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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 3 Dec 1970

Vol. 250 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Adjournment Debate: Secondary Teachers.

I do not intend to detain the House very long because I am anxious to allow my colleague. Deputy Dr. O'Connell, who is interested in this matter and put down a question on it, an opportunity of having his say as well.

I was concerned that the Minister said to me across the floor of the House that I seemed to think it was a simple problem. Nothing could be further from the case, and the Minister should be well aware of this. We discussed this in the House on 5th March last. I took the opportunity on a Supplementary Estimate to raise the matter which was discussed here in an entirely constructive spirit. I said on that occasion :

The whole position has become very tangled.

I went on to say:

There has been fumbling and lack of generosity in the Department in their approach to this complex problem. I am not saying it is easily solved. I almost despair of a solution at this stage.

I then went on to suggest there was one way in which a solution might be found. Therefore for anyone to say I think it is a simple problem, having heard me on the subject, is to misconceive my position without any justification. I said then and I believe now that you will not solve a problem which has been complicated by the mistakes made by the Department, the changes of mind, the self-contradictory positions taken up by the Department unless you go back to first base.

This was the point I made in speaking in this House in March. The responsibility for solving the problem is that of the Department in a most peculiar and particular way. It is not simply that this is an educational problem for which the Department are responsible. The problem arises, first of all, because the Department appointed the Ryan Tribunal; secondly, because they accepted its recommendations, even where these recommendations were inept, if I may use the word in respect of anything coming from my distinguished academic colleague, Dr. Louden Ryan. Having done that, which was bad enough, they then undermined the Ryan Tribunal by making a settlement with the secondary teachers which went contrary to the principles of the Ryan Tribunal. Then they went back on that settlement and tried to take the money back again in a particularly mean-minded way. I do not know of any comparable case in the last five years of similar departmental ineptitude in handling a problem. It is therefore up to the Department and the Minister to find a solution to it. I cannot blame the Minister personally because he was not responsible for this matter throughout the whole period of the dispute, but it is his baby now and it cannot be solved by tinkering with it, and tinkering is what I am afraid the Minister has been doing, with the best will in the world.

The Minister apparently got £500,000 from the Minister for Finance and was told: "See what you can do with that". However, the problem created by the Department is one that cannot be solved with £500,000 at this stage. It is going to cost the country—and I said this in my speech of 5th March —quite a lot of money to settle this problem, because you have created a situation where, in order to live up to the principles laid down in the Ryan Tribunal Report without actually cutting back on people's salaries and reducing their status you must bring others up to the level. It is precisely the reluctance of the Department to do that which has caused the very problem we are facing now.

Where can he find the bones of a solution? I put it to the Minister then and I put it to him now: it is to be found in bringing together the two sides, the ASTI and the INTO, and putting to them a solution based on two principles which they have accepted. The ASTI have accepted the principle of the common basic scale. They must be held to that. It must be put to them that a solution has to be found within the context of what they themselves have agreed to. The INTO have always accepted and have never challenged a points system in the remuneration for teachers, which does recognise that teaching at a higher level should be remunerated at a higher rate. Therefore, though at times they have seemed to object to this principle, they have in fact accepted it and have not challenged it in the operation of the salary scales.

Given that the INTO accept the principle of higher remuneration for a higher level of teaching and the ASTI accept the principle of a basic common scale, it cannot be beyond human wit to devise a solution for this problem. The only reason a solution has not been found is the exceptional ineptitude with which the case has been handled.

The solution is to be found in taking those two principles accepted in each case and to use their agreement to those two principles to build on that a solution which will involve a scheme, which is not just tinkering with the present scheme but which is fundamentally different, but founded on these two main principles. I do not think this can be done easily by the Minister and the Department on their own. I do not think, despite the Minister's interjection at Question Time today, it will be done by telling them to sit down together and work something out. I think now and I thought then that here more than in almost any case we have had in recent years is a case for a mediator. I admit there is a problem about mediation because the mediator would have to find a solution which by definition must cost more than the Minister is at present willing to provide.

We have therefore a particularly complex position in which the Minister, the Department and the Government are reluctant to appoint a mediator because he can only do a good job if he is able to recommend a solution which will cost more, and the Government and the Minister are not prepared to provide the kind of money needed to pull this country out of the mess they have got us into in this matter through the way they have handled it. It is up to the Government to appoint a mediator and to state their willingness to accept a solution which does not involve an unreasonable burden on public funds, which will involve some but which will satisfy the very proper concern of all the parties in this dispute to maintain the positions they have legitimately secured over the years and which will correspond to these basic principles which each of them have accepted, even though with some reluctance, I have mentioned.

I also said in that speech on 5th March:

I know it cannot be solved unless people are prepared to change entrenched positions.

This is probably true of everybody in the dispute. It is true above all of the Department because more than anybody else they are responsible for the solution. I went on to say why and how they were responsible and I shall not repeat that now.

What have we got? The Minister has moved from one entrenched position to another. He produced a document in July last and apparently on this document he stands or falls. He knows as well as I do that when this dispute is eventually settled it will not be on the particular terms in that document. He knows that concessions will have to be made, that the solution will involve something different. He knows that is the case. Must we go to the brink? Must we have this situation where parents are faced with this appalling worry of having their children deprived of education at a time when they are approaching in many cases within months of the examinations that matter so much to them and with no knowledge of how long it will last? It is not as if they will be told it will be a strike for a week or a fortnight and they can plan for that. If there is a strike it could last for weeks or months, right up to the time of the examinations.

Why should they be faced with that worry because the Department and the Minister's predecessor have created this situation? It is not a situation created by the teachers. The teachers were going along reasonably happily as they were until the Department decided—I think it was a legitimate decision—to move towards a common basic scale. It was because they decided to move in that direction and took particular steps towards it—backwards and then towards it again—that we are in the trouble in which we now find ourselves. It is not the fault of the teachers; they did not start trouble. Certainly, it is not the fault of the parents or the children. Because the Minister has decided he made an offer last July and that is that, all are to suffer on that account. He knows as well as I do that before this is settled there will have to be further talks, remediation of some kind and eventually a solution. Let us have it now. Let us not stand on dignity. There is too much at stake.

There is a rooted belief on the part of some Ministers—and I am disappointed that this Minister appears to have fallen into the trap—that Ministers must always be unyielding and never seem to change their minds. I think all politicians are inclined to feel that, if we admit we have changed our minds in some way, it reveals a weakness of some kind. Every party seems to feel it must stand over everything it has done over the last 50 years. This is a uniquely Irish characteristic. In other countries there is an agreed statute of limitation and parties do not have to justify what they did 50 years before, as we do here. We all have this reluctance to change our minds. It is something in Government that we have to get over. We have to be willing to admit at times that we have either made a mistake or that in an evolving situation it is necessary to change one's position; it is necessary to discuss and negotiate and not stand firm on a position that will eventually have to be modified.

I am afraid the Minister when he is replying may reject it, carry on up to the brink, and over the brink until, eventually, disruption is caused and then some one will intervene, proposals will be made and a settlement will be arrived at which could have been arrived at long before on an equitable basis without that disruption. I would ask the Minister to reconsider his position.

I am not asking him to get up and say, "Yes, you are right. We shall do what you are saying." It would be asking too much of any politician. I am sure that, if Fine Gael were in Government, we would not be inclined to react just like that. I do think the Minister could, in the light of what he has heard from me and from Deputy O'Connell, say he is prepared to consider the matter and discuss it further, that he does not believe in being intransigent and that he is prepared to go away and consider what might be done.

There is a meeting of the Parent School Movement in Dublin this evening about this very matter. The parents, who are not on one side or the other, are simply concerned about their children. I should like to be able to go to that meeting and say to these people that in the Dáil this evening the Minister for Education did, after a brief debate, offer some hope of discussing the matter further. If he can offer any hope of that kind I shall be more than willing to go to that meeting and say on his behalf that he is prepared to do his bit and help resolve the dispute.

I raised this question in the House today because of the concern of parents about their children's future. Parents are both concerned and anxious about the fact that a strike is likely to take place. This concern has extended to the children themselves, who feel that a strike is going to take place and their year in secondary school is going to be disrupted. I know, from discussing it with secondary school students, that this feeling of uncertainty is affecting their studies. It is bad for children to feel that the intermediate certificate and the leaving certificate examinations may not take place. There is justification for this because of the history of extended strikes by teachers.

I am concerned about the statement the Minister made today because from what I gather he is adopting an inflexible attitude. He has decided that what he did in July must stand. When it was suggested he might meet the teachers he said this had already been done. It is important that the Minister act now before these pupils go home for their Christmas holiday so that they can be assured that no strike will take place. If the strike does take place it will go on for a long time. Two or three months of the school year may be lost and as a result these children will be deprived of the necessary certificate.

There is a problem, but I do not think the secondary teachers are to blame. The Minister's Department is to blame and the Minister must accept responsibility. I suggest a body be set up in the same way as bodies are set up to deal with industrial disputes with an independent chairman, or mediator, as Deputy FitzGerald suggested, to which representatives from these different organisations could go to discuss the matter and find a solution.

We would all admire the Minister if he said, "All right, I shall look into this. I realise it is important. I realise parents are concerned. I realise pupils are concerned about the matter and I shall see to it that everything possible is done to avert this strike." We all know the history of this and we must accept the threat of the secondary teachers to strike. We must consider the children involved. This is not a case for saying, "I must abide by what I have said". The Minister must be flexible. He must realise there is more at stake. We have had enough strikes this year. Despite everything that was said the Government eventually had to settle the bank strike after so many months, and there can be no doubt that Government intervention finally brought it to an end.

The Minister would be admired if he took the initiative, met these bodies and suggested to them that either a mediator or an independent chairman of an independent body be set up, and if he got assurances from them that whatever decision will come from this will be accepted and there will not be a strike. If the Minister does this he will have the admiration of the parents, students and teachers.

I should like to say that, as Minister for Education, and, as a parent, I am particularly anxious about the possibility of a secondary school teachers' strike. As I only have ten minutes to deal with this matter I think I should give a brief synopsis of what has happened to date.

As Deputies are aware, the Ryan Tribunal was set up in December, 1967. Its function was to recommend a common basic scale of salary for teachers in national, secondary and vocational schools and also to recommend what appropriate additions might be made to the basic scale in respect of qualifications, length of training, nature of duties and so on. The tribunal reported in 1968 and the Government accepted its proposals. Two of the teaching bodies accepted them but they were not acceptable to the ASTI. Some time later the ASTI took strike action and subsequent to that, in March, 1969, an agreement between the Department and the secondary teachers was made. As soon as news of the agreement became public the other two teaching bodies objected vehemently to it. They pointed out that it cut across the proposals of Ryan and they threatened industrial action if the situation was not brought back to what it had been subsequent to the Ryan proposals. The matter was then referred back to Professor Ryan and, in his reply in June, 1969, he stated that the agreement made in March of that year was in breach of his proposals and he stated also that the framework of his proposals could be restored by the process of erosion.

It was about this time I became Minister for Education and I held numerous meetings with all the teaching bodies in an endeavour to find an acceptable solution. I failed to find a solution and I then decided to ask Mr. Dermot MacDermott, the chief conciliation officer of the Labour Court, to come in and endeavour to find a solution to this very difficult problem. He met two of the teaching bodies in conciliation and he met the ASTI outside conciliation. After a considerable number of discussions with the teaching bodies he, too, failed to find an acceptable solution.

At this stage it became obvious to me that it was not possible to get an agreed solution from discussions with the various teaching bodies and it devolved on me, as Minister, to put forward my own proposals. I studied all the notes that had been taken at the meetings I had had with the different teaching bodies. I also took into consideration the advice made available to me by Mr. MacDermott and, having taken a very considerable time in trying to find a solution which would be acceptable to the three teaching bodies, I ultimately put forward proposals to the teachers which were designed to produce a solution and stated that I intended to implement them. The Government made available to me about another £500,000 and I cannot understand Deputy FitzGerald's remark that we dealt with this in a very mean-minded way because our salary scales here will, I think, compare very favourably with those in other countries.

When I said that I was referring to the decision to erode this settlement and not to the £500,000.

I might say that the suggestion that they should be eroded was made by Professor Ryan.

That does not necessarily make it a good suggestion.

The proposals I put before the teachers were favourably accepted by the public, if one is to judge by the comments in the news media. Two of the teaching bodies accepted the proposals, with reservations. The ASTI again did not accept. Recently I asked the ASTI to meet me and we had a further discussion. I pointed out to them that, if I were to interfere in any way with the situation as it was, I would face very severe difficulties with regard to the other two teaching bodies; I would in fact be faced with a threat of industrial action by one or other of the two bodies or, quite possibly, by both.

It has been suggested here that I should meet the secondary teachers again. It would be of no value meeting any single group of teachers.

So the Minister accepts that a strike is inevitable?

Not at all. The only way in which I could meet the teachers and try to change the proposals I put forward would be by meeting all three groups together. I have endeavoured to do this on many occasions and I have failed. One of the most important points in relation to the whole problem is the impossibility of getting all the teaching bodies to come in together and discuss the whole matter with my Department as a body. I pointed out to the secondary teachers that while I was asking them to accept something less satisfying to them than the original agreement offered, I was at the same time refusing to adopt the Ryan erosion proposals, as I had been pressed to do very strongly by the other two bodies.

Deputy FitzGerald suggested that we should get back to first base. The Deputy would need to ask himself whether we really could return to first base and, in fact, if he discusses this with some of the teaching bodies he will find that he will not be permitted to go back to first base.

I am very concerned about the possibility of strike action and I would ask the secondary teachers to look again at the proposals I have put before them and, even if they have some reservations about them, as the other two teaching bodies have, I would ask them to accept these proposals.

Would the Minister be prepared to change them?

The Deputy said I was inflexible.

The Minister gave that impression.

He is giving a slightly different impression now.

I am not in the slightest degree inflexible but my problem is that I have to deal with three bodies and anything I do by way of changing what I have already proposed in one case will be vehemently opposed by the other two teaching bodies. As I said, and I have said this on numerous occasions here, the only way in which it would be possible to get any sort of acceptable solution would be if the three teaching bodies would come together. I put forward a new scheme of conciliation and arbitration. I asked them to take part in this; two did and the third body refused to take part. The only way in which the proposals can be changed is by having discussions with all the teachers as a body and within the limits of the money available to me. But even if it were possible to make more money available, it would have to be given across the board to the three teaching bodies and it would not change the situation one iota vis-à-vis any one of them.

Again, I would appeal to the secondary teachers to re-examine my proposals. While they may not be entirely satisfactory to them, nevertheless there are considerable advantages in them. I would ask them to reconsider the situation. As I said, I am as concerned as anybody in this House that a strike should not take place.

If the Minister says these cannot be changed except by the agreement of all three, is he thereby giving to two of the teaching bodies a right of veto over the salary position of the third? Is it perhaps unwise to put it in that form? I recognise the Minister's difficulty: would the Minister be prepared to receive a deputation from the Parent School Movement to see whether or not they might find some way of approaching the different teaching bodies to see if they could overcome the very real difficulties the Minister has? They might talk to the different teaching bodies and see if they could come up with a way out which would relieve the Minister of his embarrassment.

I am not giving a veto to any body of teachers over any other body.

Good. It sounded a little like it.

As far as the teaching bodies are concerned, I respect all of them equally. With regard to the Deputy's suggestion, I would be willing to meet the people he suggests.

Would the Minister be prepared to suggest to the ASTI that another mediator move in on this?

We have had Mr. Dermot MacDermott.

And we have reached an impasse.

I do not see how another mediator would be any improvement.

The Minister accepts that a strike is inevitable.

No. I am saying we have had the chief conciliation officer of the Labour Court.

We must do something to solve the problem.

The Dáil adjourned at 5.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 9th December, 1970.

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