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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 30 Nov 1966

Vol. 225 No. 12

Committee on Finance. - Vote 28—Office of the Minister for Education.

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £1,274,220 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1967, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Education (including Institutions of Science and Art), for certain Miscellaneous Educational and Cultural Services, and sundry Grants-in-Aid.—(Minister for Education.)

Before reporting progress, I was commenting on what I thought was the one big omission in the scheme outlined by the Minister, namely, the fact that his proposals do not cater at all for the neediest sections of our community. It has been a feature of State grants and State aid all through the years that, at the bottom of the income scale, there have always been people and families who, because of lack of financial means, cannot avail of such aids and grants as are offered. It is a pity that this should also apply in the field of education and that education should still be denied to the needier sections of our community and the greatest of all inequalities, inequality of opportunity, should still persist so far as these people are concerned. The Minister readily admits that this injustice exists and I appeal to him now to cater for our most needy brethren in what is an otherwise reasonably good scheme.

The Minister proposes to provide free post-primary education for all but the fact is he will not be making post-primary education freely available to all, and that is very desirable at the present time. The ideal would be, of course, that no family would be forced to take advantage of this State aid by way of maintenance grants. Family incomes should be of a sufficiently high level to enable people to avail of education but the cold hard fact is that the position outlined by the Minister will not be the position as from 1st September, 1967, and that is one big defect in the Minister's scheme, one defect I hope he will see his way to rectifying before next September.

The Minister announced today that books will be provided free to those who need them and he estimated that 25 per cent of the pupils will need free books. The cost of providing free books for 25 per cent of the children is estimated at £100,000. From that it is easy to calculate that the total cost of providing free books for all would be £400,000 and, for the sake of £300,000, I do not think it is worth introducing this means test in this particular instance. Because of our limited resources, there are cases in which there must be a means test, but I do not think such a test is called for where school books are concerned. For the sake of £300,000, I do not think it is worth introducing a means test and, if it is introduced, it will impose a certain amount of hardship on children in the same school, three-quarters of whom will pay for the books and one-quarter of whom will have the books doled out to them by the headmaster, or whoever is in charge, who will, in fact, decide whether or not they are needy. That is something best avoided.

The main weakness in the scheme outlined by the Minister is the fact that he does not yet know what schools will opt for the scheme and what schools will not. He told us he estimates the general run of schools will accept the scheme and make post-primary education available without fees. But he has no proof of this and, having announced the scheme, the onus is on him to prove that it will, in fact, work. Has he consulted the schools? Perhaps he has. He has not told us that he has consulted them. I should like him to tell us if he has consulted the schools and if he is satisfied that the number of schools he estimates will opt for the scheme will, in fact, do so.

He referred in his speech to the desirability of providing comprehensive facilities in as many centres as possible and he told us that his predecessor circularised vocational and secondary schools and the response was very good. I should like more detailed information with regard to the response the Minister got from post-primary schools generally, both secondary and vocational, because, as far as I am aware, there is a good deal of confusion with regard to the common utilisation of facilities between vocational schools, largely financed from public funds, and private schools, as to who would pay the cost of various items, who should be the ultimate authority, and so on. Many questions have been raised. Perhaps the Minister would tell us if these have been satisfactorily resolved. I hope they have.

We have talked about the desirability of avoiding and eliminating the compartmentalisation that has existed between the various divisions in our educational system. We have talked, too, about the desirability of utilising our teaching force, primary, secondary and vocational, to the fullest extent and to facilitate free transfer between the various levels and types of education. It is very desirable to utilise our teaching force to the full. Therefore I would appeal, along with those who have already appealed — Deputy Lindsay today and others in the past when the opportunity presented itself —to the Minister to remove the impediments which exist to teachers transferring easily, in the first instance, from other countries to this country— in the case of those wishing to return home to engage in the teaching service here—and, in the second instance, to transferring between various departments in our own country. We have a tremendous shortage—this has been acknowledged—of, principally, science and mathematics teachers. I am quite sure there are a number of teachers, with qualifications for teaching these subjects, teaching outside this country today. We should make it very easy for these people to return to their own country and give service to their own children, without lack of increment.

National teachers, holding a Higher Diploma in Education may wish to transfer to either secondary or vocational schools. I think they should be facilitated in doing so, if they feel their particular calling is in that line. At present, they are not so facilitated. A national teacher who wishes to take up secondary teaching has to forego income; a national teacher wishing to take up vocational teaching has, though he has already been trained, to undergo another training and a further test. If such impediments could be removed, or at least some recompense made to teachers—if they must undergo these courses before transfer—this should be done.

Everything possible should be done to facilitate them in easy transfer from one form of teaching to the other and so ensure there will be no scarcity of teachers in any sphere. In the vocational sphere, there is a shortage, and we know that CEOs have put forward, for their inability to expand the force, the reason that the teachers cannot be got. We should facilitate in every way those who want to transfer to vocational teaching.

There is, of course, the whole question of adult education, and the Minister has not referred to that at all today. We know, and the NIEC report again tells us, that, in spite of any improvements there might be in education from now on, it will take, possibly, 13 years before the full benefits of that improved system is felt in our labour force. The average age in the labour force they gave us, at that time, was 42 years. These are the people who were the products of the educational system provided 30 years ago. Therefore, if we are to increase our competitiveness with other countries, if we are to prepare ourselves for free trade, it will not be enough—now that we are 30 years too late—to concentrate alone on our school children. We must concentrate on adult education and on the whole question of retraining. Here again, career guidance is very vital, to ensure that the adult who felt he might become redundant in his post in the near future, or who felt he might wish to avail of better opportunities now than he was enabled to do so during his school years, would have, first of all, guidance and, in the second instance, the facilities for so doing. This is economically sound and is also social justice.

Finally, I would say to the Minister that while there are faults and omissions in the system, all in all, it is a very positive step in the right direction. We wish him every luck and we hope that his highest hopes for his scheme will be realised in September, 1967.

As one who, with the Minister for Education, had the distinction of attending the same university college as Deputy Lindsay, I do not intend to leave this debate to the more successful students! I feel tonight this is certainly a matter upon which the Minister is to be congratulated—this first definite breakthrough in the question of free post-primary education for everybody in this State. He has been criticised because the details have not been fully worked out, but, to my mind, that is not a wise criticism, nor do I think it is a criticism any Minister should have to answer coming in here on a question such as this. Had he waited until all the details were worked out, we would be waiting a further 30, 40 or, perhaps, 50 years.

In an urgent matter like this, you have to create a situation where demand is established. By announcing this policy and providing the educational facilities next September, the demand is thereby created for teachers, for schools and transport, and those people who may have an economic or an academic interest in these problems to get down to it and see that they are provided. In other words, teachers will realise that it is worth their while qualifying as teachers and staying in this country. Those interested will build the schools; those who are interested in transport will provide the transport; and I feel this approach to it is as correct as any other.

Those years were exciting, important and stimulating years in the history of the Department of Education. Last year we were dealing with the question of the reorganisation of the personnel of the national schools, so that the Department could make better use of the teachers available to it; so that the pupil ratio would be improved and the facilities in the schools would be much more acceptable to the pupils. In certain areas, this meant the closing down of one- and two-teacher schools. This was not very acceptable to the few in some particular areas, but, as time went on, it became more acceptable and there are still, no doubt, some pockets of resentment throughout the country. Judging by the amount of talk about the problem this year, it does not seem to be a big problem now, and I would urge the Minister and his Department to continue dealing with the problem in the considerate, understanding and diplomatic way they have dealt with it in the past. I feel that, after another year or two, this will be a policy accepted without any resistance whatsoever by anybody throughout the State.

This year, the centre of controversy is the question of the Irish language. It has been brought into the open very much by the announcement by the Fine Gael Party of some change in their policy and also by an organisation outside the House. It is such now that I feel there must be very few people in the country who have not at least made up their minds as to which side they belong. However, in the House itself, it is true to say that all Parties still accept that the policy for this State must be the Irish language. Fianna Fáil and the Labour Party have not changed anything on it; the Fine Gael people have changed somewhat, but they maintain that the Irish language should still be available to the Irish people. There is but one fear I have in this change, which is, that the people in Fine Gael, who have brought about this change—if at any time in the future the Fine Gael Party were successful—would go a step or two further and have the Irish language ruled out as a compulsory subject within the national schools.

It is compulsory, so?

Those people are advocating that this matter should be referred to the people in a referendum. To date, I do not think that was necessary. At all elections all Parties have placed their policy on Irish before the people and the people accepted it without question. Perhaps in the next general election it may be different but that is the position to date.

On the question of the referendum itself, the people must be careful as to what subject is placed before them in a referendum. For example, I do not think anyone would seriously propose putting the question of income tax before the people and having them decide whether they would pay income tax. The most important question of all for any nation, and particularly a democratic nation, is the question of war and so far as I am aware, that has never been decided by referendum. There should be no need to remind the House that on the most important referendum, the most historic referendum decided on, the result was not just that the people voted for Barrabas. So I feel that a question such as this could never be decided by putting it to a referendum.

It behoves people of my age, people who started in the national school immediately after the Treaty and continued in the national school through the 20s, were fortunate enough to go to a secondary school in the 30s and later to the university, to have some definite views on the question of the Irish language and the policy that was pursued. The object of the State was to make Irish the spoken language in this country but when the State got down to doing the job, they lost sight of that object and sought to create a literary language, with perfection in reading and writing, and in that way they forgot about the speaking of the language.

That is the big mistake that was made. The standard sought on the written side was too high at that time and those of us who were requested to speak it were expected to speak it with the accuracy in grammar, correctness in pronunciation and facility of expression which our age-group could not equal. More often than not, we found ourselves making mistakes. Occasionally we were punished for them and gradually we lost interest in the language. I feel it would be more in the interest of the language to get away from that altogether. That is the situation as it presented itself when I was being educated and I think that was the greatest error made.

It is a bit tragic that even following all the discussions on this subject over the past 12 months, three or four teachers told me in the past couple of weeks that when an inspector goes to a national school, he still emphasises and concentrates on grammar in the second and third classes.

In a situation such as this no one should criticise without offering a remedy. The remedy I have to offer is that which was put before the House by Deputy Mrs. Desmond: the question of the use of the language. When a child goes to school, all the informal instructions should be given in the Irish language and children should be encouraged to speak it during the play hours and in the playyard. I would go so far as to say that when an inspector visits a school to decide on the standard of Irish reached by the children, his decision should be made on the amount of Irish he heard in the playyard rather than on the amount in the class. Until we reach that day, I think we will be gradually sliding downhill.

There are a few other remarks I must make on this subject. As the father of a family of children who have gone through national school and are now in secondary school, I must make these further points. There should be no homework in the Irish language whatsoever up to the age of about 11 years. I do not agree with the teaching of other subjects to children of that age through the medium of Irish. I do not think any child in a primary or secondary school should be punished for not knowing his Irish lessons, apart from the punishment which the child receives from the fact that he or she failed an examination.

I may be asked why I do not agree with the teaching of other subjects through Irish. My reason is this. It may be educationally correct to do so but it is psychologically wrong. I have experience going from one place to another—it is my duty to go into people's houses—and I have seen ambitious parents with books in their hands trying to teach their children geography or history through the medium of Irish and they are not in a position to do this.

This must be the most frustrating thing that ambitious parents can face.

When that parent begins to express his opinion of the Irish language because of the difficulty created in the family, the child cannot approach the language with goodwill. It is vitally important that we have the goodwill of the parents towards the Irish language, that they should feel that the language is necessary and would like their children to learn it.

The same applies to homework in Irish. If the parents cannot understand Irish, they feel they cannot help the children and that they are wasting their time. The same situation is being created. The parent is driven in exasperation to express illwill towards the language. Children should not be punished physically for not knowing the language in the primary or secondary school. If they fail their examinations, they have been punished enough.

I mentioned that homework should not be done until the age of 11 years. I think I heard the Minister express the view that homework should start at ten years. I am in favour of 11 years because I am aware that in Britain it is intended to start teaching French next year or the year after to all children of 11 years and two years later, it is intended to start teaching them Spanish and they must have some good reason for picking 11 years of age. I might also mention that the people in Britain must be convinced that their children can learn more than one language.

When the child goes to secondary school, the same thing should obtain. The emphasis should be on the oral aspect of Irish. It should be taught freely, again without any punishment until the children reach the intermediate certificate. Here I am strongly of the opinion that a change must be made. I think we should have no compulsory Irish examination as we know it in the leaving certificate. We should raise the standard in the intermediate examination to one halfway between honours and pass and provide that a pupil must pass that examination.

We have been told that our system of education is to be geared in such a manner that when a child reaches the intermediate stage, he or she will have to decide where he or she is going from there. That seems to be the idea of comprehensive education. We have been told that at that stage the child may move to the comprehensive school or the vocational school or to the other schools. If we follow this pattern, most children will have to decide on their careers at that stage. At that stage, the child, having decided what his vocation is, the subjects which he is to be taught must be directed to that child's vocation and the other subjects not necessary for it, cut out. This will probably be a two-year course as at present. During that course, if the unfortunate child fails Irish at the intermediate stage he should have an opportunity of doing the examination in each of the two years which would give him two or three opportunities.

I would go further and insist that while the children are studying for their vocation they should be given the opportunity also of studying Irish to prepare themselves to carry out their vocations through the medium of that language—in other words, that the doctor would be able to pass an examination in the phrases, the words and all those other matters referring to medicine, oral and written; that the same would apply to the lawyer and to the other professions. I do not suggest that the standard should be as high as for the person who had decided to take Irish as an academic subject.

This would have a few virtues. It would mean that leaving certificate Irish as such would not be compulsory. It would mean also that when a person went to take up an appointment in his profession and went for a Local Appointments Commission examination he would have no grievance if he had been fool enough to neglect his Irish in the meantime. It would also get rid of the idea in people's minds the whole time that people learn Irish to get jobs. It would remove that forever.

Some of the objections raised to the Irish language interest me. First of all, it is alleged it is not practicable. One wonders what is practical in education. Deputy Lindsay is not now in the House. I understood he took his degree in the classics but the number of people who say classics is not a practical subject is immense. I do not think it can be said that Deputy Lindsay would undertake anything that would not be practical. When I look back on all the time I spent studying and learning Shakespeare I wonder how much of it was ill-used. Many times I thought that one could be a very good lawyer without having to decide whether Shylock had been mistreated by the laws of Venice, or a good Christian without having read all about the Forest of Arden. I do not think that a psychiatrist, before he becomes such, would find it necessary to decide on the mental stability of Hamlet or that any politician in this House who becomes head of his Party found it necessary to study Macbeth and Julius Caesar—not in my Party, anyway.

Machiavelli is necessary reading for the Deputy's Party.

Mr. O'Malley

Who would read the book entitled Now Barrabas?

The Minister for Education, I suppose.

I do not wish to decry the study of Shakespeare or any of the things considered to be classics because I consider that I learned something from them and I am always interested to see people reading Shakespeare, to see how avidly they do so especially when it is an unabridged and unexpurgated version.

My experience in the university as far as Irish is concerned was that one of our greatest obligations was to attend cómhrá classes. We had to attend 30 in the year, presided over by a senior student and there was a man there—I suppose he is dead now— whom we knew as Pádraic the Seanachaí. He was only known to a few of the students because he played cards in the students' club. In any event, we were expected to have 30 attendances in the year and if one had not one was not permitted to sit at one's examination. It was alleged that if one did one's duty property at the céilí one did not have to be present for all the cómhrá gatherings. The Minister happened to be a student in Galway in my time and I am sure such subterfuges were not known to him.

He played rugby.

Mr. O'Malley

What is wrong with that?

I am just saying——

Mr. O'Malley

Are they any less good Irishmen?

Some of the Minister's Party say that. I want to put him into perspective.

Mr. O'Malley

Are they any less Irishmen?

Maybe, and maybe not.

Mr. O'Malley

Typical Fine Gael: they have not got the guts to come down on one side of the fence or the other. They run with the hare and hunt with the hounds.

The Minister is interrupting his own Party man.

That is the way I have seen Irish during the years. In the school to which I went we were required to have a very high standard of written Irish but we left the school without being able to speak it very proficiently. I am dealing with it at length because I fear that unless we get down to the question of speaking Irish at school level, we cannot revive the language as a spoken language. The Minister referred to Buntús Gaeilge. I do not know anything about the book. I have not seen it. However, I fear we may forget the things which incidentally Deputy Mrs. Desmond mentioned and on which my views coincide. When children come in at this level in the national school they will not be very pleased with Buntús Gaeilge. Until such time as the goodwill of parents and teachers is brought to bear on children at this time we shall have a very difficult problem before us.

People expressing views such as I have done must ask themselves from time to time what virtue they see in the revival of Irish as a spoken language. At times it is very difficult, when faced with some of the economic arguments. However, one thing that has struck me down the years is that the British Government spent about 100 years in seeking to take the religion from the Irish people and they failed. They gave us the Emancipation Act in 1829 and about three years afterwards they introduced a system of education here, one of the avowed purposes of which was to take the language from us. In 1846 or 1848 or thereabouts the same English Government, drawing up an Act of Parliament dealing with the appointment of inspectors in coalmines in England and Wales, wrote into the Act that in any place in Wales an applicant with a knowledge of Welsh would get first preference. That Government tried to kill the language in Ireland while they tried to do it good in Wales. I have posed this question to many people but have never had a satisfactory reply and my conclusion is that the British Government were convinced that our religion and our language and those of all the nations around them, at that time meant something. The Welsh and the Scots had lost their religion. We had not, and I feel, therefore, that the British Government then attacked the next most important thing, the language. I feel when we have lost it, we will have lost something more by it.

Regarding the question of compulsory Irish, the word "compulsory" is a word I do not accept at all. You may use the word "essential". I feel anybody who uses the word "compulsory" in reference to Irish must never have been at school. When I was in school, I considered every subject as more or less compulsory. My family are no different from any other family in Ireland. Most children find any subject they have to learn compulsory. In other words, they have got to be made to learn.

Another aspect I should mention is this question of having to pass Irish in the leaving certificate examination. When you come to think of that, there are other situations in life where people find themselves with particular barriers such as this. What about a young fellow who is refused admission into the Gardaí because he is a quarter of an inch short in measure? That is a bigger barrier than the fellow who fails Irish in his leaving certificate. The person who fails Irish in the leaving certificate may with extra study pass it later but the person who fails to get into the Garda because he is too short can do nothing about it. The same may be said about a man who applies for a job and is rejected because he is a day too old or a day too young. He has no control over that. Those are things which are never adverted to at all.

Another thing we are told is that there are people who cannot learn Irish. I believe there are some people who cannot learn languages but I do not think we have ever heard of a man from the Gaeltacht who was unable to learn English when he came to Dublin or went to England.

There are thousands of people who have been rejected for jobs because of this.

I never heard of anyone from the Gaeltacht who could not learn English when he came to Dublin.

I can give you hundreds of examples. They are rejected because they have not got enough English.

Let me continue.

I want to put the Deputy on the right track.

The answer is that when there is an economic necessity, anybody can learn a language.

Mr. O'Malley

There are no educational qualifications to enter Dáil Éireann.

That is very obvious.

Anyone without qualifications can rise to ministerial level.

Another argument put forward which I find most nauseating is that people find Irish is no good at all in England. I think it was Brendán Ó hEithir, writing in one of the daily papers some months ago who gave the answer to anybody who advances that argument. Regarding the question of free education, I am very pleased that the Minister has laid such emphasis on transport. This is the vital thing in the matter of free education in rural areas. The transport must be adequate. It must run smoothly and the children must not be too long on the road. I can see difficulties in some areas but I feel we must get over them. The only thing I am sorry about is that this does not come into force until 1st April. If it could have started this winter in some of the areas, particularly in the areas I know of, where children have to go nine and ten miles to school, it would have been a great advantage. They are carried all right but they are out the whole day.

Another thing mentioned by Deputy Mrs. Desmond is this question of career guidance. I understand the Department are publishing some booklet on this subject. I wonder how soon it will be available? I was presented with a case during the summer where a student who had not sufficient guidance and who had his mind set on a particular career when he left the secondary school found he had not the necessary subjects for this purpose. I do not know what the Department have in mind in publishing such a document but they should, as the Minister has done, instead of waiting for the details, put out something which would be of use to students and work on the details later. In other words, they could put out some typed documents so that children would have an idea of what subjects to study if they wish to follow a particular profession and they would not be completely frustrated when the year is over.

Regarding universities, I often wonder what will happen when we are all educated? Will we be satisfied then? Who are going to be the hewers of wood and the drawers of water? This problem does not arise immediately but when it does arise it will loom large. Recently my notice was drawn to the fact that in Britain at the moment the universities are moving on to the question of demanding three years as the period between the intermediate and Leaving certificate examinations. We have two years at the moment. We have extended it to a third year but I think that is voluntary. It seems the British universities are demanding this three-year course before entering a university.

I am sure the Department have a way out of this. I should like to know if they have any fixed views on it. No doubt this is one way in which the universities can seek to keep down their numbers. If there is anything happening about this we should be told about it. In Britain at the moment they say they must provide opportunities for abilities. They mean by that that instead of having a one-tier university you must have a three-tier university. In other words, the brilliant fellow going into the university must not be held back by the less brilliant fellow. I should like to know if there is anything being done here along this line. If that is happening it will be the very opposite to what we are pressing here in this House, which is equal opportunity for everybody. No doubt if this happens across the water we will have to think about it here.

When we are speaking of universities, we always think about building new ones. We are aware that there is one place looking for a university. They have been agitating for this for some time. In addition to that, I am certain we must have more university education. I feel that a natural site for a university is the Sligo area. I am not foolish enough to advocate that it should be in my own constituency but in all seriousness we should have one in that area. Northern Ireland have located their university at Coleraine. Derry agitated for that university. I feel that Sligo is an area which should have a university. It might not have the facilities for medicine but it should be able to cater for every other faculty. It does not need any natural resources round there to establish it. It would bring induced employment with it for which there is great need. I hope, when the Department are thinking of the location of future universities, they will keep that area in mind. Even if we have a university in Limerick it will not cater for our needs, particularly if the universities are to become more scientific and technological.

In conclusion, one of the most important points we have to make on education in the future is that now that we propose to give every child free education our civics course, with its many aspects, should be planned in such a way and in such a manner that it should be impressed on those pupils, when they get their qualifications, be it at home or abroad, that they have a duty to allow their country to avail of their talents. People ask why, having got their qualifications in Britain or America, there is any obligation on them to return home but having got their primary and secondary education free here, they are under such an obligation. This is one thing that should be insisted upon from the beginning. It ought to be pointed out to those people that they should return. I do not know what percentage returns at present but in the medical field it is small enough. We should place this problem before them at the start and point out to them that they are needed here to provide the necessary expansion in industry and commerce and to educate the generation coming after them. If we do not do that we will start one of the greatest brain drains that this country will have ever witnessed.

There can be no doubt anywhere in the country now about the importance to the future of our country of our educational policy and the facilities and services we provide. More and more in recent years people have come to accept the fact that a small country such as ours, if it is to survive in the world which surrounds it, must provide a level of education for its citizens at least as high, if not higher, than other countries. That is accepted and it has almost become a cliché but few people have realised up to this—they are beginning to realise it now—that the work to be done here is very much more arduous and very much more difficult than in other countries because so much leeway requires to be made up. That we and our young children have to bear the burden of a low standard of education, is chiefly the fault of the Government Party. They have been in office on and off almost since 1932 and they have done nothing about education. They have allowed the years to slip by with the annual debate on the Estimate which we are now discussing being a series of slogans and clichés about the importance of principles which they rarely understood and all the time our young people were emigrating to accept mental employment in other lands because their educational standard was not such as to qualify them for anything else. It is against that background that this year we on these benches are going to make the Minister for Education, and any successor he will have, because I have no doubt he will have one, sit up and take notice.

Mr. O'Malley

It could not be done in September when I announced it. I forced the policy statement from Fine Gael.

Do not talk rubbish.

I said before that Deputy O'Malley, the Minister for Education, knows nothing about education and I propose——

Mr. O'Malley

You had no policy until a few days before the by-election in Kerry. There is no policy in the "Just Society".

That is not so. It is not true. The Minister knows it is not true.

Mr. O'Malley

It is, and I know it is true.

I cannot allow that expression to be used.

I am extremely sorry, Sir; I thought I was on television. I withdraw unreservedly.

Deputy O'Higgins is entitled to speak without interruption. He should not be interrupted from any side.

Mr. O'Malley

I apologise.

(Interruptions.)

I would earnestly urge the Minister not to draw my fire on him because I want to retain some decorum in this debate. I was saying that I proposed to demonstrate the very flimsy proposals which are paraded as a policy by the Minister for Education in the Fianna Fáil administration in 1966. The Minister for Education is well known to ride his tongue on a long rein.

Mr. O'Malley

On a what?

On a very long rein. He is well known for speaking first and thinking afterwards, to promise largely and to speculate then about accomplishing what he has said. I am sure it would worry the Minister if I reminded him of things he did say when in other capacities and discharging other functions. Indeed, if the Minister's promises had been fulfilled, if his hopes were as good as his promises, many people between Mellick and Banagher today would be grazing cattle——

Mr. O'Malley

We fell out of the cradle on that one. How did I do in Health?

The Minister promised a great deal and did nothing.

Mr. O'Malley

I did nothing?

The Minister promised a great deal and then left poor Deputy Seán Flanagan, his successor as Minister for Health, worrying about how to carry out what——

Mr. O'Malley

I did nothing in Health? The Deputy should ask the people. Remember, you will be going before them again.

I am willing to go before the people tomorrow morning, if you will dissolve Parliament.

Mr. O'Malley

Take care: seachain tú féin.

Fan go bhfeicir. Tá toghchán ar siúl anois agus tá áthas orm——

(Interruptions.)

As I was saying, the Minister when he became Minister for Education, made a speech last September. I do not wish to speculate as to why the Minister made that speech or made it to the audience to whom he made it. I suppose that in a Minister's life, journalists are very important. The Minister announced in his speech, which appeared from its text to be rather hastily got together, that he was about to provide the people with a new scheme which he referred to as "my scheme", the scheme which was to provide post-primary education for the children of this country and everything was going to be so wonderful that we waited with bated breath for the details.

I have sympathy with the Minister. It must have been a very shattering experience for him to read—I shall not say yesterday morning, because perhaps the Minister may have been fortunate enough to get it in advance— the Fine Gael document and to learn that this Party in Opposition, without the assistance of a Civil Service, was able to complete a comprehensive study and survey of the country's educational requirements and, not only that, but to put forward complete and comprehensive proposals related to every facet of education.

Mr. O'Malley

And paid for by the buoyancy of the revenue.

I shall deal with that later. The important thing is that this debate takes place with no Deputy in blinkers. It takes place against a background of a Fine Gael programme fully worked out, ranging over every facet of Irish education, and accomplished by a Party who have not available the services and assistance available to the Minister or to the Government. Perhaps it was because of that that a hasty postscript was typed in, as appears quite clearly from the text, to the last paragraph of the Minister's Estimate speech. On page 30 of that speech, I read these hastily added words:

In relation to my proposal it must be borne in mind also that as Minister for Education and acting as a member of a responsible Government, I cannot place any Utopian scheme before the House. It is very easy——

says this hastily added postscript——

to promise the sun, moon and stars when there is little prospect of your being called upon to implement such promises.

The Minister goes on to refer to our proposals as fitting the strictures in his postscript, promising the sun, the moon and the stars. I accept as from an expert in that matter, these words of his. The Minister certainly knows what it is to promise the sun, moon and stars, but I do not accept from him as one qualified to judge any stricture or any suggestion that the proposals made by my Party are Utopian or impossible to accomplish. They represent the result of a voluntary study carried out by many people in the country over the past 12 or 18 months, people who gave their time and experience and their knowledge freely, without any payment, and without any desire to have their contribution acknowledged but who gave it because they wanted to see some new thinking on education, some formulation of a comprehensive plan and some move forward in this field that for so long had become the graveyard of broken promises.

The Minister says these proposals are Utopian. He is entitled to his view, but there is a large number of people in the country who believe that what we propose can be accomplished and who are waiting for the day when in fact that can be done. In any event, whether our proposals are capable of fulfilment or not, that is a matter about which we can exchange views here, but what I am concerned about is whether there is any alternative proposal by the Minister or by the Government to our educational policy. May I remind the Minister that just two weeks ago at the annual Ard-Fheis of his Party the Minister was so bold, so intemperate, as to say that in the coming two by-elections, two Parties were entering the field without an educational policy.

Mr. O'Malley

I said no such thing.

The Minister was badly quoted then.

Mr. O'Malley

I was not quoted at all on that.

I am glad to hear that the Minister did not——

Mr. O'Malley

I publicly acknowledged on television that the Labour Party had a policy on education, and an interesting policy.

I am not interested in what the Minister said on television but I shall say this: the fact now emerges from his speech that the Minister has no policy on education.

Mr. O'Malley

Is there not any little bit of good in my proposal?

I doubt it. I shall examine it very carefully and by the time I have finished, we shall see.

Mr. O'Malley

61,500 children benefiting——

That is very fine, but what we need now in relation to the present time, the leeway that must be made up, the challenge that faces the country and the urgency to provide proper standards for our young children, is complete new thinking on education. The present need will not be satisfied by a papering-over of the cracks. It will not be satisfied or met by stop-gap measures to deal with this problem or that problem. We need an entirely new look on the direction of education here, on the kind of thing we are trying to provide for our children and on the general standard of education.

The Minister has very carefully avoided all these problems. He thinks that when people hunger for something, you throw them a crust and they will be satisfied. He thinks he is going to make a name for himself and his Party by providing now a limited scheme to give free post-primary education to certain sections of our people. That just will not do. I do not believe that in what he proposes here he is making any serious effort to face up to what is required.

I want to know when the Minister replies, the answers to certain questions. Does the Minister think the Department should be re-organised? Is he satisfied with the present structure of his Department, with the role it is playing in this field? An answer to that question, if the Minister thinks about it, might lead to new thinking on what, in fact, is the proper direction education should take in this country. Does the Minister think, as we think, that the curriculum in our schools, the standards in our examinations, should be decided by those equipped and experienced in education, not by politicians? Can the Minister indicate his views on that? Why should we suffer in this country having what is to be taught in our schools and what our children are to be examined in decided by civil servants, decided by politicians?

Mr. O'Malley

Of course, this is not true.

That is not true anyway.

I suggest to the Deputy up there to take care.

That is his maiden speech.

In Kerry, you will have enough to do.

Kerry will give you your answer.

The Deputy should not forget that he is speaking in Dublin.

Mr. O'Malley

Tá fáilte romhat.

I would suggest to the Minister that this proposal I make, which is a part of what we have published is a matter that should engage his attention and the people will seek an answer. We have said quite firmly that the curriculum in the schools, the subjects in the examinations which may be felt to be necessary, are matters of primary concern to those who are experts in education.

Mr. O'Malley

Hear, hear. In the main, that is what is happening.

I suggest to the Minister that he should study the matter further and he will find that is not so. What about the problem of the slow-learning child? Has the Minister any views on that?

Mr. O'Malley

Yes.

Perhaps the Minister would indicate his views on that at the end of this debate.

Mr. O'Malley

I thought the Deputy would know the problem is already being tackled vigorously. However, I am very rude. I apologise.

The Minister is not rude; he is just natural. I am dealing with the two-markers first. I shall come to the six-markers later. Perhaps the Minister would indicate to us, because I read his speech very carefully—Deputy Dr. Gibbons has views on this but he is not in the House now—whether he thinks we should continue to have passing in Irish as essential in the leaving certificate and the matriculation certificate. Perhaps the Minister might answer that when he is concluding, and I might suggest to him that vague phrases will not indicate an answer. It is a question which is capable of being answered with a simple word "yes" or "no".

Mr. O'Malley

"Yes" is the answer. The Deputy does not have to wait until the end of the debate.

We are going to have Irish retained as an essential subject in the leaving and matriculation certificates? On what grounds? This is an example of an examination subject being decided on political considerations, not on the grounds of education.

Mr. O'Malley

Political?

It is interesting to see the Minister has come out very definitely on that. What about teachers and teacher training? Can the Minister indicate to Dáil Éireann what are his proposals and the proposals of his Government to provide for our young children in the years ahead the necessary teachers and the necessary training for teachers? Again, I might suggest to the Minister that if he reads the Fine Gael document—he probably knows it better than I do now—he will find concrete proposals in that regard. Can he indicate whether these proposals commend themselves to him? If they do not, what alternative proposals has he in mind? In regard to vocational teachers, is the Minister satisfied with the present system of appointing vocational teachers?

Mr. O'Malley

No.

Will the Minister change it?

Mr. O'Malley

He has; he has announced it.

I am glad to see there is a move in that direction. What a pity the Minister did not say that in his speech here today, but perhaps he omitted it. Can we take it that from this on vocational teachers are going to be appointed by a body similar to the Local Appointments Commission.

Mr. O'Malley

Something on those lines, as I already announced on 29th July last.

I thought the Minister said he was being rude and he intended to reform. His intentions are very undependable.

Mr. O'Malley

Deputy O'Higgins is entering into a dialogue with me.

May I come to some other things? Those are the easy things I have been dealing with. They will get a bit more difficult now. The Minister made a speech last September when he promised that some day, some time when his Estimate would come along, he would tell the whole story, and so today in his speech he said:

It remains for me, now, to fulfil the promise I made by giving details of my plans for the provision of free education at post-primary level——

The Minister nods in entire approval of what he said today, and so do I. He goes on to say:

——and for assistance at university level for students who have the ability to profit....

The ensuing parts of the Minister's speech refer to the provision of free education at post-primary level. The Minister probably exhausted himself then, because when he came to the second part of his commitment, the promise which he made last September, which he said he was fulfilling today, when he came to the university, here is what he had to say:

Assistance at university level is, however, a different matter altogether. I felt that it would not be appropriate for me to work out a detailed scheme.

Then we have the University Commission, and once more we wait and see.

Mr. O'Malley

Until February.

The University Commission has been sitting for the past six years and like Mr. Asquith, as Minister for Education, he has said so often "Fan go bhfeicfir", "wait and see"——

Mr. O'Malley

Until February.

Does it not seem incongruous that in ten pages of a speech here today, having promised that he would give details of his scheme for university assistance at page 16, ten pages later Deputies were told: "Well, I am not going to do it"? So we have the Minister for Education, having trumpeted so much about his great new scheme, having promised so much to so many people, letting us find out now that this is a scheme merely to provide grants to certain secondary schools. But the real problem, the great problem of university education for the boys and girls who left school this year and who will leave school next year, is deferred. What is the problem about it? Why is it necessary to wait for the report of the University Commission?

Mr. O'Malley

Why does the Deputy not read what I said?

What the Minister said was:

Assistance at university level is however, a different matter altogether. Here, I am satisfied that a high standard of educational attainment must be a pre-requisite for assistance. When I came to considering details of a scheme of assistance at this level I found myself in the difficulty that we have a Commission on Higher Education examining all aspects of higher education.

Apparently the Minister only discovered that when he went to consider the problem. We have known it for the past six or seven years. He goes on:

I felt that it would not be appropriate for me to work out a detailed scheme without awaiting the report of that Commission...

Mr. O'Malley

Read the next bit.

I will ask the Minister in concluding this debate kindly to explain to the House why the Commission on Higher Education prevents him now giving details of a scheme to provide free university education for our children.

Mr. O'Malley

The answer is in the next two lines.

What the Minister says in the next two lines is: I can do nothing now.

Mr. O'Malley

Can the Deputy not read it out?

I have read it. I ask the Minister to explain to the House why he has to wait until the Commission on Higher Education reports before he can decide that free university education should be made available to our citizens leaving our schools. If he has any difficulty about it, let him take up his well-thumbed copy of the Fine Gael education policy and he will find the details there.

Mr. O'Malley

The New Testament.

He can read it. He will see there how it is possible to provide this. If he starts to do that, he will be taking a little, faltering step towards providing for himself an educational policy. May I get back now to free secondary education? What has the Minister done?

Mr. O'Malley

Nothing.

I know he has done nothing. That is not new. What has he promised?

Reform, and he is not showing any sign of it.

On what the Minister promises, we are going to have a new thing now in Ireland, something we never had before. I charge the Minister that under the scheme he now proposes we are going to have class distinction introduced in secondary education. The Minister and I were educated at the same college. Take note that under the Minister's proposals, our Alma Mater will not be involved because it could not be, but under the Fine Gael proposals it will.

Mr. O'Malley

Ah, it will. You can be sure of that.

You will find a class distinction running through what the Minister has proposed here. The Minister says £25 a year, but the higher-fee schools will be removed. No ordinary person will be allowed through these sacred portals. The Minister rushed in to fulfil a promise he made. He got together a little bit of money, and now the lower-fee schools alone are to be free.

Mr. O'Malley

A little bit of money —I wish you would tell the Minister for Finance that.

Now the cat has leaped out of the bag.

I have the greatest sympathy with the Minister for Education for his troubles in the past couple of months.

Mr. O'Malley

I am always in trouble.

You are in right trouble now.

These are the fruits of being bust.

Mr. O'Malley

Buoyancy of revenue. Fine Gael say buoyancy of the revenue and no taxation. Where is the buoyancy of the revenue if we are bust?

Deputy O'Higgins, on the Education Estimate.

May I direct the Minister's attention to a certain principle in the Fine Gael plan for education? I suppose the Minister did not dare come into this House carrying his copy with him, but if after this debate, he looks at paragraph 104——

He has it under the desk.

We always take care to ensure the Minister gets an early copy.

Mr. O'Malley

I sent my speech to everyone, including Deputy Dillon.

In paragraph 104 of the Fine Gael document, this point is made and a certain danger is referred to. I mean this very seriously The point is made as follows:

Nevertheless in view of the fact that the fees—

—that is post-primary fees—have some disincentive effect, and that in any event with education up to 15 becoming compulsory, post-primary as well as primary education to that age must be free, Fine Gael proposes as one step towards securing greater participation in post-primary education, to institute a scheme under which almost all secondary schools will be enabled without financial loss to offer free education, in most cases to all the children in the school.

This decision carries with it a danger, however, that must at all costs be avoided—and an opportunity that must be grasped. The danger is that such a scheme could convert our educational system overnight into one divided on a class basis, between free schools and fee-paying schools; the opportunity is an opportunity to mitigate the existing less obtrusive class division within the school system.

In the Fine Gael proposals, that danger was recognised and that problem pinpointed. The subsequent paragraphs of the document indicate the manner in which we propose to provide free secondary education so that a class division will not exist and that such as has existed up to this would be obviated.

Mr. O'Malley

You are actually going to create a class distinction.

The effect of the Minister's proposal is to create the very danger we had indicated might arise. The Minister proposes here to provide grants up to £25 and stop there. The effect of that will be the creation of a class bias in our secondary schools.

Mr. O'Malley

I do not think so.

I suggest to the Minister that, if he thinks about it, examines it and consults his advisers, he will find that is so. I am satisfied it was not intended, but this again is an example on the Minister's part and on the Government's part of a hastily-contrived scheme, a proposal that the Minister had to make on this debate and which he did without much thought and much consideration.

I do not wish to prevent other Deputies speaking, but I think I am entitled to say that Fine Gael stand now as the only political Party who have devoted effort, time and energy over a considerable space of time in working out the details and the costing of a comprehensive plan in education. While this work was going on, we had to meet criticisms of one kind or another but criticism did not divert the intention of our study groups from completing the mission they set out to achieve.

We believe in a just society; that, to us, is not merely a phrase. A just society must be a society that provides in education, in health, in housing and in all the other spheres of national activity a fair and equal opportunity for our citizens. Education has always been a difficult problem in this country. The difficulties are there. They cannot be wished away. Part of them represents a heritage from the past but, despite the difficulties, we in Fine Gael were determined to have a complete survey of what is required to be done in education here. I suggest earnestly to the Minister and to the Government that they should not parade the proposals we are discussing here, which were put forward by the Minister, as a policy. It is not a policy. It in no way meets the requirements of our people now or in the future. We have to have a complete examination of many other matters before there is a semblance of a comprehensive policy in operation.

I do not know what the Minister's views about university education may be. I suppose we shall get the second instalment of the Minister's plan for education on the Estimate next year and that we shall be told next year the way in which he will assist the new university students for 1968 or 1969. In the Minister's speech there is an exclusive reference to secondary education in the limited way I have indicated. Does the Minister not think that a new look might be given to what is going on at the moment in our primary schools? What is the aim of primary education in Ireland in 1966? Is it merely to teach our children about the Firbolgs, the Tuatha de Danann, and so on, or will we make some effort to teach our children in primary schools today that they are growing up and will take their part as citizens of Europe? Will we ensure that they will not be isolated in ideas, views and notions that ill-equip them for the life they will have to lead?

What is to be the aim of primary education? We suggest in our document what the aim of primary education should be. Can the Minister indicate to us what he thinks it should be? I could list some 30 or 40 questions which I think the Minister has left unanswered. All I want to indicate is that we are still looking for an educational policy from the Fianna Fáil Minister for Education. All the big problems have been avoided. All the thorny questions have been left unanswered. Perhaps, indeed, when the Minister replies, he will tell us something about his policy on the Irish language. Whatever the inaction of the Minister for Education may be, there is at least now, so far as the people outside who will elect the next Government are concerned, evidence that at least one political Party has the courage to say what it stands for, has the ability and efficiency to do its work, to complete its thinking and to produce a balanced and comprehensive plan.

Mr. O'Malley

Is Deputy James Tully listening to that?

I know that both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael read our policy before they produced theirs.

I think the future is a great deal brighter than otherwise it might have been. Maybe, this time next year, a new Minister for Education will announce in his Estimate speech the details of the Fine Gael policy for education—and he will be a Fine Gael Minister.

Mr. O'Malley

We forced a policy from Fine Gael at long last. On 24th October, 1966, they had no policy but "A Just Society".

I want to place on record the fact that the first Party in these modern times to put on record in book form their policy on education was the Labour Party and it was entitled "Challenge and Change in Education". The Minister was good enough to refer to it during the television programme interview a few weeks ago. Unfortunately, he had not a copy; he had only a copy of, I think, the Racing Calendar that night. He had not our booklet but Deputy Mrs. Desmond, who represented the Labour Party there, did have it. She also had it here tonight and I think she made very good use of her time in speaking in the House.

Mr. O'Malley

Hear, hear.

Deputy Mrs. Desmond is our speaker on education and, therefore, she was putting across the Labour Party policy. I propose to add a little to what she said and to give some personal views of my own. To start with, I should like to say that, while we heard the Minister for Education make his promise and while we read here with interest what he says he proposes to do, there are, in my opinion, too many gaps in the details for anybody to say: "This is a policy". They are policy headings, if you like, but there are a good many gaps. I welcome a number of them, particularly, as Deputy Mrs. Desmond said, they are matters which we have been trying to get the Government to adopt for a number of years. Some of them, I admit, are quite new and quite good ideas.

While the Minister says he proposes to start one phase of this actually in April, 1967, I am aware of the fact that the Minister and his predecessor were asked to do certain things which they thought they could do but apparently they had not the backing of the Government. These things were not done. I propose to go into detail and perhaps the Minister will hold his horses for a few moments while I give him the details.

When the previous Minister for Education. Deputy Colley, was in that hot seat, I went with a deputation of parents to interview him about a school which is in a bad condition on the Meath-Westmeath border. I was accompanied by other public representatives and one of the local clergy. The Minister pointed out to the deputation that, in fact, it was proposed to build a large-sized two-roomed school in a neighbouring area and he felt this would fill the bill. It was pointed out that the local people did not agree and that, in any case, this did not solve the problem because even if the bigger school were built in a short time, there still was the problem that while it was being built, the children would continue to have to go into an insanitary, old building which could not be called comfortable in the middle of summer. In fact, water flowed in one door and out the other. It was impossible to go into the school in wet weather, and one of the children had to take his boots off and carry a younger child across the road.

Deputy Colley said he was aware of this and that he had a solution. There was a site for a bigger centre and he had a prefabricated school and within a few weeks the matter would be solved. He said, rightly so, that it was only a prefabricated school but that until money was available and plans made, it would solve the problem. That was six months ago and that prefabricated school has never been put up. Since then, the children have been carrying the little ones, and the rats are coming out from under the floor. That goes on all over this country.

The Fianna Fáil Party attempted last year to get out of this problem by saying they proposed to do away with the one- and two-teacher schools and build bigger and better schools in other areas to which children could be taken by transport. Mini-buses would be provided, if necessary, and this would solve the problem. I accused the Government before, and I repeat tonight, that they deliberately set out to put up a smokescreen for the purpose of stalling in a period in which they were financially embarrassed. The school has not been replaced but in some other cases much more had been promised to the local manager. Sites had been bought in many cases, including the site about which I have spoken.

What in effect the Government were saying was: "We are changing now; we will build a better type of school and we will supply extra teachers; we will supply transport to take the children to school." They did not say when they were going to do it. The Government did this deliberately, knowing there was a shortage of money, and that this was the way they could stall, as stall they did. We get the result— hundreds of old, derelict schools into which people would not put their farm animals. This is where the children, mainly of the workingclasses, are spending their first years of education —in buildings which are filthy, unsightly inside and outside, with broken windows and broken doors, and in some cases a bad roof.

We are told that the Minister for Education has a new scheme for education. I do not think that is fair because the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach, now in the front bench, must be as well aware of these schools in his constituency as everybody else.

In the last decade, the number of schools needing replacement was 60 per cent higher than in any previous decade.

I do not care what the Parliamentary Secretary says.

You cannot deal with them all in the one year.

Perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary will allow me to say the few words I wanted to say between now and 10.30.

I do not want the Deputy to get away with holy murder.

I do not want to be accused of being vexatious or to be thrown out of the House as my colleague was today. Those schools are in existence in every constituency and I do not mind what excuse is given for conditions over the past ten, 15 or 20 years. The fact is that they are still in existence and those suitable for replacement within the past 12 months have not been replaced because of a trick played by the Government, with one exception which Deputy Calleary succeeded in getting done, in conjunction with Deputy Lindsay. Those two argued over a school that should not be closed and one or the other got his way. I understand a new two-teacher school has been built there but that is the only one that has been built over the past 12 months.

It is quite obvious that the Government are doing this for the purpose of saving money. When Deputy Colley was Minister for Education I am sure he would have carried out very useful changes if he had been allowed to do so. I have a personal regard for Deputy Colley. He was not allowed, because over the past 12 months the schools were not built. People were told: "They are on the planning board; bigger schools are being built." God knows how long they will be at the planning stage before they are built.

The Minister's new programme for free education for all from secondary level up makes one wonder what is to happen with regard to primary education. I believe primary education is one place where this Government have fallen down badly. There was a school in Knockcommon in County Meath and it was considered by everybody as being in a shocking condition. It was agreed that it should be replaced and all arrangements were made, including the purchase of a site. The Minister told me two years ago that it would be built last August. Subsequently he could not recollect that. The children were to be taken to Donore. The children in that area were near enough to Drogheda to go to school there. The children from Knockcommon came from a radius of two to three miles, and to go to school in Donore, they would have to come two or three miles from Knockcommon and go two or three miles to Donore. It was not feasible. The old school has not been closed, and when it is closed, the children will be scattered around to other parishes. Perhaps that is the way to deal with these things; I do not know. I do know that the old school could have been replaced by a new one and that is what should have been done.

We hear also of the necessity to have new houses and the Department of Local Government are insisting, and rightly so, that there should be modern conveniences, that water and sewerage should certainly be laid on. There are schools where there are no sanitary conveniences of any kind except an old dry closet which is cleaned out maybe once a year or even longer periods. Even some of the relatively new schools, built within the past ten or 15 years, have nothing but a dry closet. Along the main road outside the village of Julianstown in County Meath one such school exists, and the Parliamentary Secretary need not shake his head.

There were three schools built in the parish in which I taught in the past 12 years and all of them have modern sanitary conveniences. They will not allow schools to go up without them.

Obviously you had a Minister or Parliamentary Secretary in the area to look after these things.

We had not, but we had a good school manager.

I am merely giving facts as I see them for myself.

Reference was made by the Minister to the effect that recent statements about vocational education were incorrect. He could have been referring to a statement made by me when talking to him personally and also when he received a deputation in his office. He said I would have to retract a statement that money in certain areas for vocational education was severely slashed this year and pointed out that there was substantial money provided for and given to vocational education. I want to state here, and I ask the Minister to deny it, that grants to Meath Vocational Education Committee were cut £7,000 in the spring of 1966 and were further cut by £3,000 in August, 1966, making a total of £10,000. I want to ask him if he is aware that, as a result of those cuts, temporary teachers employed by the committee had to be dismissed and permanent teachers, including those employed in the school of furniture in Navan—experts in their job, employed in a school which, I think, cost £48,000 to build a couple of years ago —had to be taken out to teach in old halls and old schools, part-time classes at night in order to make up their hours of work to keep them in employment.

While all this is going on, the Minister for Education is going around the country talking about free education for everybody and there is lán a' mhála of money for anybody who wants education. Let us be practical about it. If those things can happen within 30 or 40 miles of Dublin, surely it is ridiculous for any Minister to talk about all the money that is available for education with no cut-back. If extra money has been given as set out in the Minister's statement, then it must have been given to some privileged group because it was not given in County Meath. The Minister and his officials can check on what I am saying here and it is the third time I have said it in this House. It is a scandalous waste of public money that a school should have been built and that after a short time the arrangements for the group release of students to be trained in that school had to be cancelled because there was no money to keep it going. Why all this hypocrisy about free education when this sort of thing is allowed?

The Minister has referred to the comprehensive schools. I should like to mention something that happened quite recently. There is a comprehensive school in Cootehill in County Cavan and a number of children who were not close enough to attend any of the existing vocational schools, children from the Kingscourt area, travelled by car which their parents paid for to where they could catch a bus nine miles from Cootehill for the purpose of attending the school. The parents were prepared to pay for the car hire and bus fare. They were refused admission to the comprehensive school. I took the matter up with the Minister because I thought some headmaster down there was making a fool of himself or trying to make fools of decent people. I got a reply to the effect that this school did not cater for the children from that area and it was proposed some time in the not too far distant future to build a school which would accommodate them, around Kingscourt or Nobber or some such place. Again, this is an example of statements being made about the availability of education for those who want it and proof that it is not available to even those who are prepared to pay for it. It is no good blowing about the four comprehensive schools that have been built and what they are doing. I think that should cease until the Minister is in a position to say that, in fact, they are catering for those who want to attend these schools.

The teaching of the Irish language has been mentioned and the experiment carried out in Gormanston which I know was a great success. Deputy Mrs. Desmond made the most useful suggestion I have heard for some time when she said that if we want to teach children in the infant classes the Irish language, since they have not got it in the home, the way to teach them is by using ordinary phrases and expressions which have some sense and not simply using phrases like: "This is a door, that is not a door, shut this door, open this door." This sort of thing is all cod. They are not taught the English language that way in their homes. From their earliest years, they learn to speak English because their parents speak it in the normal way and they get a grasp of the language. The accent apparently in the teaching of Irish is on learning set phrases and grammar when what is needed is to learn to speak the language, to use phrases which are useful. I remember some years ago the Irish Press I think carried a phrase a day — ordinary phrases in Irish and in English, with their pronunciation. They were very useful and I know people who picked up a number of very useful phrases by this means.

If we go to the Gaeltacht—and this is something the Parliamentary Secretary knows a lot more about than I do—we find quite a number of people, fluent Irish speakers, who cannot read or would not know what it was if it were written down for them, but who can speak it fluently because they heard it spoken from their earliest years. Surely the object should be to learn to speak Irish? I am one of those who believe we should by right attempt to retain the Irish language. I think we have gone too far with this question of having, instead of a love of the language, youngsters leaving school anxious to learn Irish, not because of the fact that they want to use it because it is their native language, but because they want to go for some job which they will not get unless they have a knowledge of Irish. That is doing more to kill the language than anything else. There is certainly no love for the language and in many cases other subjects are being taught to children through the medium of Irish which they do not understand and which makes it doubly hard.

In addition, there is the question of the number who have failed the leaving certificate because of the Irish language. We are told the number is relatively small. I should like to know the number of children who failed in other subjects because of the time and concentration they had to give to learning Irish. I am sure that is something in which the Parliamentary Secretary, who is himself a teacher, would be very interested.

An impossible question to answer.

But it must be admitted, I think, that quite a number of children——

If they do so badly that they cannot pass in Irish, they cannot be spending a great deal of time at it to the disadvantage of other subjects. The Deputy is contradicting himself.

The Parliamentary Secretary seems to forget that some pass in Irish and fail in other subjects, subjects in which they should normally pass. But they pass in Irish, and damn the bit of good it does them.

The same could be said about any compulsory subject.

They might be concentrating on something else.

They might concentrate on learning German to the detriment of other subjects.

But they would not fail the whole examination if they failed in German. That is the whole trouble.

There are five obligatory subjects.

I do not want to get into an argument with either the Parliamentary Secretary or Deputy Andrews, but I do want to make that comment. I think it is a valid comment. Incidentally, the reference to the Irish language was that it is the most Irish thing we have and the oldest part of our national heritage. I think the Minister should have reflected a little on that. If he had done so, I think he would be quite satisfied it is not the oldest part of our national heritage.

What is?

Two other languages were spoken here before the present Gaelic.

What were they? Is the Deputy going back to Sanskrit?

One does not have to go back that far, but the Parliamentary Secretary may, if he likes.

That could be done with any of the European languages. I think Esperanto would meet the Deputy's argument.

According to the Minister, the Government have taken a decision to raise the school leaving age to 15 years by 1970. Now, we all knew about that, of course, because the statement was made before the Minister introduced his Estimate. The Minister explained that the three years, 12 to 15, would have to be free because children would still be in the primary school category. We all agree with that. Are any preparations being made to cater for the extra children when that year is added? Remembering the number who now leave school at 14 years of age it is obvious there will be quite a substantial number who will require this extra education and we have neither the schools nor the teachers to cater for them. That is something on which I challenge contradiction. This is late 1966. With the progress we are making, it would not appear as if we will be able to cater for them in 1970 and the Minister would want to wake up to that fact very quickly.

The proposal is to give them free education through aid. This is an effort to try to meet the situation, but I do not think it is a good enough effort. I agree with Deputy T.F. O'Higgins that the Minister will immediately set up two classes of schools so soon as he brings into operation a system whereby everybody is free up to a certain rate—£15 to £25—and others are not. Snob schools will raise the fees to over £30 and the snob parents will continue to send their children to these schools.

That is human nature. Some will go to Gormanston and Clongowes, no matter what one does.

If one wants one's children to go to Gormanston, one has practically to register one's grandchildren.

I am out of that.

The Parliamentary Secretary is out. I do not know where the Minister got his figure of £15 to £20. I am sure he carried out a great deal of research. I know there are a number of relatively small schools, secondary schools, in which the figure is much higher than £25 and he suggests they will come down in order to get the guaranteed £25 under this scheme.

Would the Deputy not agree many of the religious orders take in pupils for nothing?

That is so. I also know that a number of them have their own scholarship schemes whereby promising children get an opportunity of entering their secondary schools. I do not know what happens in the West, but I do know what happens in the Midlands; there are not so many children going to secondary school, taken in by religious orders, or anybody else, for nothing—not so many at all.

The Deputy is well off in the Midlands.

We are well off, but we have quite a number of people from the Parliamentary Secretary's part of the country who do not seem to be doing too well.

Or doing too badly either.

The question of a means test has been adverted to and the fact that it is desired to avoid a means test. I do not know how one can argue for a scheme without a means test if there is, in fact, a limit. That is another type of means test. I am not quarrelling so much with that——

The Deputy is talking now with his tongue in his cheek.

——but the second proposal about school books is, I think, an outrageous one. The Minister says books will be given free— £10 the first year and an average of £1 a year thereafter—and there will be no means test; the money will be given to the headmaster and he will select the children.

The Deputy must have a poor opinion of headmasters.

I do not give a damn who is headmaster or who is not, but I say the Government are shelving their responsibility and putting on the unfortunate headmaster the onus of deciding who is poor and who is rich. This is a means test of the most despicable type and the fact that the Government are shelving their responsibility and getting someone else to do the job for them makes it a great deal worse. The Minister has a damn cheek to suggest this is a scheme in which there is no means test. He then goes on to say it will not apply to everyone and the headmaster will make the decision. How will he decide?

Will he not know? I taught in a school and I knew the children who were not able to provide books for themselves.

Everyone in the country knows it.

We have heard a great deal about local authority officials trying to find out what incomes people have. Is it suggested the headmaster should go to the homes of his pupils, take a look round to see what they are like——

He will not have to do that. That is nonsense.

Then he will want a crystal ball.

The Deputy would need one himself.

Deputy MacEntee said the Government bought one for the Second Programme and the Government did not do so well with it. The fact is the headmaster could not possibly decide who is entitled to free books and who is not. This is a stupid system. It will be resented, and rightly resented, by headmasters if they are put in that unfortunate position. I do not think they will accept it.

One other point about secondary schools is, of course, the question of boarders. There is a very vague reference here to people over 15 miles from a school. Therefore, the Minister will have to devise a scheme to deal with that. This is supposed to be the Government scheme on post-primary education; this is, not what is in the Minister's head, or what he will be able to devise in a couple of months' time. God knows, it has been hatched long enough; it should be out of incubation by now and this is only one of a number of instances where the Minister is deliberately vague on this problem. He says that people going for a technical profession may be required to go to a certain school, or they may be living 15 miles away. Supposing they are not; the Minister says he is wiping out all scholarships with effect from a certain date. My local authority run what I consider to be a ridiculously small number of local authority scholarships every year. The yield is something round 60 secondary scholarships, divided between day schools and boarding schools and they have the option to go to boarding school, if they so wish. I have my own views on this, and I am with the Minister on it because the parents of some of those children when they go to a boarding school get £90. Ninety pounds, of course, does not represent what the parents have to pay but those who go to a day school get about £50. The Minister now proposes to pay a sum of not more than £25.

I do not know whether this thing has been gone into as carefully as the Minister suggests but it would appear to me that there is a lot of woolly thinking about it, particularly in view of the fact that for those who do go to a school—and Deputy Mrs. Desmond referred to this particularly—the amount of the fee and price of books is often only a relatively small portion of the cost. The Parliamentary Secretary, I am quite sure, is aware of the fact that when some of these children go to a school—I saw some of them myself who availed of a scholarship to go to a school—and when they were making the final arrangements, they found that sports gear worth £20 was listed, uniform worth a further £10 was listed and certain other items amounting to £6 were listed, and the parents were not able to meet the cost.

Day school?

Yes, day school. Does the Parliamentary Secretary suggest that these people will be any better off if, instead of getting the £50 which they would get now, a limited number will in future get £25?

But they are not getting it now; it is not 60 scholarships.

We had in my local authority this year, 363 children who entered for secondary school scholarships. We gave 59 scholarships, so there were slightly over 304 children who got no scholarship. The Minister has given figures for what this will cost. I want to point out that this means there will be, this year, 304 more children looking for these scholarships, or this free education, and I am all with the Minister if he is in a position to provide that education.

Now the Parliamentary Secretary says he is; I want to be very sure.

The Deputy is hoping the Minister will not.

As a matter of fact, I am not; I am hoping it will not be like so many of the other promises which this promising young man made. I am hoping it will not just be another case of making a statement.

Why not give it a trial?

I am afraid it will be like all the other promises he made which just did not come off; they got no trial and the Minister was not there to see that they got a trial. He has put the bones of something down on paper here and I should like to hear a lot more about it before we would be prepared to agree that it is what he claims it is—the full programme of Fianna Fáil for free education.

In his speech the Minister said:

The existing fees in the vocational schools and secondary tops attached to national schools are very low and it is considered that an additional grant of £4 per pupil would be sufficient to enable these schools to abolish fees altogether.

Maybe I am not reading it correctly, but does the Minister mean by that that if the fee is, say, £2 or £3 the Department would be prepared to pay an extra £4, making that £6 or £7, as the case may be, or does he feel that £4 would represent the whole lot, would cover it as it stands at the present time? It is not very clear and I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary is wondering, just as I am, what is meant by that. He would have told me otherwise.

The special cases of boarding schools are referred to and I would be very interested to see how far the Minister can go with that. The Minister mentions also assistance to Protestant pupils. The minority in this country should get a fair deal; they have always got it and I see that the Minister will continue that policy.

Then we come to the question of those pupils who live far away from school and, therefore, must be provided with transport. There is a distance of four miles laid down. The children will be collected if they are more than four miles or five from the school. I wonder if the Minister considers that this is the correct way to deal with that because, by laying down a mileage like this, he is saying that children—perhaps of reasonably well-to-do parents—who live, say, five miles from a school will be collected and, on a wet morning or a bad winter morning, children who live just inside that limit, of very poor parents —according to the Minister's regulation—will be required to walk to school. If the Minister is making an arrangement to take children to school, then that arrangement should cover everybody.

Recently I went with a deputation to the Minister about school transport in my area. We were looking for assistance for a transport system which had been set up by a local parents' committee; we had a number of parents, public representatives from the county and the parish priest. The arrangement was that a local bus was collecting the children and taking them in to school. The parents were paying a flat rate per head for these children. Some of them were going to primary, some to secondary and others to vocational schools. We realised that it would not be easy for the Minister to make an arrangement for this area and leave out other areas. We understood, as the regulations stood, it applied only to primary school children. The Minister was not as puzzled about it as we were and he felt sure that that week he would be able to make a grant available which would solve everybody's problems. He explained how he would do it and, during the discussion, he said to me: "When this comes off, you will have to retract certain things you said about me". I replied: "When this comes off, I will be glad to retract them".

I have not had to retract them, because it did not come off; we thought this transport could not be provided although the Minister was quite certain that it could. After several weeks I asked him what had happened and I got a nice polite reply saying that it was the question of school transport for the whole country which was being considered. Had we been told that when we interviewed the Minister, we would at least have known where we stood, but this false promise meant that these parents went to the expense of keeping the bus running for very much longer than they could afford, with a heavy overdraft in a bank raised for the purpose of trying to keep the children going and, eventually when the Minister's reply came along, the whole thing had to be dropped.

In view of that, can anybody blame me if I take with a grain of salt some of the things the Minister has promised here? Does it not appear that this is another airy-fairy promise that he is going to do good, that he is on the side of the do-gooders, that all we have to do is wait and everything will be all right? I should like to see something more concrete than what the Minister has in the White Paper before I would say that he is prepared, with the backing of the Government, to do the things which he sets out in the White Paper.

The Minister made another comment which Deputy Mrs. Desmond picked him up on, under the heading of "Special assistance for children of parents in lower income groups". He said:

Under our present system of post-primary education the obstacles in the way of the student from the lower income family may be set down as follows: (a) the inability of his parents to pay the school fees demanded; (b) their inability to meet the cost of school books and requisites; (c) the need for an additional breadwinner in the family; (d) the absence of motivation from the family environment; and (e) the cost of transport in rural areas.

Now, according to the Minister he is making money available and inability to pay will not matter. He is doing something about school books. In regard to the additional breadwinner, he is devising a scheme. Once again, when it comes to a question of doing something definite, of making a break with the existing regulations, where the Minister is required to make a definite statement, he simply puts it on one side and says he is devising a scheme. I do not think that it is good enough. A big problem in many workingclass families, and particularly where there is a big family, is the fact that of pure economic necessity, as soon as the eldest child reaches 14 years of age a job must be found for him if a job can be found.

And parents are making sacrifices to send them to school.

It is all right for the Parliamentary Secretary to talk about making sacrifices——

They do.

——but I wonder if he has ever had the experience of trying to bring up a family of ten or 11 children on a farm labourer's wage.

I made a point which the Deputy did not take me up on, and he took me up on a point which I did not make. I am saying that if a parent sends his eldest child to school, he is making a great sacrifice to educate him.

I thought I was in possession. I should like the Parliamentary Secretary to elaborate on that point tomorrow in his own time.

I will listen carefully to him. Let me make my points in my own time. I do not believe it is sufficient simply to say that some scheme is being devised to deal with the point about the need for an additional breadwinner in the family. I see far too much of this. I see far too many people whose children would do very well if they were given an opportunity but their parents cannot send them to school because they need the extra few shillings those children can earn. There is no use in trying to pass this over by saying: "Look, these people are making sacrifices".

So they are. The Deputy is putting words in my mouth.

The Minister should have stated definitely: "This is what I propose to do." In regard to the absence of motivation from the family environment, I do not know what the Minister proposes to do. We know there are many families where children are not encouraged to continue their education once they have reached the primary school leaving age. We also know that some of those children would be brilliant if they got an opportunity. Whether there is to be some kind of campaign to encourage parents to send their children to school, or some way of trying to force parents to allow their children to remain at school after the age of 15 years if they show signs of having additional ability, I do not know. A recognition that this is one of the barriers is not sufficient.

I dealt with the question of transport in the rural areas. I am not at all satisfied that this question will be dealt with in the way in which I should like to see it dealt with. I am quite sure the next thing we will be told is that some arrangement will be made with CIE. CIE made a very poor attempt to provide transport for schoolgoing children. I told the Minister about the so-called school bus which leaves Navan town in the evenings. Recently there were 167 people, including six or seven adults—the remainder were children on the way home from school—on a 44-seater bus. It is quite common in our towns to find children coming in to school on a bus at 8.30 or 9 o'clock in the mornings, and hanging around the streets—or worse still attempting to thumb a lift home—until 7 o'clock or 8 o'clock on a winter's night.

Would that not be a matter for another Minister?

The Minister for Transport and Power?

The Minister is preparing to have free education and free transport for schoolgoing children, and I want to point out to him what the present system is. If he is going to make an arrangement with CIE to supplement the existing service, that will not be good enough. We are sick and tired of the present situation. People complain to us about the present system and ask us to have something done about it. We can do nothing about it, but we hope the Minister can and will. On one occasion I asked CIE to go from one road to another to pick up school children. Their answer was that they could not do that because there were already enough children on the first road and there would be too many children on the bus if they went to the other road. Therefore, those children had to cycle ten miles to school because CIE could not see their way to providing a bigger bus, or two buses where necessary.

The whole question of transport is one which will have to be dealt with by the Minister in a better way than it is being dealt with at the present. I do not know whether he has estimated the cost or what is likely to happen in the case of children who will have to travel to school. I do not know whether he will review the existing system. His predecessor decided not to build any more small schools, but to build bigger ones, and children will have to travel from one end of the parish to another to attend school. I know that the present arrangements are chaotic. I am not blaming the Minister for this, and possibly not even his predecessor, because it takes years to build these things up, and takes longer to break them down. The Minister should have the fullest information about all these things before he makes a statement such as the statement he made in this White Paper.

I should be interested to know what the Minister proposes to do in regard to university scholarships. At present the system is based on the amount of money made available for secondary scholarships. If secondary scholarships no longer exist, will a new basis be established? Will there be free university education for those who seek it, and if there is, will there be some type of test which will guarantee that they will be accepted in the university, or will we have a situation such as exists at present where there is not sufficient accommodation in the universities? Will the test be so stiff as to keep out those who would like to have a university education?

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 1st December, 1966.
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