at column 549, Volume 193, No. 3 of the Official Report.

I fail to understand why a Deputy carrying with him such a famous name, could describe as the thin end of the wedge a Bill which offers to tenants of council cottages the same rights, the same benefits, the same justice as is being offered to people living in private houses who can avail of loans. It is utter rubbish. I do not know whether or not it is that the Deputy knows so little about local government. He goes further and suggests that the Bill is a continuance of racketeering. He complained that sometimes non-qualified persons seem to get possession of vested cottages. He said.

the Bill would lead to extensions of that abuse.

That is at column 550.

I challenge any member of the Fianna Fáil Party to show how that criticism could be made of the Bill even by the most bitter enemy of council cottage tenants. In the case of an owner occupier of a private house, the fact that he secures a loan ties him to a certain degree to the person from whom he borrows. The fact that a tenant borrows from the local authority is an assurance that the local authority will have a stronger hold on him than they would have if he had not secured a loan. I do not understand why the Deputy should suggest in connection with this Bill the possibility of some people getting cottages who should not get them. This Bill is not responsible for that.

Would somebody ask Deputy Gallagher, if there has been instances in his constituency where persons secured cottages who, he thinks, should not have them, if he made inquiries at the local authority offices and, if he got no satisfaction there, did he report the matter to the Minister and the Department of Local Government? That onus is on the Deputy if he knows of such cases. I had a doubt in regard to one or two cases and I brought them before the local authority and asked for legal opinion. the responsibility is on a Deputy to do so. To suggest that this Bill could be considered as in any way responsible for the extension of such abuses shows—and I am trying to be charitable—complete lack of knowledge in regard to tenancies and the appointment of tenants.

The Deputy concluded by saying:

... see that there is no further expansion of the rights of vested tenants in these cottages.

They are words similar to the words often used by the absentee landlords in the west of Ireland long ago. Now they are being used by a Deputy from the west of Ireland in connection with tenants of council cottages.

Deputy MacCarthy, a man from my own county, a man as familiar with the problems as I am, spoke on the Bill. I should like the members of the Fianna Fáil Party to study what he said. Deputy MacCarthy stated that insufficient grants in connection with repair or reconstruction, based on departmental estimates, were the cause of a lot of the trouble. Other Deputies whom I will mention did not agree with that when I said it. Do they object to Deputy MacCarthy saying it? Deputy MacCarthy went further. He considered that the Bill did not go far enough. He suggested that it will require numerous amendments if it is to remedy all the defects that are now very evident in local authority housing. The reference is column 551 of Volume 193 No. 3.

Will any member of the Fianna Fáil Party who wants to accuse me of political propaganda, accuse a member of their own Party? If they want to accuse me, they also accuse Deputy MacCarthy. They cannot do that. They know that he told the truth and, unfortunately for them, they cannot object to my saying the same thing.

Deputy Lemass complained that the Bill did not deal effectively with many of the problems in the city. We country boys are often accused of coming to Dublin and staying there, but I should like Deputy Lemass to know that we would not for a moment deny members of the Dublin Corporation who are members of this Dáil their right to introduce or to have introduced any legislation in connection with the city. It takes us all our time to deal with the problems of the rural areas, as we have tried to do in this Bill. It is not for us to deal with the problems in the city. Deputy Lemass must know that this Bill in no way interferes with the rights of the members for the city of Dublin or the city of Cork.

Deputy Lemass said that, in his opinion, the Bill was drafted mainly to deal with the questions of vested cottages and agricultural labourers. Was there anything wrong in that? Deputies from rural areas, on all sides of the House, are conversant with the problems in the rural areas. If Deputies did confine themselves in all debates to what they know there might be less time wasted in the House. Deputy Lemass mentioned the sale of vested cottages in Dublin not approved by the Corporation. There is nothing surprising in that. Vested cottages have come within the ambit of Cork County Council ever since 1955. This Bill makes the position clear, although Deputy Lemass seems to doubt it. He suggested that the definition in the 1936 Act was being done away with and that the Bill substitutes for it that the purchaser should be an approved person. "Approved person" is not a new definition brought in with this Bill. "Approved person" is a well recognised term, in use long since by the Minister for Local Government and his Department and frequently referred to in this House. We are not asking a local authority to recommend for approval any person who is not qualified.

The next Government Deputy to speak was Deputy Crinion who said the Bill did not cover water or sewerage. We all know that it is only in the past three years that grants for water and sewerage were separated from the main reconstruction grant and anybody concerned would know that reconstruction could include provision of water supply, or bathrooms, or anything else. The Minister also referred to this. I suppose if either the Deputy or the Minister want to oppose the Bill, he will read something into it that would be against it. It was obvious from the start that they were trying to pick the best loopholes they could find——

The Deputy should realise that I was just trying to be helpful in outlining how the Bill would not work.

We shall come to how helpful the Minister was.

I am sorry that I was so courteous as to discuss this in the terms I then used.

I am sorry that when introducing the Second Stage, I did not know the line that would be taken by the Minister.

This is misrepresentation by taking odd lines from my speech.

I am quoting here and I have never yet misrepresented anybody.

You are misrepresenting the Bill now.

Fan noimeat. Legislation in connection with reconstruction over the years was not at variance with the provision of water and sewerage grants. Deputy Crinion, who is a new member, did, as many Fianna Fáil Deputies did recently, and quoted the Minister's reply to a question in November, 1960, as reported at Column 38 of Volume 185 of the Official Report. The Minister then said that any amendment of the law found necessary or desirable would be embodied in the next amending Bill. Yet when the Minister was speaking, he did not say whether or not such an amendment would be considered desirable. There has been no indication since the Minister made that statement that the Minister has considered such an amendment. We have not yet gone beyond the stage where the Minister has not made up his mind whether such an amendment is desirable or necessary.

The Deputy is talking through his hat and he knows it.

If the Minister does not lose his temper, he may come out a little better.

The Minister has already explained to the House his mind in this matter and there is no use in the Deputy trying to confuse it.

Last February, when the Minister spoke on this Bill and was playing for time, he said he would be bringing in legislation in the next couple of months. We are now in June and the First Stage of the Bill has not been introduced.

Correct. Are there any other astonishing revelations?

No. If the Minister now finds himself in the position of having to accounts for something he said in the past, that is his funeral, not mine.

It sounds like a funeral, anyway.

Deputy Crinion finally suggested that we should leave the matter to the Department. I do not blame the new member of the House for saying that, but if we hope to get any benefit for these tenants by waiting for the Department to act, then God help them.

It was promised to them long since, before the Deputy even thought about this Bill.

I give Deputy P. Brennan credit for saying that the Bill had some merit and that the matter of giving loans to tenant purchasers was very important. I am sorry, however, that he adopted the same attitude of "leaving it to the Minister". Deputy Brennan said Deputies had availed of the opportunity to make political capital, in the hope that it would win them support down the country. Deputy Brennan and the Minister know, although some members elected last October for the first time do not know and could not be expected to know, that this Bill was introduced long before the last election. We had hoped for it for many years; I spoke about it on the Estimate for many years and because nothing had happened, we thought it essential to do something. Then we are accused by Fianna Fáil of making political capital and told we should leave it to the Minister. Apparently, if anything is to be done for the people of Ireland, it can only be done by a Fianna Fáil Minister.

Hear, hear.

Another new member, Deputy Dolan, said there was no need to push this Bill, in view of the Minister's statement some 12 months earlier and he considered it was ill-timed propaganda. Is it not obvious these Deputies got a running brief coming into the House from the man who should have spoken first but instead spoke last, the Minister? Deputy Dolan wants well-designed houses, with proper gates and flower beds but the question of giving loans to the tenants of these cottages or anything like that must wait for the Minister's proposals.

Coming to the Minister himself, to give him credit, he said at Column 855 of the Official Report of 28 February, 1962, that he regarded the intentions of the Party who sponsored it as bona fide but later he went on and said at Column 857, that Section 4 was put in so that the Labour Party could have the Bill passed by this House, as if there were costs involved for the Exchequer, the Bill could not be moved. If that were the case, was it a crime for members to bring in a Bill in such a form that it would have to be accepted by the Minister? Once we tabled a Bill that met the requirements laid down, the Minister must accept it. If we had left out that section and if it could be proved that it would cost the Exchequer a halfpenny, out would go the Bill and nobody would be as happy as the Minister for Local Government. The Minister is sore that such provision was in the Bill——

I was excusing the stupidity of the section.

We shall come to the stupidity. Over the years, Cork County Council, as well as many other local authorities have been operating SDA loans without a halfpenny loss because not alone are the loans repayable but interest is being chargd as well. Let us understand—the Minister did understand I am sure but it did not suit him to say so—that should a local authority adopt the Bill which would eventually become an Act, then the ones would be on the local authority in the preparation of these schemes, the self-same as the SDA schemes——

It would be the same as the SDA schemes, to make sure that the finances of the local authority would not in any way be affected.

That is not right.

Therefore, it is obvious to everyone that there would be no loss. Apparently, while the Minister wants to criticise us for introducing this Section, the Minister has the bad manners not to agree in regard to the obligation of the authorities to secure themselves. The fact is it is here whether the Minister likes it or not.

I am delighted it came in.

It is the self-same as the SDA provision.

The Deputy is wrong.

The Minister should behave himself.

I am telling the Deputy he is wrong.

The Minister is trying to save himself by spending time interrupting.

Not at all. I have no time coming.

In regard to Section 2 the Minister says there is no statutory meaning attaching to the phrase "approved tenant-purchasers". All of us in the local authority understand what it means. He goes on to say there is no definition of this phrase enshrined in the Bill and that it would not stand in the legal sense. If I have the time I shall prove to the Minister there is many a thing that would not stand in the legal sense for which he is responsible in connection with a circular sent out in 1959. However, it suits the Minister at this stage to show his knowledge of local government. Not so long ago he displayed his lack of knowledge when in the High Court it was adjudicated that a Bill which had been introduced by him and passed was unconstitutional. The Minister says there is a certain amount of contradiction between Sections 2 and 3.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

Section 2 speaks of approved persons. All of us in the local authorities know that an approved person is a tenant who has been approved by the local authority for the purpose of the vesting of a cottage. The Minister tries to confuse Section 3 and Section 2. There must be a difference between the person who is already the tenant of a vested cottage and the other person referred to. We would not for a moment suggest that a local authority should give a loan for the purchase of the interest as an approved person for the purchase of another cottage. As the Minister knows, there is no sense to it. I should like the members of Fine Gael to know that in this Section, Section 3, before that person could get a loan for the purchase of the interest of a vested cottage, he must be a person approved by the local authority. If he were not, under no circumstances could he get a loan for such a purpose. That in itself is a safeguard for the local authority. Therefore, Deputy Gallagher need not worry about people who should not qualify as approved persons getting the tenancy of such a cottage. The Minister went further and at column 856 of the same volume he said there were further obvious contradictions. He said that one section advocated a certain group and that a later section seemed to exclude the same group. He started off by saying it was an obvious contradiction and then saying he was not sure, that the section "seemed" to exclude. In connection with Section 5 he said the passing of any resolution under Sections 1 and 2 was a reserved function. What the Minister meant by that I do not know. If that is so, may I ask what of such measures as the Town Planning Act of 1934 or what of Section 1 of the City and County Management Act of 1955?

The Minister said we were not keeping within the confines of the statutory regulations. Should that be the case and should the Minister be so worried about keeping within the scope of the statutory conditions governing vesting, what about the position in North Tipperary? Did the Minister suspend, under Section 4 of the 1955 Act, the statutory conditions governing the case of the retired farmer in North Tipperary? Did he agree or consent to the suspension? We heard a little while back that the big farmer should not get the house because there was a danger there. We were told, in the course of the discussion on this Bill, that such a proceeding would not be in accordance with statutory conditions. Yet, in North Tipperary an actual case stands. The Minister must answer for that.

We know the difficulties that existed in North Tipperary when a question arose as to whether or not a certain section of tenants should be considered as a group. We know that the members of the local authority decided, under Section 4, that they should be so treated. The county manager did not agree. Legal opinion was sought. Legal opinion was not in favour of it. Yet, the Minister said: "It is right under Section 4". That is all right but, when the North Tipperary local authority asked the advice of the Minister on this particular matter, did they receive an answer? Did the Department of Local Government reply to the questions asked and give advice on the problems raised by North Tipperary local authority?

The Minister referred to the circular, H7/59, of 28th May, 1959. The Minister makes it clear in that circular, in paragraph 5, that he would have no objection to the owner of a vested cottage selling that cottage to a farmer for the accommodation of an employee of that farmer, provided it come within the rules. Very well. The Minister tells us that everything must be in apple pie order. In the event of a large farmer buying a tenancy in a vested cottage for the purpose of housing one of his workmen, might I ask the Minister what the position will be if, through some change in the system of agricultural economy practised by that farmer, the house becomes idle? We know that under the law at present no local authority have power to get back a vested cottage, unless they can prove the house is falling into disrepair. A tenant can vacate such a cottage and the local authorities have no power to take the cottage back.

The alleged weaknesses and imperfections in this Bill have been pointed out to us while, at the same time, the perfection of the Minister's proposition was dwelt on at some length. The Minister mentioned that paragraph 4 does not prevent the owner of a cottage from letting that cottage provided, of course, he lets it to a qualified person. What happens if he lets it to an unqualified person? We have had no answer to that question.

There was a letting case in Westmeath. It is reported. It was the case of Westmeath County Council v. Claffey. The decision in that case cuts directly across what is in this circular issued in 1959 under the name of the Minister for Local Government. The Minister professes himself to be anxious about the matters raised in this Bill, but he also professes himself to be unable to do anything because the provisions are not legally acceptable. The Minister's own circular has been proved to be legally unacceptable. If the Minister sets himself up as the authority, then the decisions in these court cases are wrong.

If the Deputy would look into the matter properly he would see that they are not contradictory.

We will have plenty of time to look into it.

It will be an education to the Deputy if he does.

The Minister expatiated on statutory conditions and statutory shortcomings. He overlooks the fact that if a farmer buys a vested cottage in order to house a workman, and that cottage subsequently becomes idle, nothing can be done by the local authority to get back that cottage because of the doubts that exist at the present time. I am sorry there has not been more time to go into this in more detail. I made our position clear at the outset. I expected that the first speaker would be the Minister for Local Government. I introduced no matter into my speech on the Second Stage that could be interpreted, either directly or indirectly, as being political in character. I believe we should offer to the tenants of these cottages the same rights and conditions that are offered to tenants of other houses. I believe the tenants of these cottages should occupy them on the same conditions as do tenants of other houses. Despite what Deputy Gallagher says about the thin end of the wedge, I maintain that the law of the State and the moral law should be in accord: what is good for the tenant of a private house in relation to loans to help him carry out reconstruction work on his house should be equally good in the case of a local authority anxious to help the tenant of a vested cottage to carry out reconstruction work on his cottage.

It is upon that principle we founded this Bill. It was from that point of view we hoped for the co-operation of the Minister. The Minister has made it quite clear now that he has no intention of offering any co-operation. Indeed, had he had any such intention, he would have been on his feet in this House much earlier. We have no option now but to divide the House on this Bill. If the Minister introduces a measure on the same lines at some future date, well and good. It has never been any attribute of mine to claim credit for this or apportion discredit for that. All I am interested in is getting things done. There are members of the Minister's own Party who believe that, in justice, loans should be provided for the reconstruction of these cottages. They will vote this afternoon with the Minister. Perhaps, however, when the Minister realises that members of his own Party believe in these proposals——

I believed in them a long time before the Deputy came in here with his Bill.

Let the Minister not forget then that the Labour Party were not wrong.

Will the Deputy have a bit of sense?

Let the Minister not forget it, because I shall never forget it.

Question put.
The House divided: Tá, 29; Níl, 66.

Blowick, Joseph.Browne, Michael.Casey, Seán.Clinton, Mark A.Corish, Brendan.Cosgrave, Liam.Crotty, Patrick J.Desmond, Dan.Dillon, James M.Dockrell, Henry P.Donegan, Patrick S.Dunne, Thomas.Farrelly, Denis.Flanagan, Oliver J.Gilhawley, Eugene.

Hogan, Patrick (South Tipperary).Jones, Denis F.Kyne, Thomas A.Lynch, Thaddeus.Murphy, Michael P.Norton, William.O'Donnell, Thomas G.O'Sullivan, Denis J.Pattison, Séamus.Ryan, Richie.Sweetman, Gerard.Tierney, Patrick.Treacy, Seán.Tully, James.

Níl

Aiken, Frank.Allen, Lorcan.Bartley, Gerald.Blaney, Neil T.Boland, Kevin.Booth, Lionel.Brady, Philip A.Brady, Seán.Brennan, Joseph.Brennan, Paudge.Breslin, Cormac.Burke, Patrick J.Calleary, Phelim A.Carter, Frank.Carty, Michael.Childers, Erskine.Clohessy, Patrick.Colley, George.Collins, James J.Cotter, Edward.Crinion, Brendan.Crowley, Honor M.Cummins, Patrick J.Cunningham, Liam.Davern, Mick.de Valera, Vivion.Dolan, Séamus. Moher, John W.Mooney, Patrick.Moran, Michael.Ó Briain, Donnchadh.Ó Ceallaigh, Seán.Ó Connor, Timothy.

Dooley, Patrick.Egan, Kieran P.Egan, Nicholas.Fanning, John.Faulkner, Padraig.Flanagan, Seán.Gallagher, James.Galvin, John.Geoghegan, John.Gibbons, James M.Gilbride, Eugene.Gogan, Richard P.Haughey, Charles.Hilliard, Michael.Kennedy, Michael J.Lalor, Patrick J.Lemass, Noel T.Lemass, Seán.Lenihan, Brian.Lynch, Celia.Lynch, Jack.MacCarthy, Seán.McEllistrim, Thomas.MacEntee, Seán.Meaney, Con.Medlar, Martin.Millar, Anthony G. O'Malley, Donogh.Ormonde, John.Ryan, James.Sherwin, Frank.Smith, Patrick.Timmons, Eugene.

Tellers:— Tá: Deputies Treacy and Tully; Níl: Deputies J. Brennan and Geoghegan.
Question declared lost.
The Dáil adjourned at 5.10 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 5th June, 1962.
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