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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 13 Jun 1973

Vol. 266 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Financial Resolution No. 10 : General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion :
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Defence.)

Last night I was about to quote from column 1275 of the Official Report dated 16th May which states :

The Government will ensure that effective policies serving the national interest will be formulated and implemented without delay.

It was in connection with mining and I was happy to read that assurance. A recent OECD report on science and technology in Ireland recommended the advisability and wisdom of this country reserving a substantial part of mineral extraction and processing industries for development by Irish interests. The report also spoke of the justification for Irish participation in the search for and subsequent exploration of mineral resources.

In that connection I asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce a question regarding the number of licences held by foreign-controlled companies. I was disappointed to discover that of the 829 licences issued 809 were held by foreign-controlled companies. Obviously it will be difficult for the Government to implement their policy if this kind of situation is allowed to continue.

If we intend to have a policy of self-determination so far as our mineral resources are concerned, we should desist forthwith from issuing any more licences. In addition, the licence issued is rather too extensive and, as a result, a situation has developed that licences granted to Avoca Mines have been farmed out to somebody else. I read that licences granted to the Marathon Company in respect of oil have been farmed out to Esso who were to do the drilling. The arrangement was that Marathon would get 50 per cent while the Irish people are entitled to 12½ per cent. We have now reached the stage when we are assured that this wealth is there and that we are very foolish to allow international entrepreneurs to be coming in taking the ground and the wealth from under our feet. We are very foolish, particularly in circumstances when we have had a budget through which the Minister for Finance would have been in a position to cater for the needy sections to which I referred last night if he had had more money available to him.

I am hoping that in the development of our mineral policy preference will be given to Irish interests and Irish expertise. It may be necessary to have a State-sponsored company. A State-sponsored company combined with Irish interests would satisfy me. We may be thought to be national or insular in this but I would point out that in Turkey, Canada and Australia of late they are confining interest in mining to nationals or home-based companies linked with outside interests. In present circumstances, when we know this wealth is there, it is incorrect to say that we would not have known of it were it not for outside influences. It is a myth to say we did not know there was mineral wealth in Silvermines, a part of Irish folklore, in Avoca, in Tynagh or at Navan. An Foras Talúntais have not got the credit they deserve in regard to the Navan discovery.

It is ridiculous to say these minerals cannot be developed except through foreign-controlled companies. The sooner the Government introduce legislation the better. Deputy Desmond has reminded us that in this Government there are people who have interests in mines. He also said there are Members of the Opposition who have a personal interest in the mining industry. I have no interest at all in it but it grieves me to know that the wealth is there and yet, in reply to a question by Deputy Briscoe yesterday, it was stated that, for all the wealth that has been made by foreign-controlled companies out of Irish minerals, the net income in royalties to the Government, to the people of Ireland, last year was a meagre £100,000. That is what we got out of all the mineral wealth of the country. You would make more out of a Bingo session or the sale of one racehorse. I flattered those people who come in from outside by calling them entrepreneurs. They take this colossal profit from the people of Ireland. That is all I intend to say on that.

There is one point I should like to make before I close. It refers to medicines. Oral medicines have a zero VAT rating. We accept this and it is commendable, but I am at a loss to know why other medicines should be at a higher rate. Obviously, there are reasons for putting 6.75 per cent VAT on insulin and iron injections. It is not a major point but it is something I find it difficult to understand and I am asking the Minister to indicate in his reply why we discriminate in regard to medicine.

I have been in this House for a considerable time and I have listened to budgets being produced and criticised from both sides of the House. Until this year, one thing always happened : while people on the Government benches made the best case they could for the budget, those on the Opposition benches criticised what they thought should be criticised and praised what they thought should be praised. This year there has been an exception. No speaker from Fianna Fáil to whom I listened or read about could find one good thing about the budget.

That is not correct. Perhaps Deputy Tully did not like what I said in regard to the reference to mines by the Minister for Finance.

Will the Deputies listen to what I say? No Deputy on the Opposition benches whom I listened to or read about said one good thing about the budget. I have listened carefully to Deputy Tunney lest he would include himself as one of the people who praised the budget. He finally mentioned oral medicines, that it was a good idea to take VAT off them.

On a point of order——

Please, Deputy Tunney, you have been boring this House for an hour and a half and would you stay quiet now and listen to me?

I should like to ask Deputy Tully if he would please tell me——

The Chair will not allow interruptions at this stage.

I will sit down and allow Deputy Tunney to explain what he means.

I should like to ask the Minister for Local Government to say why he indicated that in the course of my contribution——

I want to know why he made a reference to the mines and why he thinks I did not like what he said about the mines. If Deputy Tunney has something to say let him say it now on that particular point.

On a point of explanation, the Minister for Local Government said the only reference of commendation I made to the budget was on medicines. I am now asking the Minister for Local Government why he did not include the commendation which I made when I quoted an extract from the speech of the Minister for Finance as to what he intends to do in relation to the mining industry.

Deputy Tunney said I did not like what he said about the mines. May I make it very clear that what Deputy Tunney was referring to is the fact that my son is employed by one of the mining companies. Deputy Tunney had the audacity to come into this House and attempt to cast a slur on him and on me simply because he happens to be employed by one of the mining companies. That is the type of standard I would expect from a Member of Fianna Fáil. It is the type of standard they lived up to while on this side of the House and it is the type of standard which has put them over there. Will Deputy Tunney stay quiet now?

If conscience makes cowards of us, I cannot help it.

Deputy Tunney was granted a very good hearing. No interruptions, please.

The Deputy knows too much about a lot of things and very little about what he should know about. He started off last night and referred to the fact that he had 15 acres of land and that he wished some foreign mining industry would come along and find gold or silver or something like that on it. Today he also referred to this. The Deputy sitting beside him has a far closer interest in mining companies than I have. I, in all my time here, never accused him of doing anything wrong because Deputy O'Malley, like myself, has not an interest financially in the mining company, as far as I am aware. Would Deputy Tunney please remember that in this House, on his side and on this side, there are people who have far flung interests in many things and the mere fact that they have an interest or have relatives employed by certain companies does not mean they are prepared to sell their political souls. Obviously what Deputy Tunney was doing was judging me by his own standards, a very dangerous thing for him to do.

The Deputy is marvellous. Conscience doth make cowards of us all.

I will leave it at that. In case Deputy Tunney has any further views on the matter, let me clarify this : I have no shares in or no connection, financial or otherwise, with any mining company.

I never said the Minister had.

Would Deputy Tunney please, having put his foot in his mouth, try to extract it outside because he is making a fool of himself here?

Several Deputies over here stressed some of the social welfare aspects of the budget.

I did not read everything that was said.

I am only putting the record right.

I read one thing Deputy Haughey said. He referred to the fact that I had, over the years when I was in Opposition, called on the Government to do something about income tax for workers who were travelling long distances to work. I have said to Deputy Haughey down through the years that when he was Minister for Finance he was a good Minister in that he knew what he was talking about but he very often did not do what I wanted him to do. He knew his facts and for that reason I still consider that Deputy Haughey was a good Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance. He said that I had not succeeded in getting anything for those workers after moving over to those benches. I regret it was not possible in a period of about six weeks to have that done but the Deputy can be assured that I will work as hard here to get it done as I did when I was on the Opposition benches. Deputy Haughey also said that I should resign when the budget debate was finished.

That was a parliamentary joust.

Let me return the parliamentary joust. I would not resign at the request of an Opposition Deputy. Deputy Haughey did not resign when he was asked to do so by his Taoiseach. I do not know whether Deputy Haughey noticed this or not but earlier in the discussion a reference was made by the former Taoiseach, Deputy Lynch, to the fact that he noticed in one of the morning newspapers—he thanked the reporter for drawing it to his attention—the fact that I had not done anything, according to himself, about these workers who were travelling long distances and who were entitled to have some income tax remission.

Would it not be far more gracious of Deputy Lynch if he thanked Deputy Haughey for drawing it to his notice because it was Deputy Haughey who was reported in the paper the next day as the man who had made this promise. Deputy Haughey made the comment. Deputy Lynch knew he made the comment but then, of course, we would not expect Deputy Lynch to thank Deputy Haughey for anything. It would be too much to expect and I am sure Deputy Haughey would not expect to be thanked. He made the comment, he was perfectly entitled to make it and I am perfectly entitled to comment on it.

The Minister will not reassure me that he is going to resign?

I do not have to fall off a horse or anything like that to give me an excuse for staying out of the House. I am here to tell the Deputy I will not resign. Is the Deputy satisfied now?

The Minister is niggling now.

The budget has one great thing about it. It showed to those of us who are now on this side of the House that many of the things which we had been saying over the years could be done and which Fianna Fáil said could not be done, could in fact be done and have been done. I was amazed when I became Minister for Local Government to find that so many loose ends were left hanging around by my predecessor and also by former Ministers in various other Departments. I do not know how Fianna Fáil expected they would be able to continue to run a country under the circumstances and the positions which they had set up. Over the years they had many men of experience. They had Deputy Haughey, Deputy Blaney and the former Deputy Boland, particularly. We might not particularly like those men but they were good Ministers because they knew what they were doing. The Fianna Fáil Government, having got rid of those, muddled along with a group of fifth-raters.

On a point of order, what has this got to do with the budget debate?

Deputy Wilson is not long enough in the House to know but I will bring it around to the budget debate. Let the Deputy have no doubt about that.

The Chair has not restricted any Deputy in the matter up to now.

The Deputy is inexperienced.

I want to know how is this relevant to the budget?

If Deputy Wilson's seat is comfortable I suggest he sits back and rests himself and he will find that I will make it relevant.

The Minister has not made it relevant yet.

That will be done. These people created a situation where things were going from bad to worse. Despite a number of comments made by Fianna Fáil Deputies during this debate that this Government had not done a number of things which they thought should have been done, they have, in fact, done very well. Fianna Fáil talk glibly about their commitment, for instance, to the housing programme and try to give the impression that housing was a number one priority with them. We have seen the practical result of this so-called commitment over recent years. It is interesting to recall that the first Coalition Government after one year in office produced the highest output ever of local authority houses, 7,787, and by 1961 Fianna Fáil succeeded in getting this figure down to 1,238 local authority houses.

That Coalition Government broke the country.

Year after year the Fianna Fáil Government attempted to bring the figure up, according to themselves. We even heard a reference to steady progress in housing. The last Minister for Local Government made great play of this steady increase and he thought there was a virtue in what he had done because the housing output had gone up to 5,106 after a period of ten years. I do not know if Fianna Fáil really understand the ordinary people. It has been said to me, over the last few months particularly, that one of the things about Fianna Fáil was they were so far removed from the ordinary people. Even members of Fianna Fáil in this House have commented that at least they can come into my office and talk to me. They can stop and talk to me on the street and they can stop and talk to other Ministers on the street. Apparently they were not allowed to do that by the last batch of Fianna Fáil Ministers in office.

We find these people in this House trying to decry what has been done but do they realise that, in fact, Fianna Fáil did not understand what the people wanted? They made no effort to give them what they wanted. It is only fair that we should bring to the notice of the people some of the things the present Government have done. Everybody knows, and I do not propose to stress it because it was said by a number of Government speakers, that the increase in the amount of money given in the budget for social welfare purposes was the greatest ever given in the State. In case anybody is anxious to know there is nearly £39 million more for social welfare in this year's budget than there was in the budget introduced by Fianna Fáil last year. This was a great step forward. It was not an effort to give riotous living to the unfortunate social welfare recipients but an opportunity to allow them to exist in frugal comfort. They got this extra money: they are grateful for it and please God in the years to come their income will be increased substantially.

Some people have said that too much was given.

The money given to social welfare recipients will be increased substantially in the years to come until we have all the people in this country getting an income on which they can live in comfort. A well known supporter of Fianna Fáil met me on the road——

A decent man.

He is a decent man but, like many Fianna Fáil people, he is very misguided. He met me on the day after the budget. He has nine children under 14 years of age. Do you know what his complaint about the budget was, Sir? He complained that we put 3p on a glass of spirits. That is the type of thinking which has been behind a number of the speeches made here from the Fianna Fáil benches. They talked about the terrible thing it was to put extra tax on spirits, extra tax on beer, extra tax on tobacco.

And on workers' cars.

We put no extra tax on workers' cars which would compare with what Fianna Fáil did on two occasions. I do not think Deputy Wilson was interested in politics at the time. They imposed an increase of 35 per cent on one occasion, and of 25 per cent on another occasion, and that is not so long ago. The people who were responsible for that now have the audacity to suggest that, in spite of inflation and in spite of everything else, a 10 per cent increase is too big.

More workers have cars now as a result of good Government.

If that is the way they think we can easily understand why they now find themselves in Opposition. Let me go back to the question of housing for a moment. In 1972-73, £25.38 million was allocated to local authority housing, and this year we have increased the figure to £32 million.

Including sanitary services?

I will deal with sanitary services in a moment. Thank you for reminding me. They are not included. Private housing grants: £6.50 million last year, £8 million this year; house purchase loans: £9.9 million last year, £17.70 million this year; supplementary grants: £2.30 million last year, £6.20 million this year; national building agency; £.65 million last year, £.75 million this year. This makes a total increase of almost £20 million or 44 per cent.

Why was that not done last year and in the years before? Simply because Fianna Fáil could not see their way to doing it. They had not got the intelligence to find the money or the guts to do it. It required that and they had not got the courage to do what was required. They muddled along with a few pounds here and a few pounds there hoping against hope that something would turn up. They started a national building agency and they started a low-cost housing project, a very nice name. It ended with the "low-cost" label being dropped for obvious reasons. They built large housing estates with small unattractive houses. It was back to the old song of "little boxes, little boxes", all over the place.

They built four-storey flats with no lifts. They put unfortunate wives with small children four storeys up. They had to carry two children under their arm, push a pram and drag the others after them up and down four storey flats. They felt this was the way to house the working classes. Obviously they felt that anything at all was good enough for the working classes. The idea was to put them in somewhere, keep them from looking for shelter, and everything would be all right.

Would the Minister tell us a bit more about what he is going to do?

Take your medicine.

I have said it so often that, if Deputy Haughey has not heard about it, he is about the only person in the country who has not heard about it.

You are Minister now. Tell us your plans.

I propose to build houses.

Tell us about it.

I have provided the money. I propose to get designs which will be acceptable. I propose to put in services which will be there when the people go into the houses. I propose to have planned open spaces so that the people will not be as they are in Ballymun, 20 storeys up, looking down at their little children in trouble on the street. I propose to introduce a scheme of housing which will treat the working classes and the poor people as well as their rich brethren. I propose to give them what they are entitled to in this State, or in any so called Christian State, but which they have not been getting from Fianna Fáil.

If any local authority want to build houses all they need provide are the plans, the tenants and the contractors. We will provide the money. No local authority member and no local authority official need say this year that they are being inhibited in their desire to build houses because they cannot get money from the State. As a member of a local authority for many years I know what the game was when Fianna Fáil were in power. A local authority sent a housing scheme up to the Department for sanction. After many months it was sent down again. They wanted to know the type of house to be built. Many months later they wanted to know the site on which it was to be built. Many months later they wanted to know who the contractor was. In many cases there was a delay of another 12 months before they gave permission to borrow from the Local Loans Fund.

You are in power now

Having done that, they then found that the contractor was not prepared to build at the original price. and they had to advertise again. We are now in power, as Deputy Haughey says, and we will build the houses. That red tape is gone, and no longer need any local authority send their small housing schemes backwards and forwards to the Custom House.

Just attacking Fianna Fáil is not justifying ministerial policy. Tell us about your policy.

I have told the Deputy my policy and I am sorry if he was not able to understand it. Attacking Fianna Fáil is something I have been doing for a long time because I believed that they were incompetent and corrupt. I have proved it to my own satisfaction since I became a Minister of this Government. I am satisfied now that they had neither the will nor the ability to do what they were elected to Government to do. I should like to talk through you. Sir, to Deputy Haughey. He wanted to know about sanitary services.

That is what I want to hear about.

Last year his Government —if he likes to call them that—in their capital budget gave £6.4 million. An allocation of £1.5 million was made in August in addition to that. The allocation for 1973-74 is £12.95 million, almost a 60 per cent rise in the amount of money made available for sanitary services. We believe that water and sewerage programmes must continue to be provided. They must be ready to service new houses and new industries. There is no use talking about bringing either housing or industry to an area where the sanitary services are not available, and where no money is provided to make them available. This will not solve all the problems. It will take a lot more money to do it. I hope in the years to come that the National Coalition Government will provide the money. I hope that, in a relatively short time, we will be able to provide water and sewerage schemes throughout the country. For the last few years, no serious attempt was made by the Government to provide that type of money.

I mean this question seriously. Has the Minister any plans for the sewerage situation in Dublin?

Deputy Haughey is not one of the new Commissioners. He was not a member of Dublin Corporation. Therefore, he would not be au fait with what happened at local authority level. Deputy Fitzpatrick behind him could possibly give him a more detailed answer than I.

He is not a Commissioner.

No, he is not a Commissioner. I forgot that. I am sorry.

(Dublin Central): The Minister did not appoint me.

We know the present position.

What I promise to do is, if Dublin Corporation submit to the Department of Local Government plans for water and sewerage schemes which they require for their immediate housing needs, those plans will not be put on a shelf to gather dust, as was the practice up to now; they will be sanctioned. The hard cash is there and if the plans come in the money will be provided. Deputy Haughey can rest assured of this.

I am very glad to have that assurance. That is the sort of talk I want from the Minister.

Surely the Minister is entitled to make his own speech and not be subjected to this barrage of interruptions.

Deputy Haughey is helping me out as I often helped him out in similar circumstances. Deputies have also been wondering about what is happening with regard to the Road Fund and how much money will be made available under the Road Fund. Deputy Haughey is interested in what is likely to happen with regard to Dublin and I am very glad to be able to tell him that this year I am prepared to give very substantial extra sums to the Road Fund, particularly in Dublin, because I realise that in and around this city we have roads leading out to relatively good roads which are themselves a disgrace to a national capital.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The previous Minister, his predecessor and his predecessor before him obviously did not believe that was the case and thought the roads were good enough. I have asked that these matters be dealt with as a matter of urgency. I have also arranged for vast sums to be made available so that the necessary roads can be put in in new housing areas around the city. Up to now the talk has been about erecting houses—I am speaking now about the previous Government—and, in some cases, small amounts of money were provided; having done that, no provision whatever was made to put in the necessary roads to enable the houses to be properly serviced and to enable normal traffic to pass around the new complexes. In this year's budget, with the co-operation of my colleagues in the Government, I have made possible the doing of this work by making available very substantial sums. I am quite sure that my colleagues in Fianna Fáil, who are as anxious as I am to see these things done, are very glad to get this information.

(Dublin Central): We have been waiting for a road through the old parts of Dublin. There is a report being issued and we are awaiting it.

How long is the report there?

(Dublin Central): We have been expecting it for the past few months.

When was it sent in? Would it be four years or three years? Is the Deputy quite sure now? We move fairly fast but we just cannot move fast enough yet to catch up in three months with what Fianna Fáil neglected for four years. That is really asking too much of us. I can assure Deputy Fitzpatrick that if such a report is in the Department and has been processed by the officials it will not be held up by ministerial order. I give the Deputy that assurance. He is aware of the replies I have given to some of his queries so far. Anything that comes in that needs to be dealt with immediately is dealt with immediately.

Last night, Deputy Oliver Flanagan referred to a certain gentleman and the Ceann Comhairle objected to the man's name being mentioned here. I do not intend to mention his name. Deputy Flanagan referred to him as " a gentleman who shall be nameless ". Immediately before the Presidential election this gentleman made a statement that the farmers were very dissatisfied because the National Coalition Government had not carried out their promise with regard to death duties. I should like to put it on record now that I was one of the people who discussed the problem with this gentleman and we not alone carried out what we agreed to but, in addition, we did a great deal more than we were expected to do. Why the gentleman who cannot be named should have decided at that stage to make the comment he did is something I leave to others to answer.

I should also like to put it on record that under the new arrangements in the 1973 budget a widow with three dependants who has an estate of up to £41,666 will be completely exempt from estate duty. People talked here as if the only persons involved were farmers. This does not apply just to farmers. The point—it was a good point—made by the Opposition was that because of the huge increase in the value of property many people, who would not consider themselves too well off, might be living in housing accommodation which could be valued at quite a substantial sum. Up to now widows found themselves having to sell property so that the State could get its share of what the State felt it was entitled to by way of death duties. We have taken steps in the budget to ensure that that will never happen again and I think we are at least entitled to some credit for doing that. Some people on the Fianna Fáil benches attempted over the last couple of weeks to give the impression that we had done nothing and possibly it was this that led the gentleman who cannot be named to make the comment he did. I do not know what he wants. I know there are a great many other things to be done before this matter is finally dealt with, but £41,666 for a widow with three children and £55,000 for a widow with six children and over £60,000 for a widow with nine children is not a bad position at all.

They are not poor people.

It was either Deputy O. J. Flanagan or the Parliamentary Secretary. Deputy John Kelly, who referred to Deputy Wilson yesterday as growling at him; Deputy Wilson has started growling at me now. Of course, they are not poor and I am quite sure that when Deputy Wilson in late January or early February, 1978, goes forward in the next general election in Cavan he will tell the farmers down there, many of whom own property as valuable as that but still do not consider themselves rich farmers, that they are very rich men and he does not represent them; he represents another type of person. Deputy Wilson will say to them, and I will not blame him for it, that it is a great thing that they are able to look forward now to this concession.

What about Oldcastle?

Oldcastle can wait until the next time.

Deputies may make their own contribution and the Deputy in possession is entitled to make his speech without interruption.

Because of inflation people of moderate means will, as time goes on, reach the stage at which they will have this sort of value put on moderate holdings, be they suburban dwellings or farms. They will thank the National Coalition Government and their wisdom in electing them for doing something about this. Fianna Fáil, for all their talk and all their years in office, did not go beyond £10,000 in the past 16 years and Deputy Haughey was the last person who attempted to do anything about it: certain people did not like what he was doing so he was not allowed to continue with the good work. It will take us some time.

It went up to about £25,000.

I am talking in general terms. It was £10,000 and that was it. While inflation will take its toll of money values, at the same time I would not go so far as Deputy Tunney did last night when he talked about ten years hence and the changes that will take place. He said that in ten years from now people would be working 30 hours a week and it would be a sort of social condition that they would do a certain amount of work. He was very angry when I pointed out that somebody working a shovel 30 hours a week would not consider there was anything social about it, he would be doing it because he had to do it. He suggested that shovels would be barred by then. I should like to remind him that in this year, 1973, farm workers are working 50 hours a week. They are not worrying about what to do with their leisure. So far they have not got much money to spend on their leisure and they have not got very much leisure anyway.

It was very amusing to hear the arguments put up against the budget on the evening it was introduced. One put up by the former Taoiseach, Deputy Lynch, was that while we did propose to take VAT off oral medicines if he got a cut on his hand and had to buy a plaster he would have to pay VAT on it. I am sorry for Deputy Lynch but if he gets his hand scraped I am afraid he will have to pay VAT on a plaster but he can turn to his colleague, Deputy Colley, who introduced VAT originally. In fact, he put it on all medicines but we have taken it off oral medicines. With Deputy Fitzpatrick and a few others I discussed in Committee for quite a long time the question of VAT. Every effort made by us to persuade the former Minister to take VAT off food fell on deaf ears. As far as he was concerned it could not be done. I am not sure whether that was his idea, the Government's idea or the advice he got from his Department. Now we have proved it can be done and it will be done from 1st September.

I should like to remind those who say that the middle income class are getting nothing out of this budget that they will, if nothing else, save on not having to pay VAT on food. It has been proved from statistics—of course, one can prove anything from statistics —that 40 per cent of the average working man's earnings goes on food so his saving will be fairly substantial. They say that as the income rises the percentage spent on food drops so the percentage spent on food by the middle income class will not be 40 per cent but it will be fairly substantial and I am sure they would not say they did not get anything out of the budget because they got that. Let me remind them also that it was not the function of this Government to make people who are reasonably well off, very well off. Our first object was to do something for the underprivileged, for the social welfare classes, and we claim to have done that and done it reasonably well, I can afford to speak like this because I have, in my time, lived on a very low wage. I know what it was to try to make ends meet on less than was necessary to keep body and soul together. I never at that time begrudged those who were better off than I was. I think it is a little bit much to have people shedding crocodile tears over those who are reasonably well off because they did not get as much out of the budget as the people who were in very poor circumstances.

(Dublin Central): What about the people in the hotels of Dublin eating steak and caviare? You have also reduced their tax.

This just shows that Deputy Fitzpatrick has not fully studied it. I do not blame him. These are things on which, if you do not pay enough attention to them, you can make a mistake.

(Dublin Central): At purchase price.

Do not try to mend your hand. The statement Deputy Fitzpatrick made about people eating steak and caviare is not true.

(Dublin Central): It is true.

In fact, they have to pay. When VAT was introduced the main reason given by the Minister for Finance for refusing to exempt food was that people could buy caviare without paying tax. Even if they did get away with it, how many people in this country are eating caviare? How many people are living below subsistence level and paying VAT on food for themselves and their children because Deputy Colley and Deputy Fitzpatrick apparently felt that somebody might eat caviare and not pay tax on it. This is the sort of damn nonsense with which Fianna Fáil have deluded themselves over the years. They just do not seem to understand that there are people in the country who are in very poor circumstances. I think the figure is fairly close to 650,000 people living below subsistence level. We have helped those by taking VAT off food and if somebody gets away even a small bit as a result I would much prefer to see those 650,000 people living a little bit better than they were than not to allow this to happen because two or three immensely wealthy people will be eating caviare without paying tax. That is the sort of nonsense with which Fianna Fáil have deluded themselves as being good government and now they realise they have made a mistake.

Let me refer to the aging spinsters about whom Deputy Tunney was talking. He said they got nothing out of the budget because they were neither widows nor unmarried mothers as if it was something great to be a widow or an unmarried mother. They, in many cases, are also people who have been paying rates and they got their remission in rates. There is not one family in the country which has not benefited from the change of Government.

Or one big business either.

I understand Deputy Wilson is good at figures. I would advise him to get out his notebook and pencil and work out how much of what big business gets comes back to the State. When he has done that, he might come in and make a speech of his own here.

I am waiting.

He might be tempted to say something for himself.

I am sorry if I riled the Minister.

Not at all. I like stupid interruptions because they give me the opportunity of scoring on the person who makes them. Deputy Wilson and others have talked of big industries and big farms benefiting in respect of rates, but if these people check they will find that very few got away with anything.

Regarding Fianna Fáil, the suggestion was that, if they had been returned to office, all dwelling houses would have been exempt from rates. Here I will quote Deputy Oliver Flanagan who, in his heydey would say "No jam yesterday, no jam today but jam tomorrow "—in other words, that rates would have been paid last year and this year but that next year there would be no rates on housing under Fianna Fáil.

That was a promise.

I accept Deputy Wilson's correction because we know what weight a Fianna Fáil promise carries.

We stand by our promises.

Regarding the Fianna Fáil promise, let us remember that there are very many business houses owned by people who live on the premises and these, of course, would not have been exempt. Are there not many little shops and small hotels and guest houses that, in addition to the business carried on in them, provide accommodation for their owners? Such people would have had to continue to pay rates. The expression "trick-of-the-loopery" has been used here, but if anybody can outdo the trick-of-the-loopery that was practised by Fianna Fáil, he must indeed be a wizard.

We came to power on the strength of our 14-point programme. A number of these points have been honoured in this budget. The Minister has provided for the essentials and, in addition, has laid the foundation for further progress. Despite that, we hear Fianna Fáil, after many years of office and having done nothing in relation to the matters that we attended to in the budget, tell us that we did not do our work correctly and that, perhaps, if they had been given another chance, they would have succeeded in doing what they should have done in the past. I would not have been surprised if they had told us that they had not the opportunity of doing in their budgets what we have done in ours. However, they did not tell us that, but they had the brass neck to ask us why work which they had left undone for years has not been dealt with. As the Minister for Lands said, a matter that was left with the Department of Local Government four years ago has not yet seen the light of day. Fianna Fáil see many matters being attended to very quickly. I suppose they are of the opinion that the best way to encourage further progress is to keep urging us on. If that is their intention, they are succeeding very well.

In this budget the National Coalition Government have set a headline. We propose to be here for a long time and in the years ahead we are sure that the people will talk of the Coalition budget of 1973 as being the budget which set this country back on the road to progress. Let us not forget that, although this Government have been in office for only three months, there are 5,000 fewer people unemployed now than there were this time 12 months ago.

(Dublin Central): They must have emigrated.

We know what happened last year and the year before but we also know what is happening this year. We propose to continue on the lines on which we have begun and to ensure that those people who want employment will be able to find it. The proposal I have mentioned here, and which has been included in the budget, in respect of roads, housing and sanitary services will provide at least an extra 6,000 jobs. If Fianna Fáil had done that, even during their last year of office, they just might have been returned to power.

At the outset I wish to repeat something which has been referred to specifically already by Deputy Lynch and other speakers from this side of the House. My reason for reiterating it is that at the time the allegation in question was made it was given much publicity. Apparently, the allegation was made for the purpose of trying to influence the electorate in the Presidential Election but, happily, it had no success in that regard. Nevertheless, since there are figures in black and white that can be used to make the position clear, I wish to refer once again to the allegation which was made first by the Minister for Finance and repeated by other members of the Government and their supporters. I refer to what has been said regarding the £30 million, approximately, which this country saved as a result of our accession to the EEC and that accession, as everybody knows, was fought very strongly by the Labour Party.

The allegation is that this money had in some way disappeared before the present Government came to office and that, therefore, they could not take it into account in the Estimates that were necessary to frame the budget. The position is perfectly clear and is set out in detail at page 104 of the Estimates for the Public Services for the year ending 31st March, 1974. These show where the money is saved. There may be some people who had the impression that on our accession to the EEC the Community would write us a cheque for £30 million and tell us that this was part of the benefit of entry. The £30 million we saved results from the taxpayers here not having to subsidise agricultural produce in the current financial year, which was something they had to do in each year up to now.

The figures are set out under subheads E (1) to E (7), inclusive. The Bord Bainne grant-in-aid shows a decrease this year of £24,430,000. The subsidy for beef, mutton and lamb exports shows a decrease of £195,000. Loans to the beef export industry show a decrease of £949,990. The subsidy on bacon and pork exports shows a decrease of £4,099,990. The subsidy on cereals shows a decrease of £430,850 and the grant-in-aid for the general expenses of the National Dairy Council shows a reduction of £1,000,000. These figures total something in excess of £29,500,000 and that is where our EEC savings are shown. We entered the EEC on the 1st January but the common agricultural policy did not apply to this country until either the end of February or the beginning of March. However, because of the accountancy involved, the actual savings on agricultural subsidies could begin to accrue only from the beginning of the present financial year, which is 1st April, 1973.

Therefore, not a penny accrued until 1st April, 1973, and I think the falseness of the allegation which was made and repeated and which could have fooled quite a lot of people is made very clear when we realise that the present Government were in office as and from 14th March, 1973. This saving of £29 million, which they show very properly, of course, as they have to in their Estimate this year, is clearly set out under subhead E of the Agricultural Estimate, Page 104 of the book. It should not be necessary once again to have to repeat that fact and demonstrate those figures in a speech on the budget at this stage, but, unfortunately, if we are to keep the record absolutely right I must do it.

The next item I want to deal with is an item which was referred to by the Minister for Finance in his speech when he announced in a very general way the proposals of the Government in relation to remuneration for judges, higher civil servants. Ministers and Members of the Oireachtas. One gathers that it is the intention of the Government to implement the recommendations of the Employer/ Labour Conference in relation to judges, because I have before me a draft of an order entitled Court (Supplemental Provisions) Act, 1961, Section 46 Order, 1973, which was laid by the Government before the House last week. Notwithstanding its title it relates to increases in remuneration of judges.

It is very difficult from the terms of the order to make out precisely what the increases are, but they do appear to be fairly substantial. In talking about increases being given at this time to members of the Judiciary, one must bear in mind that a substantial increase was given to them in late 1970 or early 1971, unlike the other people who come into this general category. However, the amount of the increase, which is impossible, on the information that I have, to quantify precisely, is the sum of all the following matters: the sum of £104 per annum on 1st January, 1972; 4 per cent of the remuneration on 1st January, 1973, plus £33 on 1st January, 1973, plus 9 per cent of £1,566 of the remuneration payable on 1st June, 1973, plus 7½ per cent of the next £522 of such remuneration, plus 4 per cent of the remainder of the remuneration plus £5 per annum as from 1st June, 1973, plus, for some reason, £5 per annum from 1st July, 1973.

This proposed award, which will operate retrospectively from 21 sitting days after it was laid before the House, if Dáil Éireann has not in the meantime disallowed it, is expressed in paragraph 2 of the order to have been made "in accordance with the terms of the Employer/Labour Conference National Agreement made on 21st December, 1970, and the Employer/ Labour Conference National Agreement made on 31st day of July, 1972.

All that is fair enough, particularly the fact that the Government are implementing the two agreements mentioned, and the increases are in accordance with that. I am not altogether clear what the present position is in relation to remuneration of higher civil servants, but I would presume and would expect that increases on the same basis and in accordance with these agreements are being granted to that category also.

That brings us to the third category, which is Members of the Oireachtas, For some reason, while the Employer/ Labour Conference was quite specific in its recommendation on this, and while the recommendation in relation to judges and presumably higher civil servants has been implemented by the Government, the Government have seen fit not to do so in relation to Ministers and other Members of the Oireachtas.

One aspect of this which I think was touched on by Deputy Desmond when he spoke in this debate last week was the fact that here we have a situation in which the Government, who are in the position of employers in this context, are refusing to implement the recommendation of the Employer/Labour Conference, a precise, quantified and detailed recommendation, although they are prepared to do it in respect of the other two categories of persons in this general category of persons who originally had their salary structures investigated by the Devlin Commission.

No doubt there is a reason why the Government should take this rather extraordinary step of implementing what it is their duty to implement in relation to two of the three categories but refusing to do it in relation to the other category. The Government's action, to my way of thinking, is an incitement to employers to refuse to implement recommendations of the Labour Court or recommendations of the Employer/Labour Conference, and to set that as a headline is a very dangerous move to make in the present economic climate in this country. No doubt we shall have a full explanation as to why this curious distinction is made by the Government from the Minister for Finance when he is replying to the debate.

I want to deal as briefly as I can with a few of the numerous different impositions of taxation in this budget. From what we heard first and, indeed, heard to a great extent even as recently as the speech of the Minister for Local Government, Deputy Tully, the one thing that is stressed from the other side of this House in relation to the budget is the social welfare improvements. The Minister for Local Government told us that it was the biggest increase in social welfare benefits ever made in the history of the State. That, of course, is perfectly correct, but what Deputy Tully did not tell us was that those reasonable increases which are possible this year are possible simply and solely because this country is now a member of the EEC.

Deputy Tully knows that back in April-May, 1972 when his party campaigned vigorously to have the people vote against entering the EEC that we pointed out to them that there would be an approximate saving of £30 million per year. He is also aware that the Government then were committed, in the next budget, to spending this sum on social welfare improvements. It seems curious to have the Minister for Local Government boasting of these increases when he and his party did everything in their power in April-May, 1972 to keep this country out of the EEC and, consequently, to prevent this saving of £30 million being made and prevent the sort of social welfare improvements which have now been made. I do not think that this curious turnabout in 12 months on the part of the members of the Labour Party now in Government, and those who support them, needs any commentary from me. It is a situation which does not need any comment from anybody.

I should like to deal with one aspect of the taxation which was imposed in this budget and the promises which were made by the Coalition candidates prior to the election. The question of death duties is one of the few parts of the budget dealt with by the Minister for Local Government. There was, and it is not denied, a commitment on the part of the Coalition before the general election of February 28th last to abolish death duties. That promise was made but has not been fulfilled. Not alone has it not been fulfilled but I shall show that in two-thirds of the categories of death duties which there are the promise was totally reversed. Like Deputy Tully a lot of people do not know very much about death duties. This is possibly because it does not affect them at any time during their lives.

There are three kinds of death duties: estate duty, legacy duty and succession duty. The three of them are payable separately, altogether, or in a combination of two, depending on the circumstances of the estate and the relationship. In relation to two of these categories of death duties, legacy and succession duties, the rates in each of these has been doubled in this budget. The duty has not been abolished as was promised, or even left as it was.

The 5 per cent in both of them, has been doubled to 10 per cent and the 10 per cent rate has gone to 20 per cent.

If there was any one factor in rural areas which may have swung a small number of voters away from Fianna Fáil to the Coalition in the last general election it was this death duties issue. The number of votes swung away from Fianna Fáil was small because Fianna Fáil increased their total poll by 22,500. Nonetheless, a small number appear to have been swung away. Fianna Fáil might have received 32,500 extra votes if this particular point had not been raised. People were worried about this matter and they did not understand it very well. They listened to and acted on the various statements made by farming organisations and this clear-cut promise by the Coalition to do away with duties. Because of this people thought that they could rid themselves of the worry of death duties by electing a Coalition Government. A small number of people who were influenced by these announcements did vote for the Coalition and succeeded in bringing about the change.

Those people, and the farming organisations, in particular the president of the largest farming organisation, are very sore about what has happened. While some marginal reliefs have been given in regard to estate duty the combination of these reliefs with the heavy additional taxation under legacy and succession duty has resulted in a net saving to the Exchequer in this financial year of £700,000. I see from the estimate of receipts and expenditure for the year ending 31st March, 1974, that the amount of death duties collected in the financial year 1972-73 was £13,228,000. The net saving to the taxpayer of £700,000 on this in the current financial year amounts to 5¼ per cent of the amount which was collected last year.

The percentage relief which has been given to those who are liable to pay death duties is derisory and it is perfectly understandable why these people who were misled prior to the general election feel so sore today. It is not just today that they felt sore about it. Many of them felt sore on May 30th and demonstrated that in no uncertain fashion.

Deputy Tully made a statement which he will find very difficult to stand over, to the effect that death duties would have been payable last year on substantial property left by a widow with three children but that this year that would not happen. He went on later to give the actual figures and there is an increase in the amount of the net estate which is free of duty from approximately £34,500 last year to approximately £41,500 this year. That is an increase in dutiable estate which would become free of duty of approximately £7,000. However, an estate of approximately £40,000 represents today, as a result of the high profits in farming and the consequential considerable increases in the price of land in the last year, particularly since our entry into the EEC, a farm in most areas of approximately 50 statute acres. Agricultural land nowadays is making £800 a statute acre in most areas.

A 50-acre farm is not a big one and, indeed, many people would classify it as smaller than medium. That farm, even if the owner dies and leaves a widow and three dependent children, will still, if there is reasonable stock on it, be liable to death duties. In fact, the increase in the abatement from last year and this year in this particular case would not cover the increase in the value in the average size farm as between last year and this year. I will make a prophecy as a result of this, and I believe I will be found correct at the end of this financial year that, notwithstanding these small increases in abatement in estate duty, the total amount which will be collected by the Revenue Commissioners in this financial year from death duties will be greater than the total amount collected last year.

Notwithstanding the increase in abatement of duty from £2,000 to £4,000 in respect of a widow, and from £1,000 to £2,000 in respect of a child, it is more than compensated for by the rise in the value of property in the 12 months from the last budget to the present one. In fact, the taxpayer, or the potential payer of death duties, is worse off now than he was 12 months ago.

To put legacy and succession duties in their proper perspective, it is necessary to recognise as a social fact that about 25 to 30 per cent of the land here is owned by people who are not married or by widows or widowers without children. Therefore, provided the farms are worth more than £10,000 in value, they will become liable not only to estate duty but also either to legacy or succession duty, or possibly to both no matter to whom they may leave the property. This affects up to 30 per cent of people who may die in any one year. People find they are paying the same estate duty as last year but they are liable to twice the legacy duty and the succession duty.

This is an intolerable situation. It would be bad enough if nothing had been said before the last election in relation to death duties but it is absolutely contemptible when one considers the solemn promise made by the National Coalition that they would abolish completely the death duties. I can understand that in certain circumstances a political party in their enthusiasm might promise something they might not be able to implement fully. However, this is a question of deliberately going the other way and of doubling two of the three categories of death duties which they had pledged to abolish entirely. Not all people understand that situation as yet but I am endeavouring to spell out the facts. I think sufficient people realise that the budget was an unfortunate blow and a handicap to many people and to the economic life of the country.

The Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance made some play of the fact that significant reliefs had been given in relation to stamp duty. Some small reliefs at the lowest end of the scale have been given. However, to get an idea of what the overall relief is worth, I find it best to express the net saving to the taxpayer or the net cost to the Exchequer—which is the same thing—as a percentage of the total estimate of revenue under that heading. The total estimated revenue from stamp duties for 1973-74, assuming no change in taxation rates, is £12 million. The net saving to the taxpayers in relation to the reliefs given on stamp duties is £100,000. This sum out of £12 million comes to 0.8 of 1 per cent.

That is net after the office blocks have been got at.

The number of office blocks, fortunately or unfortunately, is not great.

It is, obviously.

The net saving would represent the stamp duty on the building of one office block valued at £1 million. The effective relief in stamp duties overall to the taxpayer and the potential payer of stamp duty-people buying houses, and particularly young couples—is 0.8 of 1 per cent. I can suggest without fear of contradiction that that is nothing to write home about.

Another aspect of the budget that has not received much attention is the proposal of the Minister to abolish the exemption from income tax of the first £70 of deposit interest in the ordinary commercial banks. I think this may be the most serious of the various errors that were made in the budget. Our banking structure is unique to this country. It is not representative of banking structures in other more developed countries. One of the things that makes it unique is the large branch network in rural areas by the larger commercial banks. By that I do not mean banks which are licensed as banks and which have only one or two offices in Dublin or, perhaps, an office in each of the larger cities.

Every small town has at least one bank and in the last 70 or 80 years such banks have won the respect and confidence of the people. The people in rural Ireland have felt that they could always rely on the banks as solid financial institutions and they could rely on the discretion of the officials employed in them and on the fact that secrecy would be observed in relation to their accounts. As a result of that goodwill which has been built up by the commercial banks throughout Ireland, great amounts of money have been deposited in the banks in small towns and villages. Most of the money is in deposit accounts on which the banks pay interest. In turn, the banks are able to re-lend the money at a profit for industrial, commercial and economic development. Most of the accounts are comparatively small; the great majority are probably less than £1,200 which is the approximate amount that, up to 6th April next, would be free of income tax. However, the bank people have told me that great amounts of these money s will be withdrawn from the banks. Much of it, unfortunately, may well be kept under the mattress. A great deal more will go to Northern Ireland and a great deal more to England. The effect of that, even in the short term of our economy and our financial structure, will be very serious.

It appears to me that the Minister in his speech endeavoured to justify this proposal on the grounds that not all the commercial banks enjoy this facility or privilege and that he did not wish to extend it to the small number of small banks who do not enjoy it and that therefore the fairest thing to do is to take it away from everyone. That to my mind is a fatal decision which, if not rectified in time will lead to an enormous outflow from this country of badly-needed funds. Fortunately it is not a decision that has to be implemented at once—it does not come into effect until 6th April, 1974. The Minister has ample time to rectify the error, to change his mind, and I appeal to him, as somebody who is interested in the economic development of this country, to change his mind as soon as possible because I believe that the nearer we get to 6th April, 1974, the quicker that money will start to disappear out of the banks within our jurisdiction. I ask the Minister to put this right without any delay because, if it is not done, I greatly fear the credit which can be afforded by the banks to industrial, commercial and general economic development in the year 1974-75 will be very constricted.

There has been in the last two years a great deal of talk in this country about rising prices and inflation. Indeed it is not confined to this country. It is common to a greater or lesser extent to most western countries and to the USA. I was in Government for three years when we had this problem and I am very conscious of the limitations of what a Government can do to curb it. However, I am also aware of what a Government should not do to make the problem worse and I am afraid that this Government in this budget have done the very thing a Government should not do in an inflationary situation and have thereby made the position considerably worse.

We have the proposal of the Minister to remove VAT from food. This is something about which they got "het lip" on the Committee Stage of the VAT Bill last year, and because they made a fuss about it then, they felt they had better be logical and put it in their 14-point plan for the election. They did that and told the people the price of food would be reduced if they got in. The proposal in this budget is not to make the VAT proposals immediately effective, as it is with most of the other items: the proposal is to take VAT from food on 1st September next, approximately four months after the budget. It is proposed also, because VAT is to be taken from food, to increase very drastically the VAT on every other commodity and on every service provided in this country other than dancing, which has been left alone for some reason.

By doing that, the total additional amount that will be raised in VAT in this financial year is £2.6 milion which would mean that the total additional amount that will be raised from VAT in a full year will be approximately £6 million. One has to bear in mind that these increases in the total amount that will be raised generally from VAT are after the deduction of all VAT from food from 1st September next, the cost of which, I understand, is £18 million. In other words, in a full year the increase in VAT on non-food goods and services is approximately £24 million.

These are not luxury items. They are every single possible item that the ordinary person in this country must and does require from day to day in order that he may survive—ordinary basic things like clothes, furniture, fuel and light, petrol and so on, things that are every bit as essential to the maintenance of life as food is itself. All these items are being increased in price by a deliberate act or stroke of the Government in order to attempt to redeem a foolish promise they made. All these items are being increased in price by £24 million a year. That £24 million, of course, will be a recurring item, and that increase of £24 million is on top of all the other increases that we know so much about, that the Government did not impose themselves and cannot prevent.

It has been pointed out by speaker after speaker on this side of the House that, in the four month interval which will elapse between the budget and 1st September, nearly every food item which would be freed of the 5.26 per cent VAT on 1st September will have increased in price by at the very least 5.26 per cent. We have had examples in the last month of enormous increases in some food items, some of them as much as 60 per cent. Any housewife in this country can tell you how enormous the increases have been, in the past six to eight years in particular.

It is totally illusory therefore to suggest to the people that they will benefit in reduced prices when VAT is removed from food on 1st September, but it is not illusory to point out to the people that on everything except food, and on top of the normal increases which almost inevitably it appears now will take place before 1st September, we will in addition have substantial increases in VAT totalling £24 million, and including in the higher rating motor cars and motor cycles. There is a 6½ per cent increase in this tax from 30.26 per cent to 36.75 per cent. There will be an increase of two and one-third per cent on the 16.37 rate bringing it up to 19.5 per cent, covering furniture, furnishings, cleaning materials, most electrical equipment, kitchen equipment, kitchenware, hardware, holiday and sporting equipment and all other items for which a specific rate has not been provided.

We have and have had for some time, in common with a number of other countries, a very serious inflationary situation. I accept fully the limitations on a Government's power to control inflation but I also see clearly that the first duty of a Government in relation to their own actions in an inflationary situation such as this is not to do anything which would cause further inflation. The most predominant feature of the tax imposition in this budget is the huge increase in VAT, the very thing which I think any economist who knows anything about his job will tell you should not be done at this time. That has been done not because the Minister for Finance believed it was the right thing to do to increase the prices of all non-food items in this country by £24 million a year, but because he felt himself tied by promises which he and his colleagues had made. It is a strange thing that this was the promise to which they felt themselves tied and they did not feel themselves tied to their equally specific promise in relation to death duties, a promise which I think misled more people than the promise in relation to VAT. I do not think the people believed, even if VAT were taken off, that it would result in any decrease in prices.

The Government in my view have totally failed in their duties to take all steps open to them to control inflation by the increases which they have imposed in relation to road tax, driving licences, et cetera. There is an increase generally in relation to private motor vehicles of 10 per cent and in some cases 11 per cent in the duty payable. There are increases in relation to goods vehicles also until you come up to the eight ton or nine ton category and over that there are some decreases in the very heavy vehicles. Every vehicle, except the very biggest, has, in fact, suffered a pretty drastic increase in taxation.

A great many vehicles classed as private are used for commercial purposes. Motor cars used by company representatives are not used for the private edification of those who drive them but are used for business and commercial purposes, industrial purposes and to create production in this country. The cost of keeping them on the road has been drastically increased by the Government. The cost of petrol to run them is going up also with the increase in VAT on the 1st September. These increases must inevitably lead to increases in the price of the products which those companies produce. They must inevitably lead to further price increases all round and a demand for higher wages. This starts the whole cycle all over again.

As I have said twice already, there are limitations on what Governments can do in relation to inflation but one clear and solemn duty on any Government in an inflationary situation, such as we have in this country today, is to do nothing to further that inflation. This Government, tragically for all of us in this country, have totally and abjectly failed in their duty not to further the inflationary situation.

I should like to refer to tractors because there is, with the redefinition of tractors, an effective increase in the tax on a great many agricultural vehicles used by farmers solely for agricultural purposes from £2.50 per annum to £50 per annum. The estimate of the Department was that at least 6,000 vehicles they knew of would be affected by this. This is not an increase of 10 per cent or even 100 per cent but a twentyfold increase. One of the consequential problems that will arise for farmers in relation to this is that if vehicles used for agricultural purposes can no longer be classed as such and a full tax of £50 per annum has to be paid the fuel which they use in them will bear the full rate of duty. The rebated diesel oil or red diesel as it is called will not lawfully be useable in these vehicles so that the increase that these men face is not the almost crippling blow of a twentyfold increase in the taxation of their vehicles but the even more crippling fourfold increase in the price of every gallon of fuel which they put into their vehicles.

I find that the increases on motor cycles vary from 33? per cent to something over 85 per cent in road tax. The 10 per cent increase which we expected from a cursory reading of the budget speech the first day applies only to a limited number of categories. In addition, the increase in the fee for a driving test has gone up from £1 to £3. There is a new fee which many people do not know anything about now. If you buy a new car you have to pay an extra £5 in addition to the new rate of tax and if it is a secondhand car and you want to change the name of the owner on it you have to pay an additional £1. The fee for driving licences has doubled.

Motor vehicles are necessary for most people in relation to their business life and their jobs. The Government have put up the cost of essential commodities which are necessary in any kind of modern economic society. It is regrettable that the Government, faced with an inflationary situation, should not alone have done nothing over the past few months to attempt to control it, in spite of their promises before the election, but have come along in the first budget which they presented to this House and have added fuel to the fire. They have increased, as a matter of Government policy, the price of essential things which form part of the economic life of this country and which are necessary in order to have increased production.

There is a great deal more I could have said in relation to this budget but, unfortunately, the time for discussion on it this year for some reason I do not understand is very limited and we have to finish tonight. Of course, the Minister and Deputy Colley from this side will need some time to reply to the debate and as I am keen that as many speakers as possible should get in, I do not propose to say anything further on it.

I am not certain how I should address the House so I hope the Chair will bear with me. I listened with interest to Deputy O'Malley's speech. It had a good deal of merit in it and we could say that he was objective. However, one could also say that in many respects he was selective which, I suppose, is what is to be expected from an Opposition member in debating any budget.

The attitude of the Opposition to the Minister's statement regarding the EEC fund has been somewhat unfair to the Minister. It has been suggested in Opposition circles that the money from the EEC could not be taken into account. There were suggestions that the country did not come into receipt of those funds. If you pay attention to what the Minister actually stated about the fund you will find that he acknowledged it. In his budget speech he said that it is estimated that the resultant gross savings in current Exchequer expenditure in 1973/74, after certain deductions for certain reasons, will be in the area of £29 million. He said :

In sum, taking account of the items I have mentioned, the net Exchequer gain on the current budget in 1973/74 from EEC membership is estimated to be of the order of £29 million.

It can be clearly seen that the Minister acknowledged the fact that this fund exists, and that this country is in receipt of that fund. It is a very important fund which we acknowledge on the Government side of the House. With regard to his description of the fact that it has disappeared in a sea of inflation, we can use this imaginatively, because what the Minister is referring to there is the fact that, looking at the revenue and expenditure problems, he was faced with an opening gap of £20 million between revenue of £734 million and expenditure of £754 million. If you like, when he opened his books, faced with a gap in terms of deficits of £20 million, while £29 million was to be taken into account which had not been there previously, the Minister was not starting from a very balanced situation. To that extent, to close that gap, £20 million was required. One might say that £9 million, on balance, of EEC funds was available.

In the area of social welfare the commitment of this Government in this year will amount to £51 million. and in a full year to £69 million. If the Government are to distribute social welfare benefits to the extent that seems desirable in present circumstances, obviously there is a very considerable shortfall, and that shortfall has got to be met from revenue. Revenue can only be got from taxation. Many of the speeches from the Opposition referred to the fact that taxation is necessary. It is obvious that, if the benefits are to be given to people in the area of social welfare, they must be paid for in some area or other of taxation.

Some Opposition speakers have stated that if the social welfare increases had any surprise it was in the level of their inadequacy. Objectively, if we look at the level of benefits in this area in comparison with budgets in previous years, we will see readily that there has been a vast increase in the level of commitment to the underprivileged people through the extent and the scope of the commitment by the Government. If it is surprising to Opposition speakers that there is an inadequacy in the social fund, obviously they will suggest that we should increase the level still further which again must be paid for by additional taxation. It seems to me that we cannot have it both ways.

Deputy O'Malley attempted to tell us the facts of life about inflation and how guarded we should be in our attitude to it. As a Government we have inherited quite a problem in that regard. Deputy O'Malley said that there is inflation throughout Europe. The recent OECD report, published in March of this year, shows that this country has had the highest rate of inflation within the EEC, and practically the highest of those countries within which the OECD has been involved. This country has had critical problems.

Broadly speaking, the budget could be staled to be a budget which has been fundamental in approach. It was introduced by a Government who were in office only a few short weeks. While this Government had commitments in many areas of national activity, it was not possible to implement fully all that was desirable within a limited time. It was fundamental in the sense that there was a commitment to redress certain imbalances in the distribution of wealth. In a sphere or an area of inflation, over the last three or four years, in which many elements in our society benefited very considerably through our involvement with EEC, and where our farming community has benefited, while people in other areas may complain about inflation, at least nationally there have been rates of increase which have helped to ease the problem. Without question, the major problem faced by any segment in this country was faced among the less privileged people whose source of income had not in any sense kept pace with the level of inflation or the increase in the cost of living. Fundamentally, the approach has been sound in that that imbalance has been redressed.

Not very long ago we talked about the problem of the reunification of this country without looking at the major catastrophe which has occurred on this island in the last three years —and it was stated by many people that there was a major problem in the area of social welfare benefits. Why would people in the North have anything to do with people in the Republic of Ireland because of the great imbalance in that area? It is significant that the Taoiseach, in his opening speech to the House on the budget, in referring to this showed that the gap between the social welfare levels in the North of Ireland at the moment and in this part of the country has been narrowed significantly. At the moment in many areas of social welfare the gap is marginal. In a space of three to four years this is a significant achievement.

It has been stated that we are not a wealthy country. We have a higher proportion of our people in receipt of social welfare than other countries. It has been estimated that, to a great extent, this budget will benefit over 700,000 out of our population of practically 3,000,000, which is about 25 per cent of our people. This, in my view, was the greatest need in relative terms and I compliment the Minister on his budget.

There has been a debate on the question of national policy in regard to rating. In this area the policy of the Minister is sound in tackling rating in a more fundamental manner by looking at the entire rating situation. There was a major weakness in the proposal by the Opposition prior to the last election that they would abolish rates on dwellings. While it would afford immediate benefit to dwellers, if implemented, it would create major problems in many sections of the community.

In a number of towns, relative to the population, we have inherited, as a nation of shopkeepers, a vast number of shops. Today we have rationalisation in the wholesale and retail trades. We have large supermarket groups emerging in our cities and towns. One of the weaknesses in the approach of Fianna Fáil was that, in suggesting rate relief on dwellings, they only went half way. Many people in declining trading situations in parts of the country, such as the part of the country I am from where there is a declining population, are carrying properties which were rated at a level which bore no relationship to the capacity of those people to pay.

This has been the basic injustice of the rating system. Many people in this House, regardless of their political persuasion, will subscribe to that. The approach by the Minister in tackling this problem more fundamentally and taking longer to reduce the total commitments is probably wiser in the interests of the country, is less of a short cut and is done less in haste. The budget, with the very substantial increase in the area of capital investment and through the substantially greater purchasing power in many sections of our community, will obviously benefit the business community, too, through the greater amount of money in circulation. I am glad, as someone from the West, to know that the Minister, due to an anomaly in the EEC situation for the moment, has a commitment to the extent of £5,000,000 to the sheep industry.

One or two Opposition speakers, in talking about the West in general, referred to the problems of communication. Deputy Callanan, I think, spoke about this. There are problems of communication by road from here to the West. I am inclined to agree with him in that. There is a major problem so far as communication is concerned, strangely not to the same extent in the West of the country as when we approach Dublin. For a number of years we have had a most appalling problem on the road from Enfield-Maynooth-Lucan into Dublin and, in the long term, the responsible authorities will need to take a serious look at this problem, because it would be in the interests of the country as a whole as well as in the interests of this part of the country and in the interests of our part of the country that something should be done about this road.

There are certain constructive points I should like to make to the Minister. They will require attention over the next couple of years. Where the farming community are concerned there is at the moment a more encouraging picture in the West for the very obvious reason that we are now members of the EEC, have significantly increased stock numbers and, at the same time. there is a tremendous increase in the value of land. There is a more hopeful position in regard to the development of land in so far as the development of marginal land is concerned. Until quite recently the development of much of this land in economic terms on a costbenefit analysis was a rather dubious type of pursuit. This is one area which has changed dramatically in the last 12 months.

There are two or three reasons for this. We are finding that the increased stock levels with EEC involvement, with our markets, and, in addition to that, new technology which is apparently available now to develop physically that resource which has not previously been available, opens up a new picture. However, that new picture cannot really be painted until there is adequate investment. I would commend to the Minister that he and his colleagues in government might discuss this question in a broad sense because, whilst we may talk about areas of national activity, areas of development and areas of growth, it is paradoxical that in a country of this small size the resource which is underutilised and underdeveloped to the greatest extent is that of land. This, in economic terms, does not make a great deal of sense. It is a matter which should be looked at.

I was interested to hear some Opposition speakers talking about the level of emigration. I could not agree with the tendency of one or two speakers to attempt to deal with emigration or unemployment in entirely national terms. One Deputy said he would hate to see emigration starting again and the ex-Minister for Finance referred to the fact that, for the first time since the Famine, emigration is almost non-existent. I would not be justifying my existence in this House if I did not refer to some problems which relate to this question of unemployment. One of the weaknesses at present is that, because of the fact that there are better statistics in so far as emigration is concerned, there is a tendency to forget there are problems in the West which exist in some cases to as great an extent as they did ten, 15 or 20 years ago. We have experienced substantial declines in population in Mayo, Leitrim, Sligo, Roscommon and Donegal and this has been due to an imbalance in the structure of the population and a lack of employment opportunities plus the small size of the holdings and an inadequate creation of jobs in that area in comparison with the rest of the country.

It has been due to many factors and it has not stopped. In fact, the OECD report—we can at least agree that it is an objective report—points out that there is a problem in so far as unemployment is concerned. They state:

There are also quite large differences in regional unemployment rates, the provinces of Ulster and North Connacht are at one extreme, with rates approaching double the mean Irish rate, and the Dublin area is at the other extreme with a different rate. The falling trend in which the unemployment rate over the last two decades is largely reflected in declines in the most developed areas.

There is practically no change—that is, over the last two decades—

—in the two highest rates in Ulster and North Connacht and the differential between high and low seems, therefore, to have widened.

This puts the problem of unemployment, particularly in the province of Connacht, somewhat into perspective, when we read such damning statements in an objective report by responsible people.

In regard to the problems we experience in the West I was glad to note that the Minister referred to the attitude of the Government on the question of regional development. The Minister referred to the fact that the Government are pledged to work for a community regional development policy that will assist Irish agriculture and our western and other underdeveloped regions:

We intend in accordance with this pledge to do our utmost to see not only that decisions are implemented ...but that they are implemented in a manner and a scale which reflects the major importance of regional policy for the future development of the community.

Obviously problems of this nature cannot be tackled overnight. They require time, but that is a commitment of the Minister in this very important area of activity. It was interesting to note in today's paper that Mr. Spinelli of the European Commission stated at a Press conference that it was his belief that the regional fund would not be of much use if it consisted of less than £450 million. This is a major possibility. If this comes to pass obviously a country like ours on the periphery of Europe will stand to benefit proportionately to a much greater extent than will some of the wealthier countries in Europe.

Again, to highlight the problems in the western part of the country, it would be useful to put on record some of the levels of development there in comparison with other parts of the country and in comparison with other parts of Europe. The average personal income in the West is quoted at £73; in the East it is £173. We have nearly double the unemployment rate. Compared with what are termed the other peripheral areas of the EEC we have the lowest density of people, with 23 per kilometre; the national average is 42 and the European average is 166. We have the highest proportion of population in primary employment, such as agriculture, in which we have nearly 50 per cent; the European average is 10 per cent. We have double the proportion of population in primary employment than are contained in the worst areas of the EEC in the other European peripheral areas. In terms of economics, of development and of population statistics there is, as development takes place, a correspondingly lower proportion of people engaged in primary employment. If we still have at this stage nearly 50 per cent of our people engaged in this kind of activity that gives an indication of the extent to which there are problems that need to be looked at in a broad and fundamental sense.

The history is poor because, in 1952, the Underdeveloped Areas Act was passed. This was an attempt to create employment to a significant extent in the western part of the country. Yet, since 1952, Mayo has been reduced in population from 141,000 to 108,000, a drop of 33,000, or approximately 25 per cent of the total population. It is a tragedy that this should have occurred. If one looks at it in another sense, through the catastrophe of earthquake or national disaster, one might think national resources should be mobilised to do something about it but, because it happens in dribs and drabs, it has not altogether helped the situation. Recently a job was advertised in Castlebar, not a very well-paid job, and there were about 78 applicants.

While we may talk about national prosperity there are areas in the country in which there are very serious problems. The point I should like to make in regard to the European Regional Development Fund is that this fund has been set up to create a politically stable community in Europe in the sense that the longterm future of Europe depends on political stability apart from the areas of economics, law, education and many such things and from a desire that there will be peace in Europe. The purpose of the regional fund is to reduce the disparities between income levels so that there is a better political situation with more contentment generally. If, seeing our position relative to the EEC, we feel that we need special policies from the EEC in the field of regional development, I would hope that as a nation we might begin to appreciate the sense of deprivation that has been felt in western counties within this country.

I know that the Government will have sympathy with the West when the regional fund emerges, when we have got our proportion of that cake. It is all very well to say that all Ireland is on the periphery of Europe and, of course, it is in relative terms but within this country if that fund were to be distributed entirely pro rata it would not have the effect of redressing the imbalance that exists. I hope consideration will be given to the special problems in the western counties and that a good proportion of that fund will be utilised to bring up the level of development. There are problems in certain areas which should be looked at.

Industrial development is of major significance because it has been the major area in which employment has been created. Before I became a Member of this House I had something to say on this topic. There is a tendency to suggest that there is an adequate differential in the area of incentives to industry coming into this country. There is a tendency among unthinking people to concentrate entirely on the grant as the major incentive. We tend to forget that of very significant importance is the concession in the area of taxation under which we allow 100 per cent relief to exporting companies on their exports over a period of 15 years and for a further period of five years. It is all very well to suggest that nationally in the area of grant there is a 15 per cent, 20 per cent differential and this seems significant because you are handing out lumps of money to people but companies coming into this country are more concerned with return on investment than they are necessarily with the input. Obviously multi-national companies which do not have any particular financial problem are very concerned with the return on investment because these are the kind of companies which are not usually short of funds.

Let us look at the grant situation allied to the tax situation and try to compute it on a return on investment level. For example, if you invest £1,000 in the east of the country with a 30 per cent grant and in the west with, say, a 50 per cent grant, the initial investment in the east is £700 and in the west £500. If we presuppose there is a profit of 10 per cent on the investment in this situation there is £100 profit both in the west and in the east but we must bear in mind that both of these companies avail of a major concession of total relief from income tax because they are exporting and that total relief from income tax in a country in which the normal rate of tax is 50 per cent is a major consideration. So you end up with a return on investment, for example, in the east of 14 per cent on investment and 20 per cent in the west. You are now down on return on investment to a differential of 6 per cent where in the area of initial grant there was a differential of 20 per cent. The gap is now narrowed to a return on investment of only about 6 per cent but in addition to that companies in the western part of the country have to bear very serious problems in the areas of freight and communications. So, correspondingly, it could be suggested that the differential is inadequate. Other countries have looked at such problems and very few countries in Europe offer tax concessions; some countries do on the American Continent but what they have tended to do where there has been disparity has been to look at their tax concessions as we look at our grant concessions here and they have arranged differentials in the level of tax concessions as well as that. The previous Government over the past 15 years shall have taken a fundamental look at this problem and at the imbalance which has denuded a great deal of our part of the country of people.

So far as Dublin is concerned it has been stated from time to time that it was Government policy, and presumably it is Government policy, that Dublin will not develop beyond the level of its natural increase, that there will not be special subsidies or special incentives. It would seem to me that we should be clear about what we mean when we state this. It would seem to me particularly that where the tax concession is concerned and where we offer a relief of major significance, 50 per cent relief on exports, that possibly such a policy in relation to the city of Dublin should be looked at. I know there are many interests within Dublin which would commend a lessening of the level of development and it would certainly help the country at large if a serious look was taken at this matter. If any change was envisaged in this area it would in no way affect the position of manufacturing companies who are in this country and who have got commitments from the Department of Finance or from the IDA.

I was glad that the Minister referred to the proposed new Department of the Public Service which is contained within his Department. I am making my maiden speech and referring to my part of the country without any apology. We may talk about the problems which we have and the very basic fact that we need investment because investment is equated with jobs and if the input goes in in the areas of agriculture and industry the output comes out but in a small country like this we should be able to arrange our affairs so that a reasonable level of employment is created. I can be very critical of the previous Government in many specific areas. At the same time, I can say broadly that successive Governments have had major problems due to the level of our underdevelopment basically as a nation. I believe that with the emergence of EEC funds there will be a great change in the level of development but if this is to happen structures are very important. The Devlin Report, that major report which was received with commendation by most people interested in that type of thing, pointed the way to some of the solutions. At many of the conferences held here over the past two years—for instance, the Western Alliance Conference which took place in Galway—in the plans produced by Macra na Feirme, the community council proposals of Muintir na Tire —all these point to certain solutions for the structural problems we have had.

It is interesting that at the Western Alliance Conference a speech was made by the Director of the Institute of Public Administration mainly dealing with this question of structures and regionalisation and about the extent to which it exists or does not exist. He reiterated some points that many of us have been making for some time, that is, that this country is extremely centralised and that there is complete centralisation of government within this city. In the remainder of the country there are regional offices of many organisations or branch offices of national institutions, but each is responsible to a head office or Government Department in this city. There appears to be only one organisation in which there appears to be a level of economy and which has an entirely different structure from other organisations. I refer to the Shannon Free Airport Development Company. Indeed, its structure is different entirely from the structure of other organisations in the Western area from North Kerry to Donegal.

It is interesting to note some of the results that have emerged in the Shannon and mid-West regions. We find there that the attitude of organisations is distinctly different and that the level of development and of job opportunity is very high. Apart from Dublin, the area has the highest development level in the country. Yet, economically those regions in the mid-West are almost as far from Dublin as are other parts of the West. The region has also a very high level of tourist development. Consideration of the structure of development there raises certain questions. The general concensus of opinion may be that SFADCo has been a reasonably successful operation within the limitations of its resources. It could be suggested that if other parts of the country had similar resources and structures they, too, could have equal levels of employment and development.

At a conference held about a year ago, the Chairman of SFADCo, in his opening remarks, referred to a debate that took place in this House, the summary of which emphasises the point I am trying to make. This gentleman stated that in a Dáil debate in October, 1959, the then Minister for Transport and Power in relation to a question about the need for financing a new State company at Shannon, was asked why could the job not be done by existing institutions and that the reply was that it was essential to have a group of people who are specialists and who, literally, dream Shannon and eat and drink Shannon during the day, that this requires a special board and executives who know all the answers, who have inquiring minds, who have the ability to conduct market 'research and to advertise on an extensive scale.

I agree with the point made by the Minister at that time, that is, that in certain cases of development, existing institutions are either inadequate or need reform. We have had experience since 1959 of what has happened in the mid-West. One of the biggest complaints that has been made during the past decade has been that the Government have not paid attention to the lessons to be learned and have not reached certain conclusions from the type of development. The time has now been reached when it is reasonable to ask whether that operation has been a success or a failure, whether it should be encouraged or discouraged, whether it should be phased out or, if it has been a success, should we use it as a model on which to shape the development of other parts of our country in which there are problems.

I know that Devlin tackled this to some extent. It referred to the great anomaly that exists in respect of regionalisation, yet nothing happened in that regard. Devlin said that regionalisation is not yet a coherent working concept in Irish government, that it is being developed in an uncoordinated manner by several separate authorities and that in the central government area there is a proliferation of overlapping regions in so far as the services of Departments are concerned.

At the Western Alliance Conference in Galway someone spoke of the situation of a roan living in Roscommon. It is one matter for a central government agency to consider regional problems but it is of equal importance to consider them from a micro-economic point of view. It was pointed out that, so far as a man living in North Roscommon is concerned, his regional centre is the regional health board in Galway and that if he has a Civil Defence problem he goes to Galway also. However, if he is in the tourist business, he is in the Midland Region, the headquarters of which are in Athlone and that his physical planning area is also Athlone. But that links him with only four of the six counties that are joined in the tourist interest. If that man wishes to send his child to a regional technical college, the child must go to Sligo, whereas a child from South Roscommon would go to Athlone. This is the sort of mess we have got into because of the various Government organisations and agencies each going their own way and evolving their own regional structures. That is all very well from their own point of view but it is disastrous in a national context. The Minister and his colleagues may be faced with fundamental decisions in this area during the next two to three years.

I am glad that the Minister referred in his speech to a Department of Public Services. This is an indication that the Government are giving serious consideration to the questions I have raised. It would be apt, too, to make a few remarks in relation to the Report of Roinn na Gaeltachta which was made available some time ago but in respect of which no action has been taken. This was a substantial document and many people put a lot of work into its compilation. It contains some very useful comments and it is to one of these that I wish to refer in particular. This concerns the economic development of Gaeltacht districts, an area in which we are also running into problems because of overlapping and a lack of the right approach.

If we consider Connemara, for example, we find that the south of the area is fiór-Gaeltacht while the north is largely English speaking, but that at the same time both areas are much the same economically. However, there is an overlapping of State agencies in regard to the development of these areas and this overlapping can act sometimes to the detriment of the regions. We find much the same problem in the Erris area. This area is about the size of County Louth and has as its centre, the town of Belmullet. We find there that two or three economic agencies have functions in a confined area, separating an urban area from a rural area, that this leads to major problems. In economic terms, one agency is concerned with one matter and will not have a function in regard, for instance, to the siting of factories in the economic interest of the area and where emphasis on language is possibly being used to the detriment of the economic advancement of the area.

My own view is that, in so far as Gaeltacht areas are concerned, certainly where national identity is concerned, there is a need for a separate entity that is charged with such responsibility but that in the economic area there should be a closer working together of economic agencies within the State, irrespective of whether these areas are Irish speaking or English speaking. There is one specific example to which I would refer. This illustrates some of the problems and it was referred to by Roinn na Gaeltachta in their Report. In Gaeltacht areas, where Gaeltarra Éireann rather than the IDA have the function of creating employment, there is an insistence on equitable participation by (the Board of Gaeltarra Éireann in cases where the level of investment is above a certain limit—I think it is £20,000. Any industry that is creating major employment will have investment above that level.

One of the problems about Gaeltacht areas is that, if substantial companies come into this country seeking to employ their resources and to create employment, it is distinctly possible that many of these companies would fight shy of Gaeltacht areas for the very clause which is inserted in the charter of Gaeltarra Éireann, namely, the insistence on equity participation. Most companies coming into this country are confident of what they are going to do and, while they might borrow funds from lending agencies, they are normally not very interested in seeking equity participation by other companies or interests. This insistence that there should be investment by Gaeltarra Éireann is possibly forcing them into other parts of this country to the detriment of the very interests which we are supposed to be serving with this type of policy. There is a need to take a very hard look at this problem.

I made a few remarks in regard to the SFADCo structure and the level of development in the mid-West region. Since then regional development organisations have been set up in other parts of the country, and the IDA regional offices have been based on the areas on which the regional development offices have been set up. It is important to remember, if we look at the regional development organisations, that they bear no relationship at all to the SFADCo structure because of the fact that they are entirely consultative and merely give advice to local authorities, Government Departments and semi-State bodies. To that extent they have very few teeth and are very limited in the extent to which they can propose solutions to our problems.

There is a further anomaly in the regional picture in that a few years ago county development teams were formed employing county development officers who were officers of the Department of Finance. It appears that this system has worked very well, but subsequent to that regional IDA officers were created and to an extent there was an overlapping of functions, again indicating the anomalies involved. The Minister in his speech referred to the Department of Public Services, and in looking at such problems as regional development it will be found that fundamental decisions will be necessary, especially in so far as the North-Western counties are concerned, the counties of Mayo, Leitrim, Sligo, Donegal, possibly Cavan and Galway, and that the solution will rest in a devolution of authority to some type of development board in that province which would be agreed through consultation with various interests. The creation of such a development board would reflect the views which have been expressed for a number of years by all the relevant authorities and vocational groups in this country who have sought this type of development.

Numerous requests were made to the previous Government to look at the question of the subsidisation of freight from the West of Ireland. Many speeches were made but nothing specific was done about the matter. I think CIE have brought out in some modified form a proposal of their own, but it is one of considerable limitation. It was suggested by the ex-Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, that there was a problem because of our commitment to the EEC and obligations there in regard to the implementation of such a freight concession. It appears there is not much foundation for what he said, because at a conference in Galway about a year ago Professor Romus of one of the divisions of the EEC stated that freight subsidy did exist within the EEC at present in relation to the movement of certain goods from factories in Southern Bavaria to the North German ports. Therefore it seems there is a precedent. A submission was made to Deputy Colley a number of years ago by Mayo Industrial Association in relation to this matter and we produced statistics to show that of every eight railway waggons, or something like that, coming into the country full of goods, seven were going back empty and only one was going back full. The case was made that without it costing the national Exchequer an additional penny, something could be done in the area of freight.

Before concluding, I wish to revert to the budget in broad terms, and again to compliment the Minister. He has made commitments in his speech in relation to many aspects of what we have discussed. Deputy O'Malley referred to the death duty situation and accused the Government of reneging on its promise in this regard. That is not so, as is evident from the Minister's speech. It is a little unrealistic to expect the Government, within six weeks after taking office, to produce a budget which would contain totally what had been its pre-budget promises. I would have more respect for Opposition Members if they came into this House in a year's or two years' time and then said: "Nothing has been done about death duties." Their criticism might be valid but the Minister said in his speech in relation to death duties:

The Government, before taking up office, undertook to abolish estate duty and to replace it with a new form of taxation of capital.

His next sentence is:

This commitment will be honoured.

The Minister for Finance is a man of integrity, and I do not think that has ever been questioned. In my view, the simple sentence that this commitment would be honoured has certain substance and should be given the respect it deserves. He goes on to say:

However any radical re-shaping of our present system of taxing capital is a matter that requires detailed consideration.

That is obvious.

The question is being studied in depth and a White Paper will be published as soon as possible. This will afford all interested parties an opportunity to give their views on this important and complicated matter. The speed at which it will be possible to replace estate duty by anew form of taxation on capital will, therefore, depend on the co-operation of the interests concerned.

Of course, he has allowed for certain minor benefits in that area. However, the fact that he has stated that the commitment will be honoured means a considerable amount to me, at any rate.

In relation to the capital budget, the vast increase in capital expenditure will generate growth and this is to be welcomed. In a period of massive inflation, certain sections of our community have benefited a great deal. The fundamental objective of the Government in redressing the imbalance and providing for higher levels of social welfare and for health is merely the first step to further measures that will be taken by this Government to the benefit of the country.

The minutiae of this budget have been well discussed and debated and I will refer to them briefly when I am concluding. I want to take issue with the Minister on one fundamental point. This is one of neglect in his speech. Apart from a few vapid pages earlier in his speech, his treatment of the EEC is very poor. He mentioned economic and monetary union, which is the aim of the EEC, in a purely descriptive way and he does not give his views on the present position with regard to economic and monetary union nor what he regards as the desiderata for this country in this respect.

Dealing with this point in his speech the Minister for Foreign Affairs staled that the common agricultural policy almost totally depended on fixed currency parities. I should like to quote a small passage from the Minister's speech:

Given our interest in the preservation of the common agricultural policy upon which the economic case for Irish membership substantially rests and given the threat to this system posed by the lack of fixed currency parities it is arguable that our interests, more indeed than those of any member state are best served by a rapid movement towards economic and monetary union.

I believe that the Minister for Foreign Affairs deserves our congratulations in adverting to that fact but we have nothing constructive in the speech of the Minister for Finance on this particular problem. In fact, the pages on EEC monetary policy at the beginning of his speech seem to have been tacked on, seem to have been added on to the speech pure pastiche after it was prepared. The Minister has made no attempt to place the EEC at the centre of his thoughts.

This, I submit, is gross neglect on the part of the Minister. The common agricultural policy is referred to in the Minister's speech and its benefit to this country. The Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries had some difficulty due to the lack of these fixed currency parities when he was negotiating in Europe recently. What is the policy of the Minister for Finance with regard to these parities? We do not know because he has not told us anything of his policy in his speech.

It is said that some supra-national institution will have to control the development of economic and monetary union. This statement was made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in his speech but we do not know whether the Minister for Finance agrees with him. He should have dealt with this subject in his speech because he is the most important man as far as monetary and financial policy is concerned and his budget is the most important financial statement of the year.

Any fair minded person would have to admit that it was gross neglect on his part not to have dealt with this matter in his speech. He did say that economic union is a prerequisite to monetary union. Is this so? The Minister simply made that statement. The supra-national institution problem is important because prior to our accession to the EEC this caused great trouble in Europe. We are glad to have the support of the French at the moment in the maintenance of the common agricultural policy and I hope that we strongly defend this policy. It is a matter of "beart do réir ar mbriathair" as far as I am concerned, as far as my party are concerned, and, I am sure, as far as the Fine Gael Party are concerned. I cannot speak for the Labour Party.

This common agricultural policy was sold on every hill in the country. Here we have one Minister saying that we must have supra-national institutions rather than central banks controlling the monetary and economic union of Europe and another Minister ignoring the whole problem. We have the French supporting us in the common agricultural policy and they were one against five in so far as the establishment of supra-national institutions was concerned. All these problems should have found a place in the budget speech.

Does the Minister think that an economic and monetary union should be controlled by supra-national institutions or that the central banks should control this union? Deputy FitzGerald says the supra-national institutions should be established and have this control and that it would not be right that the central banks should control them mainly because they would not be under democratic control. The Minister for Finance should tell the country what his views are in this regard.

The Minister also referred to the EEC regional policy but he gave no indication as to how he proposes to finance the regional policies. One would gather from the Minister's speech that the money was to come from the fund entirely. We know that in some cases the money will have to be provided by this country on a pound for pound basis, and in some cases on a £5 to £1 basis. If this is so we should be told what the views of the Minister are and how this money is to be provided.

The Werner Report advocated that the function of the Minister for Finance in Ireland should pass to Europe. It suggests that Europe should be responsible almost totally for our budget. This has not been accepted policy but it is something which we should be thinking about and which should have been referred to in the Minister's speech. The Minister should tell the House if this is feasible or whether it will be compulsory in the future. He should tell us if it will be necessary, in the future, for our budget to be (a) submitted beforehand to the EEC or (b) to be wholly constructed in the EEC. The institutions that were talked about originally in 1970 were a centre for the decision of economic policy and the community system for the central banks, and we need education in this field. One of the unhappy features about this is how small a part the EEC plays in our thoughts. The people dealing with finance and the economists should plot our financial institutions and our budgets in such a way that they become part of the European scene. We have the idea, even though we are members of the EEC, that somehow it is extraneous. It is central to the scene and should be considered in this light.

The margin of fluctuation between currencies causes trouble. In this area we need education. The people are entitled to know what influence Ireland has in such a situation. Will the senior sterling partner make all the decisions or have we any control or power over such decisions? Most of our trade has been, and still is, with Britain which is the senior sterling country. For example, what would be our position if the continentals took over our cattle trade? Would this make any difference vis-à-vis our position with Britain? Would it make any difference to our position as a country in the sterling area? This is an important matter and should be dealt with in detail by the Minister. The Minister for Foreign Affairs deserves our praise for raising this important issue in his speech.

The minutiae of the budget have been dealt with extensively. However, there are a few points I should like to make. The Minister for Local Government spoke today about the budget and, quite rightly, he indulged himself a little regarding the increases in social welfare. I am a member of a party which pioneered social welfare payments and which always gave first consideration to such payments and I can claim to get votes from people who need social welfare. The money was available and it was right to spend it on social welfare. Our party would find fault with the emphasis laid by the Government in certain areas but we commend the benefits given to those in need.

Because of our accession to the EEC, money was available for social welfare. This was because of better prices for agricultural goods and because we are not now subsidising agriculture. It is strange that the Minister's party throughout the country opposed our entry into the EEC; they opposed the source of the money now available for social welfare purposes. However, it is good that the money is available, no matter how it was opposed in the past. With regard to the £30 million that was supposed to have disappeared, I should like the Minister to state whether he would have had to raise an extra £28½ million or £30 million by way of taxation if we were not members of the EEC. Deputy O'Malley has made this point and I reiterate it.

I have a friend who got married recently and who now has to buy a house. He earmarked a house for himself some time ago but he is now finding difficulty in getting a building society loan, although he may be able to get one of the new loans. The budget has hit this man very hard. Everything he puts into the house, cutlery, electrical goods, carpets and furnishings will cost more. His clothing and footwear and that of his wife have been severely taxed. VAT is being removed from food in September but people are afraid that the price of food will have increased so much in the meantime that the removal of VAT will mean nothing. In fact, people will pay more for the basket of foodstuffs they buy in the supermarket. I am conducting a little experiment on this matter. Immediately after the general election I purchased a basket of groceries and I have kept the price list. I will watch to see how much prices will have increased and, with the indulgence of the Chair, I shall tell the House the result later.

As a result of the budget, my friend has to pay a heavy burden of taxation. Both he and his wife are moderate smokers and he takes an occasional beer. All these items will be considerably dearer as a result of the budget. The furniture in his house will cost considerably more. When VAT is removed from food next September it will not balance the extra tax on fuel and other essential items. At the moment my friend uses a motor scooter but if he has an ambition to buy a motor car it will cost considerably more, as will petrol, tax and the licence.

From the point of view of industry, an effective piece of legislation was introduced whereby special areas were designated for industrial grants. Many young men in my constituency got jobs in new industries. They have to travel considerable distances from their small farms to the factories but now their cars, the petrol and tax will cost them much more. There is an outdated idea that the motor car is a luxury item. It is the exact opposite, it is a necessity. In future, if a distinction were made—I am sure the Minister for Local Government would agree with this—between small and large cars and the tax on the small car was frozen it would be a great help to young workers in rural Ireland.

I am running into time trouble and I will not keep the House much longer. I will state, however, that in a sense the budget, against the will of the Fianna Fáil Party, was put to the test in the past few weeks. In the Presidential Election campaign a Minister stalked through my constituency from east to west and told the people that if they believed in what was in the budget they should vote for it. I did my best to educate them better and I said that the only issue in the Presidential Election was between one man and the other.

I do not think the President should be brought into this debate. The President is above politics.

I am simply referring to the budget as having been dragged into the Presidential Election against our will. It is only in so far as the Presidential Election impinged on the budget that I refer to it. I have here a list of price increases published on a significant date, 2nd June last They range from 58 per cent on frozen meat, 5p a pint on cream, 8 per cent on a range of pharmaceuticals to 0.27 per cent on a pint of stout or ale. If this trend continues one can imagine what will have happened by 1st September when the new VAT rates come into effect

Deputy H. Gibbons and Deputy Finn rose.

Deputy Gibbons.

I do not wish to deny Deputy Gibbons his opportunity but I should like to point out that Deputy Finn offered yesterday.

In view of the fact that it has been arranged that a Fianna Fáil Deputy will conclude for the Opposition at 7.30 I call on Deputy Finn.

I offered yesterday and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle did not look towards this side. There are a few points I should like to make. As I see it, this budget benefits my constituency in a large measure and I must compliment the Minister, having been such a short time in office, on his efforts to help the people who most need it, the aged, the widows and orphans, the deserted wives and others. The children's allowances will be of great help to people with large families living on small farms or in small towns in rural Ireland. It is an illustration of the Minister's social approach to the underprivileged.

I know the Minister for Finance is not as happy as he would be if he had the finances available to him to enable him to give more to the underprivileged. As it is he has done a wonderful job and with the help of God—I am sure this Government will be in power this time 12 months—we can look forward, through the benefits that will flow from EEC membership, to more money being at the Minister's disposal next year to help those who need it. A start has been made in this budget.

Certain people have been cribbing about the increased road tax. In my county there are 1,500 miles of untarred road and the people there have paid their share of taxes down the years for the maintenance of trunk roads and first class and second class primary roads. However, they still have 1,500 miles of green-topped roads in the county. We know the Minister needs more money in the Road Fund and I hope that through the EEC programme, the regional development programme, depressed areas throughout the country will be assisted and that the roads will be improved. I trust that the Minister, when he has a final look at this and if money is available, will next year engage on a crash programme to enable the people in rural Ireland to have outside their homes roads on which they can walk. I support the Minister in relation to the increased road tax if this helps the people in rural Ireland.

I must compliment the Minister on his budget. There are many things I would like to see done and certainly Deputies could criticise the Minister for not doing enough but he has done a good job during the few months he has been in office. Money is being taken from people who can afford to pay increased taxation. This will be used to give better social welfare benefits to the people who need them and it will also be used to give the people in rural Ireland better facilities. There are many things in this budget that I do not agree with but every Minister for Finance who ever sat in this House could not please everybody during his period of office.

We must approach this in a very realistic manner. Our first concern should be the underprivileged. The Minister has not forgotten them. If it costs me a little more for my cigarettes or my drink I should not begrudge this when it is benefiting the underprivileged I come from a constituency where social welfare benefits are received by many people. During the few months the Government have been in office there have been more delays in meeting claims by people than there have been during the past few years. I attribute those delays to a Fianna Fáil sector and a Fianna Fáil dominated Civil Service. Every week I write my quota of letters and I am sorry to say that this is happening. I must warn our Ministers that if social welfare benefits are delayed this must not happen through a Civil Service system dominated by Fianna Fáil.

On a point of order, I think the Deputy should withdraw that accusation against the Civil Service.

I am not prepared to withdraw anything in this House. I am making this statement as an honest man who makes representations. I hope that next year a lot more will be given to the social welfare recipients but we must give our Government and the Minister for Finance a chance. During the short period he has been in office he has done the best he could. Some people are always disappointed but I must say I am happy to be on the Government side of this House and I am happy to compliment the Minister on his budget. I have listened to the criticism of Deputies on the other side of the House about taxes on cigarettes and drink hut this money is being used for the benefit of the underprivileged. During the short period this Government have been in office they have done more than the Opposition did when they were in Government during the past five years.

Whether we like it or not there are two ways in which every budget is judged. The most obvious and acceptable way, of course, is to judge it economically, but it is a fact of life that every budget is also judged politically. On both of these counts the present budget fails the test. Whatever may have been the view of members of the Government when they prepared the budget and whatever may have been the hopes of Government backbenchers, I think the reality began to creep in when they heard the reactions to the budget from trade unions, farming organisations, the CII and various bodies of that kind.

It can be said with fairness that virtually the whole reaction throughout the whole spectrum of the community was one of disappointment, to say the least, and one of surprise really —I am speaking in the economic sense —that the Government had failed to grasp the opportunity presented to them, an opportunity to try to ensure the further advancement of the economy on a planned and intelligent basis. However, the final and I suppose from a democratic point of view definitive verdict on this budget was given a few weeks ago by the people and, in no uncertain manner, they gave it the thumbs down sign.

I want to make it clear that the Government's claim that this budget provided record social welfare benefits is true, but any fair-minded person would agree that this Government, or any other Government, would have been run out of office immediately if they had not provided record social welfare benefits this year. The public were well aware for more than a year in advance of the budget that, whatever Government were in power, in this budget there was an opportunity to make a real break-through in social welfare, an opportunity which we never had before and are unlikely to have again.

The test to be applied to the social welfare provisions in this budget is not: "Were they greater than anything that went before?" because it goes without saying that they had to be, but: "Were they the best use of the money available from the point of view of trying to assist those who most needed assistance?" While I freely admit that many of the social welfare provisions in this budget are welcome, on this test the budget also fails.

I do not want to go back over matters to which I have referred before and, indeed, over matters which were gone into in some detail in the course of the general election as regards the manner in which Fianna Fáil proposed to deal with social welfare. It is sufficient to say that our published programme shows that, under the Fianna Fáil proposals, there would have been greater benefits for the really poor people, at less cost to the taxpayer. This, I suggest, underlines certain characteristics of the Coalition Government and of Fianna Fáil.

I suggest that no amount of talk is a substitute for action and, when it comes to action, and the record of performance, and the record of the proposals put forward during the last general election, it is clear that the parties opposite lack—I was about to say lack a social conscience as compared with the party on this side of the House. That may be true but I will qualify it by saying that they lack the ability to apply their policies to show a greater awareness and a greater social consciousness than are desirable in our circumstances.

I suggest also that the record shows that, apart from that, this Government up to now, at any rate, have shown themselves to be incompetent in the management of the economy. The whole approach which produces less benefits for more money is, on the face of it, incompetence. I am not aware of any worthwhile attempt by anybody on the Government benches to explain this, or explain it away.

It helps to put this budget in perspective if one looks back briefly at the budget of last year and finds that, with no EEC savings available, and with no increase whatsoever in rates of taxation, substantial improvements were made in social welfare and in income tax allowances. The growth path of the economy was restored, resulting in a steady fall in the rate of unemployment. The balance of payments was very firmly under control. If we compare that with the situation this year we find that, as I have said, there have been substantial social welfare benefits this year, mainly due to the EEC savings.

We also find that there have been no reliefs or inducements for industry, or workers, other than the minor one for married women, and this at a time of increasingly fierce competition for industry. We find also in the budget a trail of broken election promises. Most significant of all, we find a mad scramble for taxation, for revenue, from any quarter from which it can be got, and a frightening disregard for the consequences of the Government's actions on the national pay agreement and on the possibility of negotiating a third national pay agreement.

The only real contribution to growth contained in this budget is in the public capital programme. This programme is substantially the one which the previous Government had prepared. I want to make it quite clear, lest anybody be under any misapprehension, that I am speaking of the public capital programme, not of the current Estimates. These are the sole product and responsibility of the present Government.

You will remember, Sir, that shortly after the coming into office of the present Government, the Dáil was adjourned for a month. Every opportunity was given to the members of the present Government to familiarise themselves with their situation, to work out their programme, to work out the requirements of the economy and, presumably, all of this wonderful talent we have been hearing of—not so frequently recently, but rather loudly for some time before the budget—was brought to bear. We can fairly say that this budget represents the first real test of the ability or inability of the members of this Government.

As I have indicated, the almost unanimous verdict on the Government's performance in relation to that test, finalised by the people recently, has been that this Government in that first test were a failure.

I referred to this scramble for revenue. Almost everything in sight has been taxed by this Government in this budget. It has been taxed in almost every case at a record increase in rate. As a former Minister for Finance, listening to the budget statement, I should say I recognised one old chestnut after the other, all the various possibilities of taxation which had been considered at other times by the previous Government and rejected: one after the other they were trotted out. The Minister for Finance announced an increase in this and an increase in that. They were all trotted out.

I began to think about this and tried to apply what I knew of the manner in which budgets are prepared and to decipher the clues that were being given by the Minister for Finance as to what happened. It is quite clear, I think, that no attempt whatever was made by the Coalition Government to try to relate the budget to the requirements of the economy. There was, rather, this mad scramble for taxation. It is also quite clear that there was a very fierce tug-of-war within the Government in the preparation of the budget. It is equally clear that someone insisted that the deficit must not exceed £40 million.

We can all make our own guesses as to who was insisting on this magical figure of £40 million not being exceeded. My guess is as good as yours, Sir, but I do not think it is really relevant to speculate about who was responsible for it. However, when one sees what happened, it is clear that there was originally a huge deficit loomup. It was also clear to most members of the Government, though not to all, that this simply could not be accepted, that it was not tolerable. Consequently, considerable efforts must have been made to reduce expenditure on various commitments and I suppose this is one of the reasons, though not the only reason, why we have had this trail of broken promises in this budget. Having cut back as far as was thought possible, it is obvious that there was also an effort made to raise revenue from every possible source. Having done all that, the Minister for Finance still found himself with a deficit of over £40 million. Somebody, to get him out of his agony, suggested a sleight-of-hand method by which he could appear to make £4 million of the deficit disappear and he grabbed at it and ended up with a deficit apparently under £40 million. While this is all very interesting, we have had no explanation of the basis of this magic figure of £40 million. Why £40 million? Why not £50 million or £30 million? This is one of the reasons why I say that no attempt has been made to relate this budget to our economic circumstances. The budget is, in fact, the product of a great deal of internal pulling and dragging; it is in no way a planned effort to meet the needs of our economy at this time.

The evidence in the budget statement itself is pretty conclusive in this regard.

On this question of deficit, and its size, I would remind the House that last year the present Minister for Finance disapproved of the deficit proposed in last year's budget; indeed, he thought that a rise in spending of 10 per cent was a shocking thing. This year, however, he would have us believe that a deficit of £40 million and a rise in spending of 20 per cent is a good thing. This may be taken by some people to illustrate the difference in approach when one is in opposition and when one is sitting on the Government benches. But I suggest it illustrates more than that. It primarily illustrates the difficulty in which the Minister for Finance found himself in preparing this budget and in trying to meet some of the many silly promises made by himself and his colleagues during the course of the general election campaign. It also illustrates that, when the present Minister was in Opposition, he was not very responsible in his approach and he has not changed his spots on moving to the other side of the House.

I am not the only one.

In this important matter of deficit we ought to consider the views of that well-known economic expert, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. After all, he knows much more about these things than does the Minister for Finance or anybody else in this House. That must be true because we read it in the newspapers. His views on deficit budgeting make very interesting reading. They vary from time to time but, just to give one sample of them, I would refer to something that was said by the present Minister for Foreign Affairs when he was discussing the 1970 budget. I am choosing this reference because at that time inflation was considerably less than it is now and unemployment was going up, whereas now it is going down. As reported at columns 127 and 128 of Volume 246 of the Official Report, Deputy Dr. FitzGerald, now Minister for Foreign Affairs said:

...what is illegitimate and irresponsible is to produce a Budget which, far from having even a small surplus, is likely to produce a deficit and which will inflate the economy further. In simple terms, the Government have lashed out £22 million in extra expenditure and increased taxation by a net £12½ million.

That is what an inflationary budget means. It is a Budget in which decisions taken by the Minister involve increasing expenditure more than increasing income.

I am sure the Minister for Finance will be very edified with these words and will apply them mentally to the present situation. He will see that, if he is to take the advice and counsel of his eminently expert colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and apply them to the situation in which we find ourselves, not alone should he not have a deficit but he should have been budgeting for a surplus. It is clear enough that the outcome of the budget tug-of-war in the Government was what we heard from the Minister for Finance on budget day and was what it appears to be on its face, the outcome of a tug-of-war and something which has no relation whatever to the requirements of the economy.

In any consideration of our economy and its problems it is quite clear that one of the most vital problems with which any Government will be faced in present circumstances is the problem of prices. I will confess that one of the things that amazed me most about this budget was the fact that the Government were, in present circumstances, deliberately shoving up prices by their own action, by increasing taxation and by the VAT changes they were bringing about. The Minister may try to suggest that this is not so or that it is a very minor effect. If he is going to suggest that, and I think he promised in response to a supplementary question the other day that he would do so when replying to this debate, I want to say here and now, and I want to go on the record as saying, that the action of the Government in this budget will increase prices substantially, directly and indirectly, and the indirect effect may well be worse than the direct effect.

When I talk about the indirect effect I have in mind particularly the consequences of the changes in VAT. Leaving aside other aspects of it, with which I will deal later, the point I want to stress is that our experience shows using number of instances in the past, but in particular in relation to decimalisation, what happens when the prices of a very wide range of commodities are changed. Remember that in the case of decimalisation every effort was made to try to ensure that the change over to decimalisation brought about price increases only where the increase was so small that the decimal currency could not accommodate it. Despite that it is now generally accepted that decimalisation brought about, in the words of the present Taoiseach, a prices explosion. One may argue about whether that is right or wrong and, in fact, the Minister for Foreign Affairs does argue about it and is on record in the special committee of this House dealing with the VAT legislation as saying that decimalisation did not bring about price increases. Whether he is right or wrong in that the fact is that the vast majority of the people believe he is wrong. The vast majority of people believe that decimalisation brought about a prices explosion and this was a direct cause of further claims for wage and salary increases and thereby added to inflation.

Think of what the situation is under the VAT proposals in this budget where it is not just a question of changing from one currency to another and trying to maintain the same price but rather what as involved is increasing the price of virtually every commodity except food, the whole range of commodities. Anything you can think of, virtually, the price will go up and officially it will go up because the tax on it is being increased. Imagine the application of these price increases right across the board in every shop in the country and then try to convince the public that this will not bring about a prices explosion. Of course it will bring about a prices explosion over and above the actual increase in price brought about by the direct increase in VAT on the commodities concerned. This is one of the reasons-not by any means the only reason—why we were opposed to the proposal to remove VAT from food and increase prices right across the board because we believe that it will have that effect; we are convinced it will have that effect and I want to go on the record of this House now before, it happens as saying that it will have that result.

I wonder in the light of the increased taxation being imposed and in the light of the consequential increases in the cost of living how do the Government hope to get a situation in which a third national pay agreement will be entered into. I have no wish to sabotage any effort to get a national agreement because I believe it is vital to the interests of everybody in this country that we should have another national agreement, but I cannot forbear from saying that I regard the Government's action in this budget in the context of negotiating a new national wage agreement as nothing less than irresponsible. Indeed, apart from that cavalier approach to the consequences of the budget on price increases and, therefore, on the ability to negotiate a third national agreement, there has been a disturbing weakness in the Government's approach to the enforcement of the present national agreement. I do not wish to make the position any worse than it is. Nevertheless, again I cannot forbear from saying-because the Government have had ample time to deal with this and to the best of my knowledge have taken no action-that there are people, substantial groups of people, who have clearly been demonstrated to have entered into wage and salary agreements which are in breach of the national agreement. There is no question about that and I do not think anybody on any side of the House need argue about it. It is clearly established.

The question is: what does one do about it? This is a problem for the Government, and I know something of the difficulties involved, but when we were in Government we made our position perfectly clear. I want to point out to the Minister for Finance that there are hundreds of thousands of people who are bound by the national pay agreement and who have entered into this voluntarily through their trade unions and those people do not understand why other people, in general far better paid than they are, are able to enter into negotiations and conclude agreements which are over and above the norm provided for in a national agreement. They see no reason why they should be held down and other people, mainly better paid than they are, should not be. For many people who are party to the present national agreement this is something they cannot stomach. If there is not another national agreement entered into, this will be one of the contributory factors to that situation. The Government have a solemn obligation to the community to take action in this regard. I wonder whether there is some doctrinal difficulty in the ranks of the Government in regard to taking such action.

Hear, hear.

I do not know whether that is the case but it is not unreasonable to wonder whether it is so. We are entitled to expect the Minister for Finance, when he is replying to this debate, to tell the House what is the Government's attitude to this matter that is so very important to all those who are parties to the national agreement and to all those who may consider being parties to another national agreement. I hope the weakness that the Government have displayed in this matter is not being caused by doctrinal difficulties but if that is the case, I want to make it clear that so far as this party are concerned, we made our position clear in this regard when we were in Government and if we were on the other side of the House now, the action that we said would take place, if it were necessary, would have taken place by now.

I know the difficulties that are involved but if the Minister will weigh up the pros and cons in this matter, he can have no doubt as to where the right course lies in so far as the national interest is concerned. However, I suspect that the Minister knows as well as I know the importance of this matter but that he is having considerable difficulty in persuading some of his colleagues that action in this regard is necessary. I reiterate that failure to take action in this matter could well bring about failure to achieve a third national agreement.

Of course, prices play a vita] role in our economy and particularly so with inflation being at its present rate. In his budget statement the Minister referred to a number of factors which bring about price increases, factors that are outside the control of the Government. That is all very well but he and his colleagues—I do not think there is one exception to this on those benches over there—went around for quite a long time, particularly during the general election campaign, making no reference whatever to those factors and trying to convince the public that prices were not being controlled by the Fianna Fáil Government because of unwillingness or incompetence on the part of that Government. The Coalition parties published a 14-point programme before the general election in which they said not only that one of the economic aims of the Coalition Government would be to bring about price stability, in other words that there would be no increase in prices, but they committed themselves specifically to the immediate introduction of strict price control. Since taking office they have not made one iota of change in the system of price control. I am not faulting them for that. What I am faulting them for is the pretence that they operated on the public. They are aware, of course, that everybody is concerned about prices and that the poorer people are. the more desperate they are in relation to matters of inflation and price increases. The Coalition parties played on those fears and on the hardships that people were suffering. They pretended that, on coming into office. they would introduce strict price control and bring about price stability.

I accuse this Government in that regard of blatantly false promises and any of them who knew anything about the whole problem of price control knew at the time that the promises they were making were false. What do we find has happened? Not only have they made no change in the system of price control but if one considers the various items which the Government have sanctioned for price increases and add to them the items which are widely known to be about to be increased in price, it would not be surprising to find that the first six months of this Government may very well turn out to be the worst period of price rises in the history of this country.

They have achieved that record already.

I am giving them the benefit of the doubt in referring to their first six months in office. That is bad enough but it is sigularly reprehensible when it happens in the term of office of a Government who pretended that they would be able to do something about the problem of price rises.

I wish to turn now to a matter with which the Minister for Finance is particularly familiar, and about which he has heard a good deal during this debate but in respect of which he will hear a little more now. I am referring to the question of EEC savings. I wish to tell the Minister and his colleagues that good government is not a matter of fine talk and trick-of-the-loopery. For all their fine talk there is no evidence that members of the Government know what they wish to do, particularly in respect of economic matters because they continue changing their stance from week to week. Harold Wilson's famous phrase that "a week is a long time in politics" has been left standing by the present Minister for Finance because on budget day he changed his tune between the afternoon and the evening. On television the Minister told the people that the EEC savings had vanished without trace in a sea of inflation. Yet, in his own budget speech that afternoon he told this House, and I quote from column 1244 of the Dáil Debates for May 16, 1973:

In sum, taking account of the items I have mentioned, the net Exchequer gain on the current budget in 1973-74 from EEC membership is estimated to be of the order of £29 million.

The Deputy might quote also that part of the statement in which I said that that money had vanished in a sea of inflation.

That is even worse. He contradicted himself in the space of a quarter of an hour.

I agree it is worse but I was being kind to him in not quoting that because it is too ridiculous to have him contradicting himself in the course of the same speech. However, he has drawn attention to it himself. I am hoping yet, vain hope that it may be, that when the Minister is replying he will have the decency to admit that he tried to mislead this House and the people in regard to the EEC savings. However, to help him along that road, there are one or two remarks in that regard that I wish to make. He was joined, by the way, in this effort by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and they both were trying to make people believe that the EEC savings had disappeared. I am inviting the Minister for Finance, when he is replying to this debate, to explain to the House and to the country how it is that in the Book of Estimates published by him and his Department there appears gross savings of more than £3 million at subheads E.I, E.4, E.6 and E.7 in the agricultural section under the heading of Market Aids and Supports. How does he explain that? How does he explain the remark in his budget statement which I have quoted that net savings from the EEC amounted to £29 million in this present financial year? Furthermore, if we joined the EEC on 1st January and if the agricultural subsidy operation only began in February and, if, in fact, there was no saving to the Exchequer prior to the present Government taking office, how does he explain away the statement he made?

I am inviting the Minister for Finance, when he is replying, to explain whether any of the statements I have just made are incorrect and, if they are, to explain how they are incorrect. If they are correct, we shall await with interest the Minister for Finance's gracious acknowledgment that he was wrong and deliberately tried to mislead the House and the country.

There is one other thought that occurs to me. I confess I put it from my head very quickly because it was frightening, but, perhaps, I had better just mention it in case it is a possible explanation, and that is, that the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Foreign Affairs actually did not know what the situation was, that they actually believed that they were going to go into office and find there in a vault £30 million accumulated during the period when we were not in the EEC. I do not think it is possible, but if it is true, then would they both please resign immediately before they ruin the country?

I think it could be described as "Richie's mint".

I want to say also to the Minister for Finance and to his colleagues that the decisions they have made in regard to the changes in value-added tax and in regard to rates are their decisions and nobody else's. All the consequences that flow from those decisions are the responsibility of the Coalition Government and they need not try to push over on to us the responsibility for those consequences when they become apparent to the people. We oppose both of these measures, and, therefore, the full consequences are on the Coalition.

During the course of the legislation on value-added tax, we spelled out in detail what we thought the consequences would be of removing value-added tax from food. Despite that, the Coalition persisted in their proposals. They put them before the people at the election, and now they are putting them into operation. It is the duty of the people who are in Government or who aspire to be in Government to exercise common sense and to have a certain amount of knowledge of how proposals of this kind work. It is no answer to say that the people endorsed such proposals. The Minister for Finance should know, and I am sure he does, that if the consequences of those proposals are unacceptable to the public, then he and his colleagues will be blamed, and there is no use at that stage telling the public: "You voted for it".

I suggested before, and I am saying it again now, that you can, if you wish, take this question of value-added tax on food and use it as a test of the judgment and the ability of this Government or of the former Government to handle problems. I am quite prepared to have this party and the Government it provided judged on that issue alone and to have the Coalition judged on it, because, whatever about us, the Coalition will be judged on it. It was their proposal; they are implementing it. The consequences which will flow from that proposal—the consequences whereby the price of everything, including essentials, is being increased directly by Government action and indirectly in the manner I have described earlier, and, at the same time, the fact that the public are not going to get the full benefit or anything like the full benefit of the proposed reduction in the tax on food— will be serious for the economy, but they will also be serious for this Government. I want again to place on record that we are not responsible for these consequences.

An interesting feature of the approach of the Minister for Finance to his budget and the problems, as I have outlined earlier, that he was faced with within the Government, was the manner in which he tried to suggest that he had, on taking up office, been faced with a very difficult situation, in order to try to explain away the savage increases in taxation he was imposing and to try to divert attention from the mismanagement of the economy by the Coalition Government. I shall give a few examples of this. One I have already dealt with and it was the effort to suggest that he did not have available to him the EEC savings. The Minister's own Book of Estimates, and his budget statement, contradicted that.

Perhaps the Minister did not get one.

He may not. Sometimes these things go astray.

It is not hard to hear all the noise from the Government benches now.

The same technique was attempted when the Minister told this House on the current Estimate that, without any changes or new proposals, he was faced with a deficit of £20 million. When one looks at the small print one finds that in arriving at this £20 million the Coalition Government's rates proposals are included. This is something for which we accept no responsibility. The figure placed on those rates proposals by the Coalition was £17 million for this year. This means that the Minister was faced with a deficit of £3 million and this was after all the increases in salaries, wages and other expenditure had been met.

The Minister was in a position which no Government could hope to be in when taking over from another Government. He was in an enviable position as regards the balancing of the books and the upswing in the economy. Given that situation and the political requirements this Government of all the talents set to work to produce a really good economic and political budget and they made a hames of it. I should like the Minister to comment on the allegation that the EEC saving did not exist and the allegation that he was faced with a deficit of £20 million. He was trying to suggest that he had inherited difficulties in order to try to cover up to some extent the mismanagement of the economy which he was about to announce in his budget statement. This was the consequence of the internal wranglings and tug-of-war which were going on in the Government a month before the budget was announced.

I have already described this budget as being one of lost opportunities. Time has proved it to be so economically and politically. Amongst its defects is the trail of broken promises. I have already referred to the promise in regard to prices and price control and the failure of the Government to make one single change in the system of price control. I should also like to remind the Minister of the Government's promise with regard to death duties and of the pitiable performance in the budget in relation to the expectations aroused and the belief it had created in people's minds. I am not surprised at the Minister's failure to perform this promise because I know what he was faced with.

This is another matter in which the Coalition misled the people. They have paid the consequences for that and they will pay again when they go before the people.

Is it in order for the Minister to instruct a Deputy of his party who had entered the Chamber to leave immediately? This is what happened and I think it is a mean trick.

That is not what happened. It is quite the contrary but it is typical of what one may expect from the Opposition. The Deputy has made an allegation which is without foundation.

Deputy Belton came in and was told to go out by the Minister. I am calling a quorum now in order to ensure that the Minister will have people behind him even though he does not want them.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

I have just referred to the trail of broken promises in the budget. I should like the Minister to offer an explanation to the House and the country on the promise made by the Minister for Local Government, as spokesman for the Labour Party on finance, in the presence, and with the concurrence of the present Minister for Foreign Affairs, who was then Fine Gael spokesman on finance, that the means test would be abolished and the age reduced to 65 years in relation to old age pensions in the first year of Coalition Government. That promise was made on television but I have not yet heard any attempt to explain why that promise was broken.

They said it was a printer's error in the paper.

This was not printed wrongly. It was said clearly, and distinctly, by the Minister for Local Government. The Minister should explain why the promise was not kept. I should also like the Minister to explain why the Government does not propose to adhere to the report of the special committee of the Employer/Labour Conference in the case of parliamentarians while it does not intend, if it has not already done so, to adhere to the report in the case of judges and higher civil servants. Whether this is just part of the Government's general attitude in relation to the national pay agreement, a cavalier approach in regard to the consequences of its own actions, an unwillingness or an inability to protect the agreement in relation to people who are committing breaches of it, the Minister should explain why he did not adhere to that report and why he committed this breach.

The budget was a test of the judgment and the ability to handle problems of this Government. It has failed in the judgment of almost all commentators and, finally, of the public in the ballot box. We have had various aspects of the mismanagement of the economy dealt with during this debate but I wonder how many people realise, given the situation that the Minister found himself with all provision made for all the expenditure that was required other than that which was decided on by the present Government with a deficit of only £3 million. This is something which would certainly have been covered by buoyancy and revenue.

Given that situation, how did it happen that we ended up with a budget which savagely increased taxation on virtually everything? That does not happen by accident. As a former Minister for Finance I recognise all the old chestnuts. Given the situation of a growth in the economy, of falling unemployment, of a balance of payments well under control, how did it happen that this Government—so enormously talented if one is to believe the newspapers—produced this incredibly inept budget? Whatever may be said in the House by Government backbenchers—and it is understandable they will not say this kind of thing in the House—in their party rooms they must be asking the members of the Government and themselves what went wrong.

We would all like to know for certain what went wrong. I have touched on some of the factors that must have contributed but I do not claim to give all the explanations because probably some of them are outside anything I could imagine. It is clear that something went wrong but the trouble is that the people will have to pay for the incompetence and ineptitude of the Government. Already the Government have had to pay in the recent Presidential Election and they will have to pay for it again when they go before the people, whenever that may be. It is only fair and just that they should pay for what they have done.

In the budget we have been faced with the consequences of an internal tug-of-war, of the struggles and wrangles which I mentioned earlier. The real cost is not what is seen on the face of the budget because the full, dire consequences will not be felt for at least two years. We had to clean up the mess the Coalition Government left on another occasion and I am afraid we will be faced with this problem again. It seems to be inherent in coalitions that whatever talent Obey may have among their members—and we do not claim to have a monopoly of it——

There is a dearth of talent over there.

The Deputy has been reading the papers also but, unfortunately, the people did not believe them.

It is generally by anonymous correspondents.

It must be a sad blow to the Deputies opposite that their propaganda machine which was very effective, did not work. The people did not believe them. There is one thing Deputies have to find out, although some of them opposite have been in politics for a long time and should know it by now. As one newspaper put it recently, activity is no substitute for action or, as I stated earlier this evening, good government does not consist of fine words and trick-of-the-loopery. As far as we are concerned, the budget has demonstrated clearly the incompetence in economic management of the Government. The full consequences of that incompetence will not appear for at least two years but in the meantime enough has happened for people to be very concerned for themselves and for the future of our economy. The Government took over an economy that was in better shape than ever before. However, given that situation they have started by introducing a budget that will have grave consequences. Our economy was at a point where it could grow very substantially, where everyone in the country could benefit——

They will.

Before the budget I would have said it looked like that but now I am not so sure. It is true that in recent years because of the good management of the economy it has become so much stronger it may even be able to withstand the consequences of the economic incompetence we have been faced with in the budget.

Our social welfare services are on a par with Britain.

Thanks to Fianna Fáil.

The economy will not grow in the way it could have grown because the Government have not one iota of economic competence.

The Deputy honestly believes his party have a monopoly of ability.

The Deputy should grow up.

I hope Fianna Fáil will become a strong Opposition.

I do not wish to be unkind but it is clear that the Taoiseach for one did not recognise all the talent he had over there.

It is in the interests of the Government that Fianna Fail become a strong Opposition.

Good government consists of taking the right action at the right time. Sometimes that means taking no action, or at other times is means having the guts to take action. I have touched on a few matters in which the Government have demonstrated a very disturbing lack of political guts and will. I hope that what has happened with regard to the budget, and the consequences that have flowed from it up to now, will teach the Government what it is all about to be in office. It is not a question of Press conferences and fine talk or, in the immortal words of the Parliamentatry Secretary to the Taoiseach, it is not a question of trick-of-the-loop gimmicks. If it has taught the Government that there is some gain.

I want to stress that that gain. or should I say that loss, has accrued from the Government's economic incompetence and it will be visited not only on the Deputies over there but on every one of our people. We for our part will do what we can to minimise those consequences and the most important way in which we can do this is to put this Government out of office and we intend to do that as soon as possible, and I guarantee that——

1980 what?

I guarantee that, as it happened after the last Coalition, when this Government go out of office there will be another generation of voters who will know what Coalition Governments are all about and will ensure that for the next generation they will not have the same thing in office ever again.

I am grateful to Deputy Colley for the optimistic note on which he concluded. It is fair to assume that the time span of a generation is about 25 years and Deputy Colley seems to accept that this Government and their successors from this side of the House will be in office for 25 years before there is another generation to adjudicate on them. I accept that. He knows now exactly where he lies. I felt that Deputy Colley had returned to his usual role here—he has been marvellous at scoring debating points and running away from facts. One would have thought that his short period as Minister for Finance would have taught him to live with realism and not to engage in myths which, as any Minister for Finance knows, are quickly dispelled once one comes in touch with reality.

The difficulty which I have in replying to the criticism of this budget from the Opposition is that virtually no two members of the Opposition are in agreement. They find themselves in essential conflict on a multitude of matters. One particular issue that they milked for all it was worth is the question of which rate of VAT should apply to different commodities. On one side they were waxing eloquent, with bleeding hearts, wringing their hands with emotion, pouring tears because the VAT on football boots was being increased by 3.3 per centage points. They were talking, as Deputy Colley and others did today and on other days, about the necessities of life being increased by a small amount as a result of the transfer of VAT from food, the greatest essential, to other commodities.

Yet there were a number of people, including the Leader of the Opposition, saying that what was wrong was that we had not gone for a flat rate of VAT such as operates in Northern Ireland, a zero rate on food, etc., and otherwise 10 per cent applies across the board. While we are supposed to get indignant about the increased VAT on football boots, Deputy Lynch, as Leader of the Opposition, and presumably with some authority to speak for some members of his party, was asking for a rate of 10 per cent on petrol, fuel, clothing, footwear, non-oral medicines, soft drinks, sweets, building materials and all services including hotels, laundries and cinemas. He asked for the Northern Ireland rate of 10 per cent and that is the rate which would be applicable and which would indeed be necessary to maintain tax revenue if we had not adopted the selective scheme which we did adopt.

We had people here shedding crocodile tears in the course of this debate in the hope of causing a little mischief by suggesting that an increase of 1.5 per cent is a crime. Apparently the oppositions believe it is tolerable to have a rate of 5.26 per cent VAT on food and oral medicines. We do not see it in the same light as the Fianna Fáil Party or some wings of the Fianna Fáil Party. It is one issue on which we in this House are absolutely divided. On this side of the House we are unanimous in the belief that VAT should not be tolerated on food. Indeed, for the last decade we have been attacking the principle adopted by Fianna Fáil more than ten years ago that tax should be imposed on food. At long last we have the happy situation in which, for the first time in a decade, food will be relieved from tax. We regard this as an advance. Nobody in the Fianna Fáil Party during this debate found it in his heart to say he was grateful that food is being relieved from the tax burden. They all suggested in various ways that there is something outrageous in transferring this burden to less necessitous commodities. The most interesting thing is that the Leader of the Opposition wants a 10 per cent VAT on everything including many of the necessities of life, much more essential than such commodities as football boots.

Would the Minister quote him?

We also found great conflict on the opposite side of the House on the matter of social welfare benefits. To be fair to them, some of them were at least gracious enough to acknowledge that worthwhile advances had been made in the sphere of social welfare. I think one must single out for particular commendation in this respect Deputy Haughey, who said of the social welfare benefits in this budget that they were a significant advance in the field of social welfare. He asked did they go far enough. Of course, we reply from this side of the House: "No, they do not."

Of course. Deputy Haughey is a breakaway.

Deputy Seán Flanagan said we were overkind to the poor and necessitous in our midst. Several other Fianna Fáil Deputies said we were going too far. But, while some said we were going too far, others said we were not going far enough and we had the strange situation of so many members of the Fianna Fáil Party trying to create mischief out of the net income ceiling that we applied in relation to children's allowances of £2,500, about £50 a week. Their ceiling, as published before the election and repeated in this debate by Deputy Lynch. showed that nobody with four children and earning more than £32 a week would have received one penny piece improvement in children's allowances. We have given the improvements to people earning £50 a week, irrespective of the number of children they have. If God had blessed you with four children and you earned more than £32 a week there would not have been a halfpenny increase in children's allowances from that miserable crowd who came in to chastise us here during the last four weeks. It is high time this hypocrisy and conflict of attitudes and social principles which exists on the opposite side of the House were highlighted. In the course of the next hour or so of this debate I propose to highlight this no matter who may be embarrassed on the opposite side.

We will not be embarrassed.

The Minister, without interruption.

We had several Deputies on the opposite side going to the virtue lobby claiming that they were fully behind the Government in our determination to stop tax evasion, to stop a situation which has been growing in this country under Fianna Fáil whereby many people could eat out and drink out at enormous expense, up to half the cost being borne by the taxpayers. That has been happening under a tax system where people could run up massive expense accounts for meals, drink, motor cars, yachts and the like charging them to tax and allowed under Fianna Fáil. This meant that the poor taxpayer had to bear up to half the cost.

Deputy Crowley was very generous in supporting us in our efforts to close the many loopholes. On the other hand, we had Deputy Haughey saying that tax evasion, avoidance, was a legitimate sport. He said everybody knew this was an annual running battle between the accountants' profession and the legal advisers of wealthy people on the one side and the Revenue Commissioners on the other. He seemed loath to think that any steps would be taken to stop his fair sport for the rich who could afford to pay professional gentlemen for assisting them and guiding them in fleecing the Revenue Commissioners.

Is that why the Minister took VAT off food?

Deputy Haughey seemed to think that, like the poor, the tax avoider is always with us. Many members of Fianna Fáil think the poor should always be with us and they think it legitimate also to have the tax evader. We do not believe in that, we are unanimous in our opposition to that outlook. The Fianna Fáil Party find themselves divided in this field of social and tax reform. Then we had the confused situation of Fianna Fáil in relation to estate duty. We are totally committed to its replacement by a system which, in addition to being fair, would also stop the kind of avoidance which, at present, is available to the really wealthy.

Really wealthy people today may have estates of a quarter million pounds or more. A man can reasonably survive in this country with assets from £50,000 to £100,000 and can give away the remainder. As long as he does it more than five years before death he avoids paying any estate duty or paying anything in the nature of a tax related to his capital or his accumulated wealth. We have indicated that we have seen the injustices of the estate duty system which imposes penalties on the surviving spouse and on the immediate family at a time of greatest family distress and we have indicated our readiness to replace that iniquitous system with a fair system of tax. Many members of the Fianna Fáil Party, who showed no interest in this before the general election, have shed crocodile tears about the 75 per cent of estate duty payers who are not relieved in this budget but they have ignored the fact that we did relieve 25 per cent of the annual estates which hitherto had to face this burden.

We had Deputy Haughey, on the other hand, congratulating me that I did not rush into the replacement of estate duty. He also was generous enough to say that the estate duty concessions in this budget were "not insignificant". That, coming from a gentleman who has a certain reputation in the Department of Finance, is worthy of note by those Members of the Fianna Fáil Party who are trying to arrive at a new progressive, just, economic and social policy for their party. Deputy Haughey said that the concessions in relation to estate duty in this budget were "not insignificant"; and he was right when he said that because to give relief to the extent of 25 per cent in one budget within nine weeks of assuming office is to my mind a most significant step to make in the right direction.

Deputy Haughey also said—and he speaks with his experience not only as Minister for Finance but also as a qualified accountant of many years experience—that the replacement of estate duty is a very difficult area and we must all recognise that there are problems in relation to it. He recognises the problems, we recognise them, the farmers, the industrialists, people engaged in commerce all recognise these difficulties and they have requested us to publish a White Paper of what we have in mind, indicating alternatives. We have undertaken to do this. I think we are justified in this attitude, firstly, because it is a realistic one and, secondly, because Deputy Haughey has found it necessary to chastise and to contradict his own party because of the irresponsible contributions they have made in this field in this debate.

Now, the missing £29 million of EEC money.

The Minister's economic adviser must have passed him a few notes in relation to this.

The opening deficits in budgets in the last decade are worth looking at. I want the Members of this House and, I hope, the country to bear with me while I quote the opening deficits, that is to say the amount by which it is expected the revenue in the forthcoming year will be insufficient to meet the Estimates which have been prepared for the forthcoming year. The Estimates for any year, or prior to the budget, are based upon a continuation of existing services and do not provide improvements of any significance.

In five years of the last decade there were opening surpluses. The opening deficits in the other five years were in 1964-65, £1.5 million; in 1965-66, £3.5 million; in 1966-67, £12.2 million: in 1968-69, £3.6 million; in 1972-73, £8.6 million; and, if the EEC bonanza had not been presented to this country, the opening deficit in this year would have been £49 million. That is the sea of inflation I am talking about.

That is rubbish.

Order. The Minister without interruption.

(Interruptions.)

We have to try to mop up this bill of gross inefficiency and squandermania.

(Interruptions.)

That statement by the Deputy should not be made in the House. A statement of that kind ought not to be made and in accordance with precedence has been deemed to be disorderly.

I withdraw the statement and say he is economising on the truth.

What the Deputy is saying is the plain unvarnished truth and the Deputies over there know it.

The Fianna Fáil Party have been caught out. I want to bring this House and the people of this country back to the last days of January when the general election was announced. Who was surprised when the general election was called? Everybody, and particularly Deputy Andrews, who was the man called on by the then Taoiseach, Deputy Lynch, to convey the news of the pending general election to the Leader of the Opposition, while Deputy Lynch went to the Park. I must say we all remained in surprise for a long time as to why this general election was called. It will be recalled that the issues on which Fianna Fáil sought to contest the general election were not the issues of the economy.

The Minister is trying to set up a smokescreen.

The Minister must be allowed to make his concluding speech without interruption.

The battle raged. On one side Fianna Fáil tried to scare the people of this country with the bogeyman of insecurity, warfare and bloodshed and on the other the National Coalition realists who are now in government were dealing with economic facts. Why did the outgoing Government not want to discuss the economic situation? It is because they ran away from it, because they knew they were facing a deficit of £49 million on the incoming budget, that the £29 million that they had led this country, including ourselves, to believe would be available this year to finance social services would not be there because of their own extravagance, incompetence and squandermania in their last year of office.

Deputy Haughey was marvellous with what he called budget arithmetic and he discovered £189 million in about 18 seconds. He was so wonderful at discovering all this money I felt it would be no trouble to him to find, produce and explain to the Irish people the £100,000 for Northern Relief that was misapplied When he was Minister for Finance and in respect of which we have never got any satisfactory account. One would think that a person who could draw £189 million out of the air would certainly be able to recover £100,000 that was maladministered under his ministry in the Department of Finance.

The Minister said that Deputy Haughey was a Minister with considerable accountancy experience. He is contradicting himself now.

Let us look at this £189 million which Deputy Haughey said was available to the Government. He said there was tax buoyancy of £95 million. There was a £29 million net gain from EEC membership, £26 million from additional taxation and changes and a £39 million deficit. This must be the first time in recorded economic history that any financial wizard regarded a minus quantity of £39 million as a plus or that anybody regarded as a net gain £29 million that was committed for expenditure long before the people to whom the money was supposed to be given got any opportunity of handling it.

Even Deputy Haughey is grossly wrong, even if we use his imaginary figures. He says there is a £26 million increase in additional taxation this year when, in fact, the figure is £20.7 million. He makes the £20.7 million into £26 million. If you deduct the opening deficit of £20 million and deduct the £29 million EEC money, or, if you like, call it an opening deficit of £49 million, you find the figure is much, much less than the £189 million which Deputy Haughey produced to the House. It becomes a figure of £140 million. What are the extra running costs of the State this year? There is £122.8 thousand million to be faced.

Sorry, £122.8 million extra.

Any figure will do.

We have imposed additional taxation of £20.7 million to meet the social welfare benefits of £43 million which we have conferred. We had this opening deficit of £20 million. This £112.8 million additional expenditure, £43 million additional social welfare and £20 million deficit proves we have £185 million to face although, on the figures juggled by Fianna Fáil, they have made available only £140 million at best. While I never believed that miracles were available to mortal men, I find that we in Government have performed an economic and social miracle——

The people do not agree.

——notwithstanding the fact that the Fianna Fáil Party had made off with £29 million, misapplied and misspent, before this Government took office. It would be difficult in the time available for this debate to reply to all the detailed questions which have been posed by Members from all sides of the House. We will have another opportunity, as Members know, in the course of the debate on the Finance Bill. I will endeavour to deal as specifically as I can with such issues as can be dealt with in a general fashion. Some questions were asked about the social welfare benefits and perhaps most of them could best be dealt with tomorrow in the course of the debate on the Social Welfare Bill. I will be touching on some of them.

I wonder will Fianna Fáil oppose the Bill?

It will be very interesting to see if they will oppose the Bill tomorrow as they opposed the taxation necessary to meet the Bill. Nevertheless, they probably will not object to the money being spent——

Deputy Collins is paying the penalty for having opposed Deputy Cosgrave, the Taoiseach.

——having done everything they could to obstruct the money being collected in the first instance. It is worthy of note that they dragged this debate out to the tenth day. If we were not quite insistent that this debate should be wound up, Fianna Fáil were hoping that they might have caused such confusion that it would not be possible to bring in the benefits on 1st July.

That is totally untrue. It is false allegation.

Fortunately we have succeeded in stopping them from doing that.

I must ask Deputies to desist from interrupting. If there are Deputies in the House who find it difficult to listen to the Minister they have an option in the matter.

I am sure there are.

We have to do our duty.

There were four main tasks to be tackled in the 1973 budget. There was need for some reduction in the level of unemployment, which is running at an unsafe and unjust rate. There was need for a lessening in the impact of inflation. There was certainly a need for a substantial improvement in the position of the less well-off of our people. Finally, there was a need to strengthen the whole infrastructure to provide the economic and social benefits which can be made available by reason of our membership of the EEC.

These objectives did not lend themselves to any simple solution. The Fianna Fáil Party would like us to believe that they did. The OECD Report indicated that they did not. The OECD Report said more than that. It said that the best way to achieve them was by an expansion of Government expenditure. That is what we have done both in the capital budget and in the current budget.

That is the way to achieve inflation.

We make no apology for adopting the line which an objective international organisation like OECD regard as the wisest and most sensible one having regard to the many competing forces which exist in our economy. I am sure Members opposite are not so simple as to think that there is only one economic force operating in the economy either now or at any other time. There is always a multitude of forces and the wisdom required is the wisdom which chooses the right mixture. We believe we have chosen the right mixture to resist the unsatisfactory pressures which are applied on our economy and that we are offering the best possibility of getting the best results from some of the advantageous opportunities which are now open to us. We have taken steps to combat inflation by removing value-added tax from food. We have also taken steps to reduce unemployment by increasing the capacity of our industry and by increasing the opportunity for our industry to use underused capacity.

Gobbledygook.

Tell us about price increases.

This is not gobbledygook. One of the main factors leading to inflation in the cost of production is underuse of capacity. That might not be understood by Deputy Crowley but any reasonably efficient business person knows that.

It is a cliché.

The OECD report pointed out that one of the most significant and undesirable features of the Irish economy in 1972 was underused capacity. If you underuse capacity you increase the cost of production and you increase the cost of the end product. You make prices rise. Because prices are rising you make it more difficult to win export markets. These are the realities we have tried to overcome. We have taken steps, both on the domestic market and elsewhere, to ensure that Irish industry rises to a full use of its capacity in 1973-74. Instead of the 4 per cent growth rate which OECD anticipated as being possible without policy changes under the Fianna Fáil Government, we are going for a 5½ to 6 per cent growth rate in the coming year. That will mean that the sorry legacy of unemployment left to us by the outgoing administration will be overcome in the course of the next year.

What about the inflation rate?

As I indicated in the budget statement there was no clear-cut prescription that could simultaneously achieve all the objectives. The prime factor taken into account by me was the existence of the spare capacity to which I have referred. We have taken steps to ensure that this spare capacity is fully used in the forthcoming financial year.

While part of this stimulus is being provided by the public capital programme for the current year, I was satisfied that action on the current budget side was required also. Apart from the economic aspects, there was, of course, a need to honour our social commitments. The increase in current expenditure over last year's out-turn on a post-budget basis is £130 million, or about 20 per cent. They indicate a massive growth rate which must be translated into better employment opportunities and greater advancement for our people in future years.

Higher prices and lower wages.

We have increased the capital programme by £56 million. If you leave aside the unusual and non-repeating items of shipping and aircraft which were required last year, this is a 27 per cent increase on the capital front, all indicating that this Government are going for growth and expansion. I realise that this must be a political disappointment to our opponents but one would expect them to welcome this indication of growth and confidence in our community. Even if they want to carry on in the niggardly and mean way in which they have behaved throughout this budget debate, we are quite certain that the people will have sufficient confidence and maturity to stick by those who will give them this growth and expansion.

They gave their answer.

Deputy Colley said that this budget was not related to the economic circumstances of our time. Is he repudiating what OECD has recommended? It appears he is. The only alternative, if we are wrong, is retrenchment. It is interesting to note that perhaps he is speaking for the Lynch school in the Fianna Fáil Party. Deputy Lynch said that he thought we should not have increased expenditure at this time; we should have waited to see what would happen. That is a typical canon of the modern Fianna Fáil philosophy: let us leave things as they are, like Mr. Micawber, and something might turn up to get us out of our troubles.

Like Mr. Childers.

That would not assist us. If Deputy Power thinks that the presence of Mr. Childers in the Park is an answer to the economic and social needs of this country——

It is not right or proper that anyone should advert to the Presidency or the incumbent of that high office. I want no further reference to the matter.

I agree that it is not related to the economy. Deputy Lynch and Deputy Colley and others in their contributions to this debate said that the new Government had taken over in exceptionally favourable circumstances, and indicated that the economy had in their eyes benefited from what they called sound and effective Government in the recent past. I am afraid I cannot agree with that and I have a number of pointers to show why I cannot. I would ask people to recall the late hours of the night of the count following the general election, and the early hours of the following morning, when Deputy Lynch was being interviewed on television before the curious eyes of hundreds of thousands of our people; he was asked specifically whether any incoming Minister for Finance had a difficult or an easy budgetary situation to face and he said then, in his moment of truth, because defeat surely brings the truth home to any man, that there were grave financial problems facing any Government, no matter who formed that Government.

He did not say that.

Do we believe Deputy Lynch in his moment of truth on television——

He never said that.

——watched by the eyes of those politically and not politically committed? When he was speaking then he realised that his great bluff had been called, that soon they would be found out, that the £29 million in the EEC was not there, and he decided that night, and he was congratulated for so behaving, to behave as an honourable man, honourable, noble and generous in defeat. He was neither honourable nor honest in this debate and neither were any of his minions who followed him when they said again and again that it was an easy budgetary situation. I choose for my text Deputy Jack Lynch in his moment of defeat on that morning, after he realised he had been found out, in the time of truth and that it was better to own up at that stage than to pretend even then that all was going to be well for any incoming Government.

Employment in the transportable goods industries last year at 206,000 was lower than in either of the two previous years. The total number of people at work last year fell by 10,000. That is the legacy we faced, the necessity to take steps to give back jobs to the 10,000 who had lost them under the last administration and to provide new jobs in addition. Unemployment in the first quarter of this year stood at 74,200, 11,000 more than in the first quarter of 1967 and 8,000 more than in the first quarter of 1968. I am glad to say that, even since the change of Government, there has been a significant improvement in the trend of employment and we propose to maintain not only this rate of improvement but, as a result of our budgetary policies, to accelerate it.

We had also to face the forces of inflation which are very deep-rooted in the economy. The consumer price index has shown percentage rises of 7½, 8¼, 9 and 8½ in the past four years respectively and, as we all know now, the rise in the cost of living from mid-February, 1972, to mid-February, 1973, was 10 per cent, the highest in Europe after Turkey and Portugal and by far the worst performer in the EEC.

The Minister is being selective.

Deputy Crowley must desist from this constant interjection and interruption.

I propose to be selective enough to quote Deputy Colley. Deputy Colley said tonight that we will see in the first six months of this Government the worst period of price rises. He said: "We say that because we know." Who are "we"? Deputy Colley, the man who ran away from his responsibilities. He said: "We know what is in the pipeline." The reality is that on the desk of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, on the desk of the Minister for Finance and on the desk of every Minister who had anything to do with economic affairs, there were left bundles of undecided applications for price increases, which means that, anxious as we are to apply the brake against inflation, we are left with this legacy of inflation built in by and acknowledged by the Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, who, when speaking here tonight, said: "We know what is in the pipeline".

He never used those words. He never used them.

If the Deputy insists on disobeying the Chair in this fashion the Deputy will incur the displeasure of the Chair. I shall have to apply Standing Orders accordingly.

I hope not, a Cheann Comhairle. I will do everything possible to avoid that.

Deputy Colley, Deputy Haughey and, I think, others said there were no inducements in this budget for industry, for agriculture or for workers. It is high time the Fianna Fáil Party got rid of the mendicity attitude they have to our economic and social problems. Last year they followed in the wake of the Fianna Fáil leadership in relation to EEC membership by saying to the people that we should go into the EEC so as to avoid having to pay subsidies and grants and inducements of one kind or another, that we should break from this past of reliance upon subsidies and that we should go in boldly and courageously, making use of all the opportunities within the EEC. We make no apology for not having put in a whole new field of artificial subsidies to mislead our people. Our people can produce the best. They are capable of effort so long as they are given the right leadership. We do not propose to dampen the enthusiasm of our people in making use of the opportunities now available to them by giving them pauper's soup, which might have been necessary in days of destitution but is not necessary in these days in which there are new opportunities available to us so long as we use them properly.

In view of the considerations I have outlined, we decided in this budget deliberately to stimulate economic growth. Over the past three years, the economy has been growing at a rate significantly below its full potential, recognised by the OECD and others as operating at less than half of its potential and, as a result of the degree of slack which exists, we have become a depressed economy and we have now decided that all that slack must be taken up. That is the whole philosophy behind this budget and no amount of needling or carping criticism about one per cent addition here on tax liability will defeat the overall economic and social approach of this budget.

Apart from the fact that we are stimulating growth by the policy adopted, we are also going to generate increased revenue as a result of the increased activity which will flow in the next year. It is difficult, of course, at the moment to be precise as to the extent of the additional revenue which will be available but, this year, I endeavoured to be more realistic about calculating tax buoyancy than any of my precedessors dared to be. I do not believe it will be possible to close the ultimate budget deficit but, by reason of the expansionist policy we have embarked on, we will go some way towards closing it.

Deputy Haughey and others suggested I was seeking to accelerate growth by inflating consumer demand. I do not accept this simpliciter and I will tell the House why. First of all, I would point to the strong growth of the capital budget, which consists primarily of outlay designed to create capital assets and to provide employment. This will result in additions to national output not merely for this year but for many years ahead. Indeed, the capital investment is mainly geared towards the development of the national infrastructure and towards a stepping up of the country's overall productive capacity. This is not inflation. It is expansion and expansion does not necessitate inflation although I realise that, where you have bad management, the two of them go hand in hand. I might, I think usefully, remind people of some of the additional capital items. Housing and auxiliary services are up by £21 million; school building outlay is up by £3½ million.

There is an addition of £11 million provided for agriculture. Some Deputies opposite have suggested and they have tried elsewhere to create mischief to the effect that agriculture is being starved of funds. In fact we are providing an addition of £11 million this year. We are also providing an increase of £9 million for expansion in industry and much badly-needed money for the telephone service. This is one of the really remunerative and profit making Government services which has been starved of finance by the Fianna Fáil Administration for some strange reason best known to them with the result that many of our business organisations are losing custom and losing the possibility of export markets. Our telephone service is the laughing stock of Europe because it is so grossly inefficient.

As regards current outlay, apart from social welfare improvements which I will be dealing with separately, the following are some of the main factors contributing to the rise. Education is up by £16 million. There is an extra £3½ million for the Garda Síochána. Health costs are up by £23 million and there are many other very significant improvements. All these are certainly going to generate a much healthier economy in the next year than we have enjoyed in recent times.

I was not so much annoyed as amused by several of the contributions from the opposite side. One of the most choice remarks made tonight was made by Deputy Colley who said that anybody who provides less benefits for more money is incompetent. The corollary is that anybody who provides more benefits for less money is blooming miraculous. One would understand from the Fianna Fáil Party that they would have provided social welfare benefits greater than those which we are giving in this budget and that it would have been done at half the cost. If they have that magic formula they have a clear national obligation to disclose the formula here and now. It will not do to produce it, as they did their last and economic social policy, six days before the next general election.

That is the Deputy's interpretation.

Now is the time to tell us how to provide double benefits at half the cost. We do not know. We will honestly tell you we do not know.

Obviously you do not. You have shown that.

We are providing substantial benefits and we have spelt out the cost and we have done it in fulfilment of our promise to do it. We hear from the opposite benches that they would have provided twice the benefits at half the cost. They do not tell us in this budget debate how they would do it. They will have every opportunity on the Finance and Social Welfare Bills to put down the amendments. There is nothing to stop them putting down amendments to those Bills if they can produce the same or greater benefits at half the cost. They are fully entitled under the Standing Orders of this House to do so and I invite them to do it. If they do it, and do it convincingly, we will accept those amendments. Of course they will not do it but they will bleat about it at chapel gates, on television and so forth between now and the next general election but it will have the same result—the people will not believe them.

Wishful thinking.

I come now to the question of children's allowances. Our children's allowance scheme which will mean an addition of £18 per child per year, will be available to everybody who is earning a net income of up to £2,500 net. In very many cases this increase will be available to people whose income is as high as £3,000 and more. Under the Fianna Fáil scheme, nobody would have got an increase in children's allowance whose income exceeded £32 a week. The difference between our scheme and the Fianna Fáil scheme is not only that. We go much further than they went because we allow people to earn another £18 a week before there is any cut-off at all but most people will not know the difference. They will not be bothered by form filling and making application and with means test. Under Fianna Fáil there would be a means test. You would have to prove your entitlement, year in year out, by the production of a certificate of your earnings and that would be separate from any return of income that would be made under the PAYE system to the tax collector. When we hear Fianna Fáil talking about children's allowances we see a party in a state of total and absolute disarray. On the one hand, they say we went too far, that we have given money to people who do not need it and, on the other hand, they have been saying—they started the moment I sat down on budget day— that we are clawing back money from people who badly need it.

Hear, hear.

Which you are.

Yes, you are.

Here we go again. Deputy Crowley, Deputy Moore and Deputy Andrews saying we are taking back money from people who need it and they would not have given them the money in the first instance. They would have stopped £18 a week short of where we stopped.

(Interruptions.)

The Minister for Finance, without interruption.

Nobody will lose one penny but under Fianna Fáil they would not have gained the money if they earned £32 or anything above that. Under our system nine out of every ten children in the State will get the new allowance; under Fianna Fáil, only four out of ten would have got any additional benefit. The mischief which Fianna Fáil endeavoured to generate in relation to children's allowances has now been found out. The people realise that the substantial benefits which they have received from us would have been denied to them if they had been receiving as little as £32 a week.

It is the policy of the present Government to reform personal income and capital taxation which has essentially remained unchanged since the foundation of the State. As I listened in this debate to several Fianna Fáil Deputies—Deputy Colley, Deputy Haughey, Deputy Lynch and others, whinging about the inadequacy of tax allowances I wonder whether it was that in the moment of defeat and looking forward to the hungry years of Opposition for the next decade they decided they had better start now to make amends for the 16 years of neglect while they had the opportunity to do something about income allowances and did precious little. We are going to do something about the whole income tax system, not merely talk about it or appoint commissions or committees to investigate it. We are going to do something. I am hopeful that, before the end of this year, I will be introducing legislation which will simplify the income tax code and this will be preparatory to giving tax concessions on income tax in the years that are ahead of us.

A basic goal in the reform of any system of taxation is to secure voluntary compliance by taxpayers with the requirements of the tax code and to protect their interests against those who evade or avoid paying their just share. In short, what is being aimed at is a system of personal income and capital taxation which will be less complex and more suitable to modernised conditions than the existing system. An essential requirement in the field of income tax reform is to achieve in the first instance without loss of revenue the greatest degree of simplification within the main structure of the tax. The ground work on the preparation of such a scheme is proceeding. If a satisfactory scheme can be devised, and I expect it will, the necessary legislative provisions will be enacted at the earliest possible date.

The question of a wife's earned-income relief was singled out in this budget for special treatment and it was interesting that those who have been clamouring for years because of the inadequacy of this relief, should jeer us because we choose this particular form this year for the granting of relief. We make no apologies for taking the necessary steps to ensure that the income tax relief available to a husband and wife is double that which is available to a single person. That is a first step, but we must go further. However, in a year in which we are providing nearly £40 million in social welfare benefits, we have done substantially well in giving that particular relief. Working wives were hit badly in respect of tax and the action we took was because of our conviction in this regard. We were glad that, having made our decision, it was in effect endorsed by the Report of the Commission on the Status of Women.

I turn now to the question of death duties. It is regrettable that some agents of Fianna Fáil should have used the Irish Farmers' Association a few days before the Presidential Election in order to endeavour to gain political advantage and that is exactly what happened.

The Coalition Parties misused them before the general election.

We were aware that an agent of Fianna Fáil in the IFA boasted ten days before the Presidential Election that he was arranging for a timebomb to be set off in the face of Tom O'Higgins so as to stop him from getting to the Park. It is interesting to note where the timebomb was placed. It was placed only in the country edition of The Sunday Press on the Sunday immediately before the Presidential Election. The story was not given to the Sunday Independent or to any other paper or media but they picked it up from the provincial edition of The Sunday Press, which published it across eight columns and with 3-inch headlines on their front page. The city edition of that paper devoted their front page to the fantasies of Deputy Ahern. That timebomb was set off maliciously and dishonestly by an agent of Fianna Fáil in the IFA who misled Mr. Maher into making a statement which I know he regrets very seriously since.

The Minister is making a very serious statement.

It is a very grievous statement.

Is the Minister prepared to make that statement outside the House?

As happened in the case of the Watergate agents, we will identify them and root them out.

What about the hatchet men over there?

I come now to the precise words of the National Coalition Party's statement of intent, as published on 7th February, 1973, where what was spoken of was not the outright abolition of estate duty but, rather, the replacement of estate duty on property passing on death to widows and their children by taxation confined to the really wealthy and to property passing on death outside the immediate family. There is no conflict whatever between what we promised then and what we did in this regard nine weeks after taking up office. We never said that we could do overnight all that was necessary to remedy 16 years of Fianna Fáil neglect. I do not say that we could do it even in one or two years. We may have undone the harm after our first period in office and then we can proceed to greater achievement during the second period which, inevitably, is on the way.

Walter Mitty.

In a further explanation of policy in relation to estate duty we said, a week later, that the money involved in the removal of estate duty would be recovered by way of a new form of taxation on capital which would be paid during the lifetime of the owner of the capital. That is in full accord with what Mr. T. J. Maher asked me to do when, together with representatives of the IFA, he came to see me, prior to the budget. He asked that we do nothing until we produce our plan so that he and everybody concerned with the replacement of estate duty would be given the opportunity of studying the alternative scheme. We have kept our promise in respect of estate duty and we will not be misled by provocation or taunting from any agents of Fianna Fáil or by any mischief planted by Fianna Fáil in The Sunday Press into embarking on a scheme that would do total and irrevocable harm to Irish business and Irish farming. As Deputy Haughey has said, to abolish estate duty instantly and not to study carefully the system of replacing it, would be to act irresponsibly. We shall not act irresonsibly. Fianna Fáil thought there would be irresponsibility on our part and that is why they are so disappointed to see a careful Government proceeding steadily and surely towards real progress and prosperity for our people.

They must be influential people.

We won the last election. The Minister has made a serious attack on The Sunday Press and on the IFA.

Deputy Colley has told us that he knew what was in the pipeline in regard to price increases and that he expected the worst increases to occur within the six months after his Government losing power. The reason for that is that he and his colleagues left so many matters undecided but which they knew could not be avoided.

Is the Minister aware that I did not say that?

Nevertheless, we propose to dampen inflation. I shall come in a moment to one of these price increases but, when I do so, I hope that Deputy Dowling, who named a person and accused him of the most appalling misconduct, will have the decency to withdraw what he said.

The Minister has named a member of the IFA.

I said that Mr. T.J. Maher was misled, and of that there is no doubt, and that the people who misled him were those who boasted about setting off a timebomb.

Mr. Maher is no fool.

That timebomb was set off on Burgh Quay in the offices of The Irish Press. The story to which I have referred appeared in the country edition of that paper in an effort to mislead the people and to set town against country. The Question of improving and widening the scope of the existing price control machinery is under examination and our objective is to ensure that, by effective surveillance, where this is necessary, excessive price increases do not occur. Much is being done already in this regard. We have dampened down many of the price increases which Fianna Fáil left on their desks.

There is a 60 per cent increase in prices.

We propose to maintain this vigilance and, indeed, to improve it. We have never pretended that it was possible to Stop all price increases. That could be done if one were to, shall we say, put a dam across economic forces but when that dam would break ultimately, as it would if left there indefinitely, there would be economic chaos.

Again, because we are a prudent Government, proceeding carefully towards a determined goal, Fianna Fáil are trying to provoke us into precipitate action. We will not be so provoked but we will take whatever steps are open to us, and one of these is the step taken very deliberately in relation to the removal of VAT from foodstuffs. We have done this much to the disappointment of Deputy Colley. Its result will be to effect a reduction in the cost of living. The overall impact on the consumer price index of the change in VAT, that is, its abolition from food and its transfer to less essential items, is a reduction of about one-half per cent in the consumer price index. That is very deliberate Government action. Even accepting that there may be some increases in foodstuffs due to the operation of economic forces, many of which come from outside the country and which, even if they are increasing the cost of living, are producing overall additional wealth particularly for the neglected farming community, we are reducing the cost of living to the extent I have mentioned. For the first time in a decade, tax in any form is being removed from foodstuffs.

What has the Minister said about a member of the farming community?

We never left the farmers sitting overnight on the streets.

(Interruptions.)

Would Deputies please allow the Minister to continue?

In order to effect reductions in taxation on essentials, it was inevitable that there would be tax increases on other items and in this regard I turned to the old reliables which had not been increased for some time. These increases, together with the increases in road tax, driving licences and postal and telephone charges are likely to add about I per cent to the consumer price index. I should not say "far less"; it will be a little more than 1 per cent, but overall the total impact on prices as a consequence of this budget, if no other factors entered into the picture, is a half per cent. When one measures the tremendous social advances which are made I think it is considered to be well worthwhile.

Again the arithmetic of the Opposition was wrong. Deputy Lynch said —I admit it was the day after the budget and he might not have had time to do his sums, but he has not sent anybody into the House to correct him yet—that the budget would result in a 2 per cent increase in living costs. What was his authority? I am not permitted to name names, but it was the economic adviser to the last Government, who resigned on the change of Government and went back to making his living in journalism. He was trotted out here on the day after the budget by Deputy Lynch as an objective commentator.

The Minister should not speak inaccurately of somebody outside this House.

(Interruptions.)

I do not want to be unfair. He left, but the fact is that this man who was at Deputy Lynch's right arm whispering into his ear, guiding him on his economic policy for some years past, who was seen improperly where he should not have been, running around in front of television cameras at the Fianna Fáil pre-budget election gimmick on the Thursday before the election, who was then at a Fianna Fáil conference suggesting to Deputy Colley and Deputy Lynch how they might win the election was trotted out here the day after the budget as an objective commentator, but he was even wrong in his calculations. He said that the increase in living costs as a result of the budget was 2 per cent, when the Central Statistics Office has established that it is a half per cent.

When it is recalled that this change reflects the costs of the partial financing of the very large social welfare improvements, the removal of food from the scope of VAT, the provision of substantial additional funds for roads, and the move towards the correction of the Post Office finances, it will be appreciated that these increases are very moderate indeed.

Now I want to come to the utterly scandalous attack which was made by Deputy Joe Dowling upon Senator Lord lveagh. We are accustomed to irresponsibility from Deputy Dowling. I said to him in the middle of his contribution to the House when the House adjourned one night that he did not have to resume the following day, that I would do him the courtesy of replying to what I knew he would be saying anyhow, because if any idea is farfetched, multiply it by several factors and you might get some idea as to what Deputy Dowling might say. One of the things he said was that the increase given in the price of the pint— which was 0.77p—was an unscrupulous contribution made by the National Coalition to the personal funds of Lord lveagh or the Guinness Brewery.

I did not say that. Can the Minister quote from the speech?

What the Deputy said was, if I may use his own——

The Minister should quote what I said.

The Deputy may not interrupt at this stage.

The Deputy now wants to run away from his words. I am not at all surprised, but if you remember his colourful flippancy of speech, he said the Watergate scandal in America was nothing to Richie Ryan and the James's Gate scandal in Dublin. Does the Deputy remember those words? Now we shall come to it. The application for the increase in the price of beer reached the desk of the Fianna Fáil Minister for Industry and Commerce in February. It was referred to the National Prices Commission, and the National Prices Commission not the Government, not the Minister, made the decision on the 22nd March.

(Interruptions.)

What was the decision? The decision was that the application for £1.6 million was reduced to an allowable increase of £0.9 million, and that is the increase that was given to Arthur Guinness. What was the increase for? Deputy Dowling will not like his nose being rubbed in this, particularly when he has, as I have, many hundreds of Guinness workers in our respective constituencies.

Come off it.

The increase was given to Guinness's, according to the National Prices Commission, to enable them to meet their obligations under the National Wage Agreement to the Guinness workers. It was also necessary to pay the increased costs of fuel, coal and molasses, all of which arose prior to the change of Government, and also to meet unavoidable increases in insurance, maintenance and plant maintenance. Would Deputy Dowling now have the decency to withdraw the charge which he made against Lord lveagh and which apparently he is now ashamed of? Is he prepared to withdraw the charge he made against me?

The Minister has not quoted me.

The Deputy must resume his seat.

He has not quoted me or given the authority for the quotation. He is a trick-of-the-loop, as the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach said.

Would the Deputy allow the Minister to reply?

On a point of order. As I understand the practice of the House, if a Deputy or a Minister purports to quote another Deputy and uses his own words and then is asked to give the exact quotation, he does so, or else does not proceed to purport to quote. Is that not so?

It is a paraphrase.

If I have done an injustice to Deputy Dowling I will be the first to withdraw and to acknowledge that I made a mistake, but I think I have been more than fair to him.

I will accept that.

It is here among the sheaf of documents I have, but I cannot put my finger on it at the moment. However, it was very interesting that when he chose one member in the Guinness outfit, Lord lveagh, to attack, he was careful not to make any attack upon the other representative of the Guinness House in the Senate, Senator Jack Harte, because he is one of the workers who is benefiting from this money. There is no profit whatsoever to Guinness or any of the other brewers in the country as a result of this concession given by the National Prices Commission.

Now for another piece of irresponsibility of Deputy Dowling—maybe I should let him off; very few people here or anywhere else take him seriously, but just en passant, he said that the amenity grant had been cut. Of course, poor Deputy Dowling does not often know what is going on, but again I will help him. The original provision for these amenity grants last year was £300,000. During the past financial year the former Minister for Local Government requested a supplementary estimate of £165,000 for last year, and he undertook to the then Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, that he would reduce his demand on amenity grants for the forthcoming year. When we went into office we found that the grants had, in fact, been cut. The figure was down to £135,000.

(interruptions.)

I knew the interest Deputy Dowling had in this field. I knew he was sincere in this and I was, therefore, anxious to help him so I added £105,000 on top of the figure that Fianna Fáil left to us. I have no doubt that the Deputy will be generous enough to acknowledge that.

The Minister was playing Bingo.

I should like now to come to another matter from which has been extracted the last drop of petrol and diesel oil that could be got out of it. I am referring to motor taxation.

On a point of order, I should like to know what the Minister is quoting from?

The Deputy should resume his seat. He should not interrupt.

I cannot allow bluffs to proceed. What is the Minister quoting from?

It is gospel.

The Deputy should resume his seat. The Minister is replying to the many points raised during this debate and should not be interrupted at this stage.

The Minister is a real trick-of-the-loop.

The Deputy should withdraw that statement.

I am only repeating what the Parliamentary Secretary has already said, but I will withdraw the statement.

We will all remember this night, 13th June, 1973, when Deputy Dowling was in a withdrawing mood. On this question of motor taxation the Fianna Fáil Party tried to make a mountain out of a very small molehill. The increase in taxation for the average motor car will amount to approximately £5.50 per annum. One would think, listening to members of the Opposition that everybody will have to put his car up on blocks and take to the roads to walk. There is not much sign yet of that and it is no wonder.

Let us look at the true picture as distinct from the farce we have had from the Opposition during the last four weeks. The annual depreciation of the average car is about £200. The annual cost of running, repairing and keeping a car on the road is approximately £300. Insurance, driving licence and motor tax before any changes were made this year, were in the region of £75. This means that the annual cost of operating even an average car is £575 to £600. The cruelly unjust tax which caused Deputy Dowling to shudder with indignation will cost the motorist £5.50 per annum.

The Minister will get an Oscar for this.

It amounts to less than 1 per cent and that is the increase we are asking the motorist to bear.

Driving licences have increased by 100 per cent.

The interesting thing is that that increase is far less than any of the annual increases in the cost of motoring which took place in any year when Fianna Fáil were in control. Another interesting thing is that unlike Fianna Fáil, who increased the tax on cars to provide themselves with cockeyed ideas such as the purchase of executive jets costing £1½ million and which we abolished instantly on taking office——

It is not the first time the Minister's Party slowed down.

We have given the increased revenue which we are collecting from motor vehicle taxation this year to the provision of roads. Deputy Dowling knows how badly roads are needed. He has to motor across mud patches to reach his house at the moment.

That is not true, there is a good road there.

That situation was going to exist because a penny had not been provided in the Fianna Fáil Estimate for this work and we found this when we went into office. Not a penny was provided to build a new road to Tallaght, Blanchardstown or Clondalkin, or for any road leading to these new cities and towns Which will have to cater for an extra one-quarter of a million people within the next five years. These people, apparently, were expected to take to the mule and the donkey. The people rejected the Fianna Fáil mule and donkey this year and they clearly indicated that they wanted a change.

All the money is being spent in Dublin. This is typical of Fine Gael.

We are going to provide the money and we are going to build the roads. All we are asking the motorists to pay is 1 per cent of an increase and they will be thanking us in a matter of months when they see these new roads. Nobody will be more grateful then than Deputy Dowling.

On the question of the removal of rates from dwellings we should bear in mind the alternatives. To some extent, in this regard, eaten bread has been forgotten. The benefits of from £20 to £50 which many householders earned as a result of the transfer of a substantial burden from the rates to the Exchequer has been forgotten. These people who have benefited have also forgotten that Fianna Fáil did not promise any rates relief this year. The miracle was not to occur until 1974. Apart from VAT being removed from food, children's allowances being available to families, and the other substantial increases in family incomes, the people are better off this year as a result of the change in Government of from £20 to £50 according to the rateable valuation and their location. This is as a result of what was done in this year's budget.

This is not the first time this was done. I recall that when we went into office in 1948 we performed a similar miracle and the more often we are returned to office the more miracles we will perform.

The miracle of the disappearing people.

That is the moral of the story. The Fianna Fáil Party have suggested that we were wrong to give across-the-board concessions on rates. What is not generally known, although Deputy Colley was at least partly aware of the problem when he promised to do nothing this year and he asked the people to live in hope until next year, is that the Valuation Office are three or four decades in arrears with their work. Many of the properties have not been revalued, much less looked at, for decades past. A great number of the valuations are now totally mixed so that one cannot distinguish between residential and business premises.

Some files have been rooted out. It is all coming out now.

Even next year Deputy Colley could not have performed his miracle because the Valuation Office are not in a position to work the promise that Fianna Fáil made, notwithstanding the efforts that we are making to provide them with staff and facilities. What we do know is that in their existing state of inadequate knowledge at least 54 to 55 per cent of the property is purely residential. As Deputy Staunton pointed out tonight, many of the people who would continue to be fleeced under the Fianna Fáil scheme would be the small shopkeeper, those hard pressed people who have been finding the going hard. They have been finding it next to impossible to make ends meet to compete in the highly competitive retail world of today. We have given the shopkeeper relief because we believe he needed it.

Under the Fianna Fáil scheme he could set it off against his income tax.

Deputy Briscoe thinks that the small shopkeeper is paying income tax today but he is not. The small shopkeeper is broke and he is putting up his shutters.

What about the big supermarkets and the office blocks?

The small shopkeeper is going out of business every day and the Deputy knows it. In relation to office blocks we have said very boldly, and I did not notice any Fianna Fáil Deputies say what I am sure they are saying to their Taca friends, that it was time in social justice for the employer to pay a larger share of the social insurance burden so that the workers if they are sick, unemployed or maimed during the course of their work, will receive greater benefits than they received in the past.

We considered that to be socially justifiable in our own circumstances. We did not have to look elsewhere to get authority but there is authority because the EEC operate this in the Community and they have said they will require all countries to move towards a common social welfare code. In relation to the increase in the social insurance stamp, next year the employer will pay 42p and the worker will pay 15p. That will take care of Deputy Crowley's friends in the office blocks.

What about the small shopkeeper?

The small shopkeeper cannot afford to employ an assistant; he and his wife work in the shop. I shall have to take Deputy Briscoe around his own constituency some time. All he knows about it is when he stands outside the supermarkets during general election campaigns. There are small shopkeepers who are finding it very hard to make ends meet. They will not be paying this burden because they are small family-run concerns.

We are also claiming back an extra 5 per cent on the stamp duty on office blocks. As a result of taking back that money from the wealthy capitalists who can afford to build office blocks—most of the office blocks in the city are occupied by civil servants who were put there by Fianna Fáil—we were able to give massive relief in stamp duty for small house purchasers. No longer will there be stamp duty on mortgages less than £10,000 and stamp duty on houses of less than £10,000 is being reduced substantially. Some Deputy opposite said we were not to be thanked for the relief given in stamp duty. Does he not know that the whole science of competent, progressive government is to transfer the burden from those who cannot afford to bear it to those who can? That is what we have done and we make no apology for it. We will do it next year and we will get the support of the people.

Having regard to the way Fianna Fáil's conscience is being pricked by the presence of so many wealthy office block owners in our community, I should like to state they will keep only half the benefit they will get by way of rates relief. As Deputies Briscoe and Colley pointed out, they are entitled to set off rates paid against profits before income tax assessment but now the Revenue will get half the money straightaway. It is only half the so-called loss to these people, but they will more than lose it in the additional stamp duty and the increased social welfare contributions. I know these mathematics are far above the heads of Fianna Fáil Deputies, but I can tell them they are not above the heads of the office block owners who are beginning to complain. They are beginning to whinge into Fianna Fáil's pockets and, no doubt, their tears are associated with the traditional subscriptions they give to Fianna Fáil Party funds.

With regard to the removal of VAT from food, I have pointed out that no one in Fianna Fáil was gracious enough to acknowledge that this was beneficial. Deputy Haughey called it a mistake and Deputy Scán Flanagan, under pressure, said if he had his way he would restore it. The people will know that if Fianna Fáil get back into office at any time in the future they will impose tax on foodstuffs. We will not do it but they will and it is nice to get that out of the way.

What about footwear and fuel?

The Deputy may not have been here when I pointed out that the leader of the Opposition said we should try to have uniformity in VAT between the North and the South.

I would ask the Minister to quote him.

Deputy Lynch wants to have a common tax between the North and the South and we are doing that. Food is not subject to VAT in the North and it will not be subject to this tax here as from September next. Deputy Lynch has stated that he wants a common rate across the country. At column 1420 of the Official Report dated 17th May, Deputy Lynch stated:

If the Minister wanted a change now he could have achieved coordination by imposing——

He said: "if he wanted a change now".

The leader of the Opposition said:

——the same rates as in Northern Ireland—10 per cent on all but a few luxury items——

(Interruptions.)

Will the Deputies opposite please listen to the quotation?

Deputy Lynch said:

——but unfortunately no such foresight appears to have entered his calculations.

I can tell him categorically that this Government will never impose a tax of 10 per cent on clothing, on footwear and on other commodities.

There is a 28 per cent increase on them.

(Interruptions.)

The Deputies opposite are annoyed when they do not get the quotation but they are ten times more annoyed when they get it.

The Government have put on an increase of 28 per cent and 36 per cent.

Fianna Fáil Deputies between now and next year's budget, or before the next general election, should try to get together and work out a common approach to the economic, social and financial problems of the country. I would ask them to do that primarily for the sake of Ireland, but if they ever want to have the reputation of being a credible party again they would want to do it and work hard at it. For the last month they have been totally and completely in conflict: first, they do not agree with one another and, secondly, they do not know what they have said. Even Deputy Dowling forgot what he said and apparently he has not even read what he is reported to have said.

Has the Minister decided what items will be zero-rated?

This will shortly be published by the Revenue Commissioners in a notice in the newspapers. We have had representations from the trade who have said there would be serious difficulties in marking down prices if the date for removal of VAT were to remain Saturday, 1st September. I think even Deputy Briscoe is sufficiently familiar with the retail trade to know that Friday night is very busy and most shops remain open. Equally, Saturday is a very busy day. The trade has requested, and the Housewives' Association and consumers' associations have supported the request, that the operative date should be Monday, 3rd September, so that the weekend can be used to mark down prices.

We consider it to be in the interests of everyone that when the great day arrives, when after a decade of imposition of tax on food it is removed, people should be able to see the reduction. We consider it in the interests of the consumer that the change should take effect as from Monday, 3rd September. That will be the day people will rejoice that a Government were put into office who had sufficient social conscience and understanding of family problems that food was regarded as a necessity and was relieved from tax. In the past it took enlightenment to remove tax from windows to let the light in, now we are removing tax from food so that the light will enter into our social and economic considerations.

We are going to reduce marginally VAT on buildings. In the course of this debate allegations were made that building costs would be increased because of VAT charges. That is not so. I am not going to make any great point on this because it is only a difference of .01 but because of technical calculations it will result in a reduction in building costs.

I think I have covered substantially the principal objections that have been voiced about the budget. If I were to deal with the Opposition criticisms— only from the Opposition—about the non-increase of Deputies' allowances, I would be here until 1st July.

Is Deputy Barry Desmond in the Opposition?

Did the Minister for Finance not hear Deputy Barry Desmond?

It is significant that seven Fianna Fáil Deputies were whinging that they did not get their increases before the old age pensioners, the blind, the widowed, the orphaned and the maimed who will have to wait until 1st July. We have chosen 1st July so that we shall all move forward together——

The Minister should be ashamed of himself.

If those Deputies who are so angry feel they were done out of their money let them go to Deputy Colley, who had the decision and the power to implement it for the years when he was Minister for Finance, and he did nothing. We are moving forward together and we make no apology for the fact that we ourselves are waiting, as we have asked other people to wait, until 1st July, when the destitute people in our society get the small benefits that they have long been entitled to.

The Minister should be ashamed——

We have listened to needling, carping criticism of this budget. I have already suggested to Fianna Fáil that they would look much more convincing if they got together during the summer recess to try to work out some kind of uniform approach to the economic and social problems of this country. We had thundering indignation from them all about the inadequacy of tax allowances for which they are primarily responsible after 16 years in office; the inadequacy of social welfare benefits, a legacy of their 16 years in office; we had complaints about the trends of inflation, methods to attempt to solve inflation, Which Deputy Colley acknowledged tonight are in the pipeline, and he realises it takes some time to stop them.

He never used the word.

We had thundering indignation too about the extent of unemployment. We have taken quite substantial and dramatic steps in this budget to change the unsatisfactory trend in our economy. We are moving forward very carefully in the right direction. The level of general prosperity of our people will rise in the next year. That is why I conclude with the claim I made on the day of the introduction of the budget: that there is nobody in this country who will fail to benefit from this budget. All will be lifted on this rising tide and, that being so, people will not have any further problems as long as they support a Government which are committed to social reform and economic progress. We will get that, not by producing rabbits out of hats such as were produced by Deputy Colley and others six days before the last general election. This can be done only by real hard work. It may be undramatic, and I have heard this budget called undramatic. I do not mind that I have had the privilege of being so undramatic as to produce in this House the most dramatic social welfare budget in the history of this State. We have done it, notwithstanding the fact that we were deprived of the money the EEC intended us to have for this purpose.

That being so, having performed a miracle without the money, you can imagine the miracles that are ahead of us when the money is produced.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I am putting the question——

At this stage I am entitled to put some questions to the Minister in relation to what occurred in the debate.

I will allow the Deputy to put a specific question.

The Minister will recall that in a supplementary question the other day I asked for the basis of the calculation of the effect on the cost of living of the budget and the Minister promised to give it in this debate. I do not think he has given the details, but could I ask him one point in relation to the number of points in the cost of living index and another on the percentage basis— could he give us the calculation on the basis of points on the cost of living index of the effect of the budget.

I do not want to be discourteous to the Deputy, but he has a question down for tomorrow which I will be answering. We are running up against a time difficulty.

My question has been ruled out of order on the grounds that the Minister would answer it in his reply to the Budget debate.

I was not aware of that. The question came to me and I drafted a detailed reply. I gave the Deputy the information in the course of my reply. The net effect of VAT and tax changes in the budget is about half of one per cent.

Could the Minister give it in terms of points on the index?

I shall have to put the question at this stage.

There are one or two other points I wish to put to the Minister.

I am obliged to conform to the strict time schedule.

I do not want to be contentious, but when I was in Deputy Ryan's position and when my predecessors were in it, at this stage of the debate regularly there were questions put.

I must advise the House that the Chair is complying with an order of the House made yesterday in respect of dealing with the business, and I am obliged, in conformity with that order, to put the question now.

Question put.
The Committee divided : Tá, 65; Níl, 61.

Tá.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlon, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom. (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Thornley, David.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Ahern, Liam.
  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gibbons, James,
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley Flor.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom. (Dublin Central)
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers : Tá, Deputies Kelly and Desmond; Níl, Deputies Andrews and Browne.
Question declared carried.
Financial Resolutions Nos. 1 to 10 reported and agreed to.
Barr
Roinn