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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 30 Oct 1974

Vol. 275 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Free Legal Aid: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann calls on the Government to introduce a comprehensive scheme of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters.

I recommend this motion to the House with as much sincerity as I can command. In putting down this motion calling on the Government to introduce a comprehensive scheme of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters I would be hoping, to some extent, to be pushing an open door. I believe that there exists to-day a favourable climate in this regard because various statements which have emanated from Government sources would indicate that the Government are favourably disposed towards something along the lines I am advocating. In particular, I should like to recommend this motion to the Minister for Justice as something he might undertake with enthusiasm because I believe it provides him with an opportunity of making a valuable contribution, as Minister for Justice, towards the improvement of the general situation for which he has responsibility. If I were he I should certainly be very anxious to go down in parliamentary history as the Minister who introduced a comprehensive and enlightened scheme along the lines envisaged in this motion.

Despite the terms of the motion, which would seem to indicate that it is primarily a legal matter with which we are concerned, in fact this concept of mine is much more concerned with the social side of things rather than the purely legal side. It relates to the situation of the individual in society and I propose it to the Minister as something in the nature of an improvement in our social welfare rather than a mere academic rounding off or perfecting of our legal structures. In proposing a comprehensive scheme of free legal aid we should be concerned with helping the individual and the family in society to cope with the problems of the modern, complex, complicated society in which we live. In order to consider the motion fully and fairly I would like Deputies to ponder on the legal problems with which the individual and the family have to contend in their everyday lives. In our discussion of this motion I should like Members to try to get away from any idea that we are here concerned with legal battles or dramatic procedures in courts or that this relates to isolated incidents in the life of the individual and the family.

I want to get across to the House that we are in this area concerned very much with the everyday affairs of ordinary everyday men and women and, in deciding on the motion, that is the context in which we should come to a decision. In so far as financial obligations are involved, I would hope that Members would consider the motion in the light of the expenditure involved as an expenditure designed to improve the social environment of ordinary men and women in their everyday lives rather than something that is strictly a matter for lawyers in court.

I do not think I need emphasise to Deputies what is involved because I believe every Deputy is fully aware of the distress, hardship and unhappiness that can arise from legal problems in the life of the individual and the family. I want to try to keep in the forefront of our minds in this discussion the fact that we are here dealing with human problems, human distress and human unhappiness and, indeed, in many cases human hardship and, just as our social policies are designed to improve the living standards of ordinary men and women and to make life more bearable for them and improve the quality of their lives, so must our legal system and our policy in regard to that system be so designed.

Since I put down this motion some time ago there have been a number of developments which have an important bearing on this whole matter. The most important of these was undoubtedly the publication of a report by the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure; it is, I think, the 19th report dealing with desertion and maintenance. There have also been reports issued by the free legal advice centres, and a report by the Free Legal Advisory Bureau in Cork. These reports have aroused a considerable amount of public interest and have given rise to a considerable amount of discussion on the situation which they have outlined for us. The Minister is fully aware of the existence of the AIM group. They have done a great deal of work and said quite an amount about the situation which exists in the area with which my motion is concerned.

We have, of course, already a system of free legal aid in criminal cases. I hope the House will bear with me if I remind them that it was I who introduced this scheme many years ago when I was Minister for Justice. The reason I mention that is that I want to emphasise that, when that scheme was introduced, it was introduced very much on an experimental basis. It was brought in at that time very much as a start. It was never intended that it would be the last word.

I have a very clear recollection of the inauguration of that scheme. In the financial circumstances of that time, it was very difficult to get it through the administrative machine, to get it through the Government and, in particular, to get it through the Minister for Finance and the Department of Finance of that day. There was a fairly understandable worry on the part of the Department of Finance and the Minister and, indeed, others about the financial implications of the introduction of that scheme. As a result, it was hedged around with all sorts of limitations and qualifications, all of which were designed to ensure that it would not become a very serious financial burden and that it would not become, as many new schemes of that sort become, a major drain on the Exchequer. It was introduced very timorously and tentatively.

I must confess to very considerable disappointment that it is still in the rather embryonic state in which it was introduced, with all those limitations and qualifications which were built into it at the beginning as a precaution, because it was being brought in very much on a trial and error basis. Whatever else it has become as a scheme, it certainly has not become a major financial problem for the Department of Justice or the Department of Finance. I am subject to correction here but I think the money allocated for it is still in the region of £40,000 or £50,000 and that even this meagre sum—meagre in Exchequer terms—is not fully availed of in every year.

I want to underline to the House that, in considering this matter, we must have regard to the scheme which exists and we must not for one moment assume that it is a satisfactory scheme. In fact, quite the reverse. I do not think that as a scheme it is working very well. The fees payable under it are much too low and do not succeed in attracting into the scheme everyone at the Bar. I do not wish to criticise those members of the legal profession who participate in the scheme but the Irish Bar is a very competitive place and, by and large, at the Bar the client pays for what he gets. If you want first rank people the fees are payable accordingly.

I should like to see an examination made of this scheme and its operation, to see it updated and to see it extended in its scope and particularly in regard to the fees payable, so that it would succeed in attracting into its machinery every barrister at the Irish Bar and that we would not have the situation which obtains at present whereby the fees payable make it quite unattractive for some members of the Bar to participate in it at all. There will be members of the Bar who will take part in it no matter what the level of the fees is but, if we want it to be a fully effective scheme which will ensure that nobody will be denied top legal advice and top legal service, we must bring the fees up to a realistic level.

At present there is also a system— and again I want to claim that I sanctioned this when I was Minister for Finance—whereby in the Supreme Court and the higher courts the cost of habeas corpus applications is borne by the State. My understanding is that that scheme is closely supervised by the courts and that it works quite well and quite satisfactorily. These are two schemes which are in operation at the moment. In considering the introduction of a more comprehensive scheme we must, of course, have regard to these two existing schemes and fit them in to a new overall comprehensive system.

All the reports to which I have referred underline very clearly the need for giving assistance to the ordinary citizen in the legal sphere. A high proportion of members of the community regard the law as something with which they cannot cope and they are very reluctant, and, indeed, afraid, to have any recourse to it.

I should like to read for the House some excerpts from these reports. The Nineteenth Interim Report of the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure, dealing with Desertion and Maintenance, at paragraph 43, states:

We are satisfied that there is a real need for a radical change in the legal provisions relating to the provision of maintenance for deserted spouses and families. We are also of opinion that failure to maintain, instead of desertion, should be the basis of the new jurisdiction.

That report goes on to state, under the heading, Legal Aid Provisions:

The number of cases of desertion in the Dublin Metropolitan Area is sufficient to justify the whole-time attention of an official solicitor. It is recommended that such solicitor be attached to the Office of the General Solicitor for Minors and Wards of Court, Public Record Office, Dublin, and devote all his time to preparing and pursuing only default cases in both the District Court and the High Court. His services should be made available to all litigants qualifying under a free legal aid scheme and all social welfare and social services advice centres should refer such cases to him in the first instance.

In all area outside the Dublin Metropolitan Area, a similar service should be provided by the local State solicitor.

I am certain that the Minister, and the House, would accept that report of the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure and accept that in that area, apart from any others, there is a very definite and real need for the appointment which the committee recommends.

The report of the Free Legal Advice Centres, at page 23, states:

In coming to our conclusions on desirable changes in substantive law we have utilised our experiences in FLAK where we have seen the tragedy of the parent inimical to the family unit, the tragedy of the young spouse left to support a young family in a situation of complete loneliness and without ever the hope of a new marriage. We feel two major reforms in the substantative law are necessary, (1) the introduction of a simplified and inexpensive separation action with legal aid available to those in need of it.

The report of the Free Legal Advisory Bureau of Cork, in a summary of its proposals recommends:

(1) The existing criminal legal aid system should be revised and extended to ensure representation for all those in need of it.

(2) A comprehensive legal aid system for civil matters should be introduced.

(3) The legal aid system for both civil and criminal cases should extend to legal advice on non-litigious matters.

(4) To ensure that the schemes keep abreast with current demands, a body should be set up which would review the working and effectiveness of the scheme.

In the case of all those who have studied this matter, and have reported on it, there is unanimous agreement that free legal aid is necessary and essential. The House will agree with me if I divert for a moment to pay tribute to young lawyers who gave their time free to operate those advice centres and the advisory bureau in Cork. They have done a great public service in the assistance they have given to people in need of assistance but, more important, in the fact that they have directed public attention to this area and to what is needed in it.

These reports make it clear, and there is fairly unanimous agreement, that a large area in which free legal aid is needed is in the matrimonial and domestic areas. In my view it is quite clear that there is a very real social problem existing in this regard and that whatever solution we are bringing forward, whatever proposals emerge, an integral part of any attack on the unhappiness, distress and hardship which desertion and maintenance involve legal advice and legal aid free to those who need it is essential.

The matrimonial and domestic problems have been fairly well highlighted in recent years and I do not think there will be any great argument about the fact that they do cause this widespread distress, worry, unhappiness and, indeed, hardship, but there are other areas to which public attention is not being focussed so much. These areas are also a source of very widespread distress. I refer, firstly, to commercial arrangements of a minor domestic nature. These, so far as the legal system is concerned, would be very minor and trivial but to the individual or family concerned they can be of fundamental importance. I am talking about hire purchase transactions, rent cases, matters concerning tenancies, contracts for building and for repairs, and money lending. I do not wish to open up again that great area of controversy which we had in this House some years ago but there is no doubt that illegal money lending exists throughout the community and it does give rise to problems.

In these areas, which I have called minor domestic areas for the want of a better description, the individual does not feel that there is anything he can do about them. He feels wronged and unfairly treated but he does not know anything about the law or how to go about seeking redress. More often than not he gives way to despair and frustration and if he does not he will frequently approach his local public representative, his Dáil Deputy or county councillor. That public representative will find himself in a dilemma because he cannot purport to give legal advice and there is no instituation or organisation to which he can refer the constituent. In this area there is quite an active social problem. What is needed is advice because very often litigation is not necessary. All the particular individual needs is advice as to whether or not he has any rights of redress or whether there is anything he can do under the law and, if so, what course of action he should take.

There is another area, the area of probate. Again, this is something which has widespread implications throughout the community. Frequently there is need for the individual citizen to find out what his rights are, how he can establish them, what he should do in his own best interest and so on. There is a system whereby the Probate Office, in the case of certain estates, provides free service to the individual, but I do not think that is known widely enough. That is also an area which should be considered in the establishment of a comprehensive free legal aid system.

In mentioning these matters I come to the central point I want to make on this motion, that is, that the main argument against the introduction of a comprehensive scheme of free legal aid is that we could not afford it, that it would be enormously expensive. I would like to see the emphasis in any such scheme on advice rather than on assistance or the supply of professional services in court. I would like to see a scheme operating to the greatest possible extent outside of the courts. I would regard as the most important part of a comprehensive free legal aid scheme the establishment of advice centres, places to which a citizen could go to find out what the situation is as far as he is concerned, to give him advice as to whether he has any rights, whether he has any case, whether there is any action he can or should take. I would regard the court end of things as of minimal importance. If we had a proper scheme in operation based on advice centres, then the number of court actions that would be involved would be quite small.

If the introduction of such a scheme is approached in the right way, then the financial implications need not be all that terrifying. I would visualise, for instance, in Dublin city six such centres, three on the north side and three on the south side. I just mentioned six for Dublin to give an idea of what I think would be involved, and then that projection of six being needed for Dublin could be extended proportionately throughout the country. If you had such centres in operation, together with the free service, up to a certain limit, in the Probate Office, together with the special solicitor attached to the general solicitor's office, as recommended by the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure, and the existing system of free legal aid in criminal cases suitably amended and extended, then you would have the structure of a satisfactory system.

I understand there is a committee in existence under Judge Pringle which is examining this matter. I would not at all attempt to be critical of that committee, but it took a long time to get the committee established, first of all, and I do not see any results emanating from it. It is time to get some action in this field. It is not good enough to be putting matters on the long finger. There is plenty of good intention around. There is a fair appreciation of what needs to be done. The Minister should give the Pringle Committee a time limit within which to report, and even pending its final report there are things that can be done straight away to come to grips with the problem.

There is in Britain a system based on local regional committees to which the applicant goes, which looks into his financial affairs and decides whether or not he is entitled to free legal aid in civil matters. Many people on this side of the Irish Sea are inclined to judge this matter by the experience in Britain and to say that the system is enormously expensive and that we could not possibly contemplate the introduction of anything of the same sort here. I do not think we need contemplate introducing anything of the same sort. We can devise our own scheme, which would be comprehensive and would meet all the social needs without being as expensive as the British system, particularly if emphasis in our system is on advice.

I would mention also in that regard that I understand that one of the contributing factors to the enormous cost of the system in Britain is the number of divorce actions. While matrimonial matters and maintenance and desertion would, I hope, be adequately catered for under our scheme, we would not have the enormous expense which is generated in Britain by divorce cases.

As I said at the outset, I am not putting anything to the Minister to which he is completely averse, but what I want to do is to urge him to get some action. This Government are rather prone to expressing good intentions and to making announcements as to what they are going to do. I want to suggest to the Minister that this is an area where we should get on with it immediately and stop nibbling at the edges of the problem.

Comprehensive free legal aid in criminal and civil cases is not a luxury. I should like to get that across. It is as necessary to the welfare of a lot of people as social welfare, medical cards, or any of these things are. In the case of many people, if we want to get rid of distress, unhappiness and hardship, we must have as soon as possible an effective comprehensive scheme somewhere along the lines I have been speaking about.

I welcome the motion. It involves a very large problem and it is not one that can be dealt with easily. We have a fundamental principle in Article 40 of the Constitution which begins:

All citizens shall, as human persons, be held equal before the law.

As a person who has been practising as a lawyer inside and outside of court, I could possibly say, and give rise to a lot of argument, that that Article has been observed more in its breach than in its observance. It is a fact that were it not for the free and voluntary work done by members of the solicitors' profession and members of the Bar, that statement in the Constitution could be regarded almost as fraudulent.

Every day in a solicitor's office people walk in and have advice. When people walk in for advice to a solicitor's office the solicitor does not say: "Show us the colour of your money". He takes a person as he comes, listens to his story and his queries and probably gives what I would call ongoing or carrying advice. But a large part of the average solicitor's worry is: "Where do we start, where do we finish. What is the price that will have to be paid if you, Mr. X, my client, go to litigation?"

What I am trying to describe is the sanction of costs that are visited on a would-be litigant if he fails in his action. The figure for costs in the smallest High Court action is something that runs into four figures, plus, these days. Deputy Haughey was quite right when he said one must look at the familial-sociological point of view.

However, I should like to enter a caveat, or maybe a few caveats at this stage. First of all, it is not sufficient to advocate a comprehensive legal aid system. Frankly, I do not think it would be on in Irish circumstances. The bill would be far too large. But I go along with Deputy Haughey when he says there can be advice at a certain level. That is necessary and I think it is a social requirement. However, before the advice is given one has to face up to it and say there must be a means test of some sort. I understand that is the way the English system works.

If one is to provide a legal aid system at the familial-sociological level, it is not sufficient to say you will stop at advice, particularly in cases involving family trauma in the matter of child custody. Very often we come across a case of one parent stealing a child and possibly removing it out of jurisdication. There must be some system to meet such an emergency situation. I do not think it is practicable to provide free legal aid in every case that comes in, but frequently it can be a matter of an hour or two, just that time, to protect a child's or a parent's rights. In such circumstances the Minister for Finance and the Revenue Commissioners must be implicated—there must be no charge for stamp duties or court fees. If a document has to be produced, filed and brought before a judge it should be free, without any embargo or load of State taxes.

Perhaps I sound a bit bitty in the way I have gone about this but there are so many things that impinge on one's mind as a lawyer when one talks about free legal aid that it is very difficult to get the matter in order in a simple way. We must face up to the fact that it is basically a question of cost The real problem is how to get over this problem and to provide some basic legal service both in the criminal and civil codes.

Deputy Haughey said he would like Deputies to ponder on the legal problems people have to deal with in their everyday lives. I consider that to be a disastrous statement to make with me listening to him because it got my mind very confused—so many problems came into my mind straightaway when he suggested that way of thinking. Deputy Haughey is fortunate that he has not been a practising lawyer. When I started to follow his train of thought—having been trained as a lawyer I must confess I have a slightly negative approach because the lawyer sees all the difficulties before he sees the pluses—it brought me back to my original thesis, namely, the sanction of costs, where are you likely to put your client when the day is over, when the whole story is unfolded, when the case has gone to the trial and possibly an appeal and maybe a retrial.

I must frankly admit as a practising lawyer that on many occasions, far too many for me to have a comfortable mind about, cases have had to be settled because of the individual economic pressures that arose out of the legal proceedings and court action. I am quite certain that when the Minister comes to close the debate he will bear me out on that. We all know that when a workman is injured at work the average solicitor and barrister accept the case on the basis of "no foal, no fee". If they did not do so there would be no means whereby the injured workman could get his case into court because people in that walk of life must by necessity live fairly near the breadline in the sense that they do not have the reserves of the better-off members of society. This means that these people rely on the legal profession. It has to be freely conceded, although I am a member of one branch of the profession, that to date the legal profession have provided that service. Deputy Haughey made a good point when he said that a portion of the free criminal legal aid fund has never been taken up. It has never come to my knowledge or that of any other lawyer that I know of that a man has been refused, because of finance, in a criminal trial. This goes to show that there is a long-standing tradition, both in the solicitors' profession and the Irish Bar, that no man will be without somebody to speak for him if he is on trial.

We do not clap ourselves on the back because we do that. We regard it as part of our code of conduct and I suppose we take a little bit of pride in the fact that we supply that service. There might be a misconception as a result of what Deputy Haughey said about competitiveness at the Irish Bar. He went on to say that he would like to see every member of the Bar listed in the legal aid panel. That might give rise to unfair criticism and a misconception of where the Bar stands in the matter of legal aid. If one takes a complete cross-section of the Irish Bar one will find that there are many practitioners who hardly ever handle criminal briefs. There is a certain specialised atmosphere in criminal work just as there are many barristers who would never dream of vetting or drafting a deed of conveyance. I suppose, outside those two categories and that of taxation law, there are very few other specialities that can be allowed for in the Irish Bar. This is due to economics and the circumstances of our population. We have not got the population to justify specialisation to any great extent.

I know that free legal aid is under consideration in the Department of Justice as well as many other matters particularly in relation to family law. I ask Deputies and the public who are interested in this subject to bear in mind that we have a rather difficult legal system. We are based fundamentally on the common law, which is an inductive process, as against the continental system, which is a deductive process. Anybody who has read the statements of lawyers will see there is a completely different approach to legal problems. There is a different thought discipline. One could describe our legal system as one that has been built up from particular cases that ultimately made the code, such as it is. That includes both common law, case law, the old Chancery principles and then the modern invention, the statute. On the continent you started with a code and you worked from there. Admittedly, we have had codification of things like the Sale of Goods Act, conveyancing statutes and such matters but, basically, there is a great difference. Therefore, it is not very easy to pick up all the bits and pieces of legal principles and try to impose a free legal aid system in criminal and civil law so far as a comprehensive service is concerned.

I am in agreement with Deputy Haughey in regard to the principles he is trying to get across here but I can see terrible difficulties. Therefore, when he says that the Minister should give the Pringle Committee a time limit I do not think that is on because great harm might result from any step in that direction.

We know the answers to the problem and it is a matter of rubber stamping. I do not mean that with any disrespect. The time for talking has more or less come to an end and it is action we want.

There has been a great deal of modern thinking on what I would call the social welfare application of government and this has brought in a rather new dimension. It is a question of how far you can go, how far you can take a slice of the national cake to provide your system. Deputy Haughey put this up as being part of the social welfare code. I do not think we should be impatient on a thing like this.

Let us take one of the cases he mentioned. We only have hire purchase for a few years. If you asked the average barrister seven or eight years ago about hire purchase he would have told you to go and see So and So that he did not want to get stuck in that kind of case. Only about six barristers had a clue about the hire purchase code because it was a new and difficult type of law which had very serious sociological implications. Many of us had to represent the public without knowing a lot about it. We had to fight their cases and give them an opportunity of being heard in a court of law. Many of us had no hope in those circumstances of getting a penny out of the cases. We went on the basis of "no foal no fee". This is quite a common thing in what I call the running down actions. The difficulty arises in property actions. They are very expensive and they can take up a great deal of the time of the lawyer involved. Compared to the position at the begining of the century, the present number of property actions as a proportion of the total represents a complete reversal of the legal position.

Deputy Haughey referred to paragraph 43 of the 19th interim report and he mentioned that it advocated that failure to maintain rather than desertion should be the test in family cases. That is not really a matter that is concerned with free legal aid. It would mean a fundamental legal reform, a complete change of the law as it now stands. Deputy Andrews will probably take the line that we are holding back a little, that we could get a move on, that we know all the answers.

I do not think I said that. We know basically what many of the answers are.

Probably Deputy Andrews has read some of the reports about the family home cases in England and the difficulties which have arisen over certain specific performance actions and building society mortgagee cases. This has given rise to such difficulties in England that I am sure there are a couple of dozen cases already. This does not really resolve the problem. England is much more familiar with this type of difficulty due to the fact that they have had divorce laws for some time; they are more seasoned possibly in family dispute problems than we are. It is just an instance of where possibly more advanced thinking in these fields have run into serious problems. I am thinking of the "Nat-West" case or the Provincial Bank case, which dealt with the family home, and the cases that followed from it.

I hope I have made quite clear why the legal aid system does not attract all members of the Bar. We are human beings and I am quite certain that possibly some members of the Bar would feel that too much of their time would be taken up with legal aid rather than in doing more lucrative work. That is probably what Deputy Haughey was getting at, but that is natural enough. If a man is in a good lucrative commercial practice he does not want to put his name on a legal aid panel and find himself working for far smaller fees defending cases when he has the knowhow and ability and the name to do well-paid commercial cases. I should like a rethinking, possibly, on the matter. I think I was a member of some committee that was considering before I came into the House the amount of the fees in legal aid. A very clear distinction should be made when reviewing this matter between the case that is tried down the country and the case tried here in Dublin. Most barristers by virtue of their profession have to live in Dublin attached to the Law Library. It is where they work, their office, other than their home and, to travel to somewhere like Clonmel, some 105 miles, means there is a hotel bill to be paid. A man defending a case in those circumstances should get more than a man who has to go to Green Street or Chancery Place, when all he needs is a few pence for the bus and he does not have to pay a hotel bill and he can work from his home. This is a matter, possibly, for further thought. I know that the Bar Council have already been somewhat active on the matter.

If I could bring Deputy Haughey back to the time when he was Minister for Justice, I had a rather traumatic experience. I do not think it would have been his fault but it did give rise to difficulty. He mentioned that he introduced legal aid in criminal matters as a start. I think he was also Minister at the time when our new superior court rules were introduced.

I also established the Irish court rules.

That is right.

The more I look back the more I am astonished at the amount I really did.

I was about to suggest that rather than look to his past the Deputy should look to his future.

This is a rather interesting thing and it is a warning to Deputy Andrews not to rush things too quickly in legal matters.

I do not want to rush things.

Deputy Esmonde has only five minutes more and Deputies should not interrupt when time is limited.

Do I get extra time?

No. The Deputy has five minutes.

Prior to the enactment of the new court and new superior court rules we had the 1905 Superior Court Rules and those rules provided for a form of litigation for somebody who had no money and was known as suing in forma pauperis, two simple little words. But they were forgotten when the new superior court rules came in and no forma pauperis was allowed for. Therefore, the very poor person, the pensioner, was denied the right to sue in forma pauperis, or the injured workman with a large family and no money saved. In fact there is a little record in the Supreme Court on this matter. When I drew it to the attention of the ex-Chief Justice Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh we found we then had to consider, possibly, a constitutional action to allow a person without money to issue a plenary summons to gain access to the High Court to claim damages against an allegedly negligent employer. That was an instance or forgetting small details.

If anybody wants to sue now he must do so on the basis of a declaration under the Constitution before he can proceed. These little things can give rise to much difficulty. There is also a little trouble concerning one of these Acts in regard to revisionary leases which has given rise to a considerable amount of litigation. It may have put money in lawyers' pockets but it has caused a lot of frustration to the public. Basically, we are a rather litigious nation and I should like any scheme of legal aid to be considered in the light of there being no abuse of the right to free access, fees paid and free litigation.

I come back to my original thesis that all citizens shall as human persons be held equal before the law. That is stated in Article 41 of the Constitution. In the desire of many Deputies to introduce free legal aid there might be a case of putting the cart before the horse. What is really wanted at present—because the legal profession are providing free legal aid—is a curtailment of much of the fuddy-duddy procedure associated with every court. Give it simplicity. For example, a minor child comes into property which has to be sold. It requires four or five documents to be filed in the Circuit Court even if it involves only £50. Is it not time that end of legal procedure was dealt with before we can implement a healthy legal aid system?

One of the most important functions of Deputy Haughey's motion is that it will give the very serious content of that motion an airing and will also flush out the Minister for Justice. I do not mean that in any derogatory or derisory sense. It will afford him an opportunity to inform the House how far he has gone in quite a number of promises he made in the recent past in the context of the whole area of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters. As the Minister knows, there are a great number of voluntary organisations which give free legal aid. I mention organisations like FLAC, AIM and CARE. The Minister and I were at a very interesting seminar over the weekend, which he attended in the morning and I in the afternoon. This was the Cherish organisation. These are very worthy organisations which I believe require other things in addition to legal aid on civil matters. The FLAC group particularly, have been giving free legal advice over the years and they have not received that much assistance from the Government of the day. It worries me that nothing is being done in relation to the provision of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters.

I have a Parliamentary Question down to the Minister asking him:

The number of occasions on which the Committee on Legal Aid and Advice on Civil Matters has met; when it is intended that the committee will report finally to the Minister; and the names of the persons appointed to the committee.

I would hope this is not another Government committee set up to stall the implementation of this very badly needed service and the provision of the matters called for in Deputy Haughey's motion. I do not agree with Deputy Esmonde when he says that the Minister should not put a time limit on the committee. In the main, such a committee is serviced by the Administration of the day. The people on the committee are very worthy indeed, although the problem at present is that the Government seem to be making it some type of refuge for party political followers. I do not think that is a particularly good thing. I believe that when a committee sits it should be asked to report on an interim basis, in the first instance, and then, having done so, should come up with a final report. There should be a time limit placed on those two reports; in other words, that one would have an interim report within, say, six months and a final one within, say, six months to one-and-a-half years. That is not beyond the bounds of possibility. I accept that most or many of the people on these committees are well meaning; generally they are doing it on a voluntary and, most certainly, on a patriotic basis. I do not want to underrate the contributions made by these people to these committees and commissions over the years, but it is well-known that a number of them sat for years and came up with conclusions so out-of-date that they were meaningless. That is another reason why I believe the Committee on Legal Aid and Advice on Civil Matters—with great respect to its learned chairman, Judge Pringle—should be asked to consider the possibility, at any rate, of a time limit on its deliberations.

We have been talking now for a number of years about the possibility of introducing a free legal aid scheme in civil and criminal matters. There is what I would describe as a rather derisory criminal legal aid scheme in operation at present. There was an interesting article in The Irish Independent some months ago entitled, I think, “The Scales of Justice”. If, as Deputy Esmonde says, we are all equal before the law, not only are litigants equal before the law and entitled to representations, to legal advice as citizens, but those who offer the advice, who act on behalf of the litigants are equally entitled to protection. I have had personal experience of the situation as it obtains at present. I am not complaining because I have personal experience—one goes into a position or a profession and deals with situations as they arise and one does not complain about them—but, take, for instance, a murder case where a prosecuting counsel, as I understand it—and I am subject to correction—receives fees three times in excess of those given to the defending counsel and solicitor. This is an absolute disgrace. Surely it should be the other way round as it used be. Having gone to Mountjoy Jail on six or seven occasions to see one's clients who are up on a murder charge, having consulted with them, done all the preparatory paper work and having engaged in court work for two days on their behalf, one is given a cheque for somewhere in the region of £27 to £30. I know the general public will say: they are damn well paid for two days work at £27. That is not the point. My point is that prosecuting counsel receive fees two-and-a-half or three times more than that, if I am correct. I did not have the doubtful pleasure of representing the State in criminal matters on any occasion so I do not know what the fees received were or whether they had been changed since I returned to the Bar.

That will be rectified.

That will be changed.

The Minister will have to help me in this matter. It is a fair point and I am sure the Minister will recognise that there is a tremendous disparity between defending and prosecuting counsel and solicitors' fees.

On a point of correction, the fee for a murder trial could not possibly have been £27 because it is £42 and a 19 guinea refresher, apart from consultations.

I am very pleased to hear that.

That was a very reckless statement for Deputy Andrews to make.

It was not a reckless statement at all; it was from my own experience and I assumed that the fee one received was the final one. I assume now the position will be that there will be another small amount of money forthcoming to make up the balance between the £27 and the £42.

If the Deputy would like to write me details of the case involved, I shall have it investigated, if it was a murder case.

I certainly shall. I will be very pleased indeed to do that. I did not want to engage in special pleading, quite the contrary, but I gave it as an ascertainable example, which makes it even worse. There may be other fees forthcoming in the instance of which I am speaking, in which case, the matter would end there. But the Minister has admitted that the difference between prosecuting fees and free legal aid fees paid to legal advisers is derisory. That is a very important admission. It is a welcome and a fair and honest admission on the part of the Minister.

The question of legal aid in civil matters is one that is of much concern to us. Again, I must refer to the Minister's record in respect of the whole question of reform legislation promised by him since his appointment. I would remind the House of the number of occasions on which the Minister stated that he would be bringing legislation of one kind or another before the House but we are still waiting for that legislation. Therefore, it can be seen that the Minister's actions do not measure up to his words. We all hope that during the course of this session we shall have concrete reform legislation in the many areas in which we have been calling for it and some of which he has promised us without his being prompted by the Opposition. We look forward to assisting the Minister in every way possible if and when he introduces the legislation for which we have been calling.

In addition to the motion which Deputy Haughey has tabled, there is a motion on the Order Paper in my name which I hope will be dealt with by way of Private Members Business. This motion is:

That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that provision should now be made to protect the interests of deserted wives, unmarried mothers and deprived children by

(a) the establishment of courts presided over by a judge or justice....

We must confine ourselves to the motion before the House, that is, the question of free legal aid.

That is what I am talking about. In respect of what do we provide free legal aid? Surely I am entitled to refer to the motion which must tie in with the motion in the name of Deputy Haughey.

The Deputy is aware that there can only be one motion before the House at a time.

I accept that.

The Deputy is running out of inspiration.

I could continue speaking for hours on the question of free legal aid in criminal and civil cases.

Then, stick to that. Stick with Deputy Haughey's version.

I wish to give the reasons why I consider free legal aid to be important and in this context I consider the motion standing in my name to be tied in with the motion in the name of Deputy Haughey.

The Deputy knows well that we cannot anticipate a debate on another motion.

Deputy Haughey's very worthy motion could be dwelt on for hours. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle will admit that free legal aid must be made available for, for instance, the woman whose husband has deserted her and who is left with a family to rear but who is not in a position to pursue her husband because of lack of finance. Law and money should not necessarily be equated. In other words, if an individual has a good case, he should not be prevented from pursuing that case because of lack of money. That is what we are speaking of in the context of free legal aid and advice in civil matters.

There was reference earlier in the debate to the FLAC organisation. The Government have an urgent obligation to take over the basic structure of that organisation and to extend it throughout the cities and urban areas of the country. The free legal advice centres established by FLAC might be said to be in an embryonic state. They are being serviced by young people who are earnest and sincere but who may not have the experience necessary for such work. If the Government were to assume responsibility for these centres, the people who would avail of them would have the benefit of experienced officers who would be paid out of the funds of the Administration of the day. On the basis of the advice tendered at these centres, a person could decide whether to go ahead with litigation and that is a very important element.

I do not think that, despite what Deputy Esmonde said, the people would abuse such a facility. The Deputy, in saying that, is underrating the intelligence of the Irish people: I would submit, respectfully, that he is doing so rather patronisingly. Like Deputy Haughey, I believe that this whole question of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters should be integrated into the social welfare structure. The people should not be deprived of access to our legal system because of lack of finance any more than they should be deprived of the various allowances to which they are entitled.

I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the much maligned legal profession who, to the best of my knowledge, have never refused an impecunious litigant, have never refused advice because of lack of money. That is one of the great traditions of the Irish Bar and I do not think they have received sufficient credit for that service.

Of course, there are many other groups and organisations who give their services also on a voluntary basis and they, too, are to be praised for that. I would hope to be dealing with an adjunct to Deputy Haughey's motion. The motion in the Deputy's name is No. 16 on today's Order Paper while that in my name is No. 19 on the Order Paper and reads that:

That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that provision should now be made to protect the interests of deserted wives, unmarried mothers....

The Deputy is anticipating the motion again.

...and deprived children by

(a) the establishment of courts presided over by a judge or justice as appropriate, sitting with qualified lay advisers, to deal with family problems and in which adequate legal aid would be available to the parties....

Again, the Deputy is anticipating the motion that stands in his name.

I am afraid that I shall be elsewhere tomorrow and, consequently, shall not be able to take up the time remaining to me in this debate.

It shall not be resumed until next week.

I am sure that both the Minister and I will be at the hustings next week.

Which is it the Parliament or the hustings that the Deputy considers to be the most important?

Of course, one's obligation is to Dáil Éireann in the first instance but, I do not expect that will deprive the Minister from being at the hustings. If the Leas-Cheann Comhairle is not prepared to allow me read on to the record the motion standing in my name I would demand from the Minister——

The Deputy will still have ten minutes remaining to him.

——some positive action in the context of free legal aid in civil and criminal matters. The Minister is an honest, sincere and earnest man. He is doing his best in all areas—although not very well. He has not measured up to what all of us expected but that does not deprive him of the title of an honest man. I would ask him to meet our proposals.

Debate adjourned.
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