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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 12 Feb 1975

Vol. 278 No. 2

Private Members' Business. - Third Level Education: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That Dáil Éireann calls for radical amendment of the proposals of the Minister for Education on the reorganisation of third-level education."
—(Deputy Wilson.)

I wish to quote from the Cork Examiner of Wednesday, February 12th, 1975:

Mr. Burke said the Government had decided to build the Cork Dental Hospital and he invited Deputy Faulkner, the previous Minister for Education, to tell the Dáil why the Fianna Fáil Government had decided to discontinue building it, thus opposing a recommendation of the Higher Education Authority.

The Higher Education Authority's advice was to have one dental hospital and that in Dublin only. I am amazed that the Minister should have made that statement.

Is the quotation accurate?

I am quoting from the newspaper. I want to point out that I refused to accept that recommendation of the HEA. It was always my intention to build a dental hospital in Cork and, in fact, due to my participation the plans are at a very advanced stage and practically ready to go to tender. This has been the position for the past two years. I would like to know what the Minister has done in the meantime. Far from deciding to discontinue the building of the hospital it was simply postponed.

When I moved the adjournment of the debate yesterday I was pointing out that at no time during all the discussions and deliberations on the structure of third level education was it suggested that University College, Cork, and University College, Galway, should be other than separate and independent universities. This was agreed by the Fianna Fáil Government. It was agreed in the NUI/TCD agreement and in the final report of the HEA. I find it very difficult to understand why the Government should have made this fundamental change.

In the light of the immense changes which have taken place in our educational system in the past ten years —the introduction of free education and free transport at post-primary level, the grants for higher education, the great influx of young people into third-level education, all of which transformed the whole education scene—it is rather childish of the Minister to advance something said about leaving the NUI structure as it was, by somebody in University College, Galway, about ten years ago as an excuse for the Government's decision.

As far back as 1967 the Commission on Higher Education recommended that the NUI should be dissolved and that its constituent colleges should be established as independent universities. The Fianna Fáil Government accepted the recommendation that the Cork and Galway colleges be given full university powers. From then on until we left office the discussions on higher education proceeded on this basis and, of necessity, developments within UCC and UCG proceeded along the lines that they would become universities in their own right.

It will be interesting to know the reason behind the Government decision. It cannot be on the basis that the numbers of students attending these universities were not sufficiently high—Cork has 4,500 students which is on a par with the numbers in TCD which is retaining full university status and, in fact, the numbers are greater than they are in many of the universities in Britain. The decision can hardly be on the grounds that degrees conferred in these universities could be classified as inferior. The fact is that in relation to the degrees conferred presently by these universities, although theoretically they are NUI degrees, it is the courses and facilities in the Cork and Galway colleges which are assessed by bodies such as the General Medical Council, the Dental Council and various other bodies.

In any event if the Government decisions were made on these grounds it would appear to me that joining together UCC and UCG, which are about 150 miles apart, would hardly improve the position and would certainly give the impression that the degrees awarded as a result of study in the Cork or Galway colleges of the new NUI would be inferior to degrees awarded elsewhere. In the National Institute of Higher Education in Limerick we had an institution of third-level education which had an opportunity never before afforded to such an institution in Ireland to develop in its own way completely free from the restrictions which tradition and usage place on a university. Here would be an opportunity of achieving an eminence which would place the NIHE high in the ranks of non-university third-level institutes of the world. From what I know of the director and of the staff there is no doubt in my mind that it would achieve this eminence. It is now suggested that the people of Limerick should barter their future to become a pale shadow of Cork and Galway, to become a recognised college of the new NUI, with the capacity at some time in the dim and distant future to evolve into a constituent college of the NUI. If UCC, and UCG, after their long apprenticeship as constituent colleges of the present NUI are not yet, in the Coalition's eyes, sufficiently developed to become independent universities, where does this place the NIHE of Limerick?

I think that the gem of the proposals is that which claims that the status of the institute in Limerick and that proposed for Ballymun in Dublin would be enhanced by requiring them to go cap in hand to the universities asking them to please award degrees on the basis of the courses given in these institutes. In my view such thinking could emanate only from the minds of the academics in the Government who have little or no appreciation of technical or technological education. Can anybody imagine for one moment what would be the reaction of the authorities of the technical high schools in Eindhoven or Delft in Holland if they were told that their status would be raised by having their degrees awarded by some university or other. In fact I could not imagine such a suggestion being made. In this context the Government decision to remove the degree-giving function from the National Council of Educational Awards must be viewed very seriously indeed. Not only will it make the institutes in Dublin and Limerick subject to the whims of universities, which would have little appreciation of the real purpose of such institutes, but it will debase every other qualification given by the council whether under its present or its new name.

The effect as I see it in Dublin will be the creation of a largely glorified Arts College in Trinity College. To speak, for example, of making the best possible use of existing resources while continuing two university law schools in Dublin is just plain nonsense. That there should be one university law school in Dublin and that school located in Trinity College, which is adjacent to all the legal establishments, is elementary common sense. I think that special pleading which includes referring to law as a prestige faculty is foolish. One faculty is as prestigious as another, or it ought to be

I am glad to see that the Minister for Industry and Commerce is here because I feel that the Labour Ministers, whether they like it or not, are a party to these proposals which run counter to any policy on education which the Labour Party expounded during the years. They are involved not only on the basis of collective responsibility, which admittedly does not mean much in this Coalition, but also because they were members of the sub-committee which came up with the proposals.

In the course of his speech, the tone of which ranged from aggressiveness to flippancy, the Minister wanted to know whether we favoured the binary system. In so far as comprehensive education is concerned, Fianna Fáil's record is particularly good. At the post-primary level, we introduced comprehensive schools and community schools and urged other post-primary schools to adopt a similar system. Why should there be any reason to doubt that this attitude of my party would not prevail at third level? The point I would make, however, is that the exceptionally rapid growth in technical and technological education, through the vocational schools and RTCs, and on to the National Institutes of Higher Education, is of relatively recent origin. It is a sturdy but youthful growth and should be allowed to reach relative maturity to save it from absorption by much older academic establishments.

The universities are changing with the times, more slowly, perhaps, than we would like, but practical considerations where, for example, vast numbers of young people are doing Art degrees and later the Higher Diploma in Education and then finding that there are no jobs for them will force a more rapid pace of change. As the NIHE develops, while continuing to serve the purpose for which they were founded, they will also change. I am certain that, by the the time the NIHE of Limerick would reach the stage when it would be accepted as a constituent college of the proposed new NUI, the difference between university education, as it would be then, and other third level education, would have largely disappeared for practical purposes and we would have achieved true comprehensive education and not the pseudo-type proposed by the Minister when, in the ultimate, it is whatever the universities will decide, the universities which award the degrees, which will shape the form of things to come in the future, not only at third level but on down through the whole education system and not the needs of varying localities.

Your time is up, Deputy.

I should like another few minutes. Finally let us look briefly at the whole picture. We have proposals or decisions here——

The Deputy's time is up.

May I have a few minutes of Deputy Tunney's time?

The Chair is sticking to Standing Orders.

Take five minutes.

Finally, let us briefly look at the whole picture. We have proposals or decisions here, which obviously from the published document in The Education Times, are not in line with the Minister's own thinking. They are positively not in line with the Department's thinking. Most educational authorities are highly critical of them. Some condemned them outright. The only praise of them—and it was of a rather muted kind—came from an institution which has had little cause for complaint and from another which felt its status was being raised. In my opinion this feeling about status was a mistaken one. Then we had the pathetic claim of the Minister to the goodwill of the head of one RTE college—the one swallow which surely does not make a summer.

These proposals or decisions are the result of the deliberations of a sub-committee of Cabinet academics, whose meetings, due to Government and EEC commitments, must have been few and of short duration. These gentlemen decided that their few and short meetings were more important and should have a greater impact on third level education than the long years of hard and painstaking work by university personnel, by technicians and technologists, by vocational education committees, by dedicated Department of Education officials, and by several Ministers.

I would appeal to the Minister to take note of this motion, to no longer continue to defend the indefensible, and to lay down a framework for higher education which will be a credit to the country and do justice to its students. Setting up a conjoint board to ensure that there should be no duplication, and that the best use be made of all our resources, human and financial, is of little use if the moulds are set by the Minister who, in effect, is asking them to do what he is now in a position to do, and has the power to, but evidently has not the courage to do himself.

What we basically need is a body with real teeth which will be in a position, after the final decisions are made in the House, to set up centres of excellence in our various third level institutions which will help ensure that our very limited resources will be fully utilised, and that the institutions will have real purpose, and that our education system will promote the development of our people and of the economy as a whole.

Let me say in relation to the Labour Party that it is a far cry from the time that Deputy Conor Cruise-O'Brien, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, sent a telegram of congratulations to Donagh O'Malley when he read of his proposals to merge Trinity College with UCD.

First let me say that, to give extended time to a colleague, I propose to limit myself to 20 minutes and I propose to deal with only two themes. Before doing that let me, as they say, declare interest because from my own experience of all my adult life being involved in teaching of one kind or another, of being a consultant in adult education to RTE, as well as being a university teacher, I have been involved in third level matters for a quarter of a century as a veterinary graduate.

Secondly, in the different institutions at third level, people traditionally, not just now, but for decades and longer, have taken dug-in sandbag positions and there is no way to produce a scheme for third level reform which will meet with the approval of everybody. Indeed, the more involved people are with their own office, their own tradition, and their own routine, the more difficult it is for them to accept necessary change. That brings me to the point that we simply cannot leave third level unreformed. It is not that you have something reasonably good which you want to make better.

My contention, after a quarter of a century of experience is that our third level is simply not meeting the requirements of the country and is in desperate need of reform and of profound reform. I would say, particularly having just listened to Deputy Faulkner, that it is horribly easy in this context to release bitterness, to release animosity, to release hostility. When you are dealing with many institutions and many articulate people that makes any sort of progress or concensus almost impossible. The bitter word is easy in this context but it is non-productive.

I want to discuss the question of a unified system or a binary system and what that means, not just in Dublin, but in general and then the question of whether it is better for the institutions in Limerick and Galway and Cork to be part of a single university or to be separate universities. I will try to stick to time on those two things. I thought Deputy Faulkner's answer, when challenged on binary or unified, was a hedging answer, that he did not want to face it, because he mentioned the respected late member of the House, Deputy Donagh O'Malley, who was a reforming Minister for Education. It seems to me that the reforms at second level we have had make a unified system at third level absolutely obligatory.

I take the reforms that have been proposed—and I am not making a political point at all—by the Government not at all to be in conflict with the second level policy of a previous Government, but to be the necessary corollary to that policy which I uphold as a good policy. The basic thing we are facing is that, while there has been a growth in knowledge of law, a growth in knowledge of philosophy, a growth in knowledge of my own science, a growth in all university disciplines, in the area loosely called technology there has been an explosion, an explosion which has transformed the whole world. Our institutions are not changing as fast as that knowledge.

The second thing to say about technology is that it was originally done by people in overalls with oil on their hands, by artisans, by people who were not quite respectable in terms of university attitudes and of the snobberies of the past. While the knowledge represented by the word "technology" has exploded, the institutions and the place in society, the status, incomes and buildings and the staff-student ratios of those persons who are responsible for technology in our society have not changed correspondingly with the validity and social importance of the knowledge that is represented by the word technology. That is a failure of our society. It is a failure for which we in Ireland, trying to develop our economy rapidly, paid very dearly. There are profound economic arguments, practical day-to-day pragmatic arguments for technology taking its proper place in our society. But, they are only half the case. The other half of the case is that there is nothing that is not respectable, that would not be a suitable son-in-law for the most aggressive mother-in-law in this concept of technology. It has to be a central part of our world—at the very highest level of our academic institutions because it represents valid knowledge about the world that we need for our intellectual development as well as our economic development.

When C. P. Snow was talking about two cultures, he was talking about this separation into the technologists and the people who esteemed themselves to be a purer breed who were entitled to slightly better rules and slightly larger pay. But, the division into two cultures is not just bad for society and technology; it is bad for the universities too. The thing that distresses me is that this is a profoundly radical and inspiring perspective of not putting technology into the universities but of abolishing the distinction between technology and other skills that people have.

Why should what is called technology be in some way inferior to law or to medicine or to philosophy or whatever you like? It is a central part of our society in this century and it has to have its proper place, not taken into universities on sufferance, but taking its proper, total place in the university as valid as any other discipline and making its contribution on the basis of absolute equality.

When we are having discussions about unified or binary, it is not a matter of bringing in technology under anybody's wing or having the technologists and what they represent as second class people in universities or squelching them in universities or using universities to take their budgets and manipulate them. It is offering them the perspective of their place in the third level sun which their expertise and their social role and social obligations entitle them to. That seems to me a perspective of a very fundamental and dramatic kind, and I find it hard to see how any person of goodwill can object to that perspective.

It is not the question of changing the place of technology in a structure. It is a question of abolishing the distinction between what is called technology and all the other subjects. You do not have that sort of distinction between medicine and law at university. Why should you have it between law and technology or between medicine and technology? Why should the pay be lower? Why should the staff-student ratio be worse? Why should the research content be worse? Why should the buildings be worse? Morally, intellectually and economically for this society, it is imperative that that distinction be not tampered with or adjusted. What is essential is that it be abolished. I am depressed that people cannot see the perspective that is offered in those terms. We need it for democracy. We need it for equality. We need it for abolishing the disgusting sort of class distinctions that have attached to different social roles in the past. The Labour Party has a particular concern in abolishing those distinctions but I am sure that all parties and all middle members in the House would wish to abolish them.

Let us then, in that context, talk about Ballymun. What do I wish for Ballymun? I wish it to be a college of a university, with the same pay, same buildings, same staff-student ratios, same technicians, same budget for equipment, same playing fields, same society for students mixing with other students on a basis of equality, not any sort of second class institution. The bits that will make it a second class institution are second class institutions now and have been for a long time carried on the backs of people who are making a contribution beyond the call of duty, either voluntarily with their free time or teaching in dreadful conditions and for pay that was not as good as academic pay. We must stop calling for that sort of dedication and commitment without commensurate rewards.

I want to see it as a college of a university, not second class—identical: a college like any other college doing its particular things and doing them with total stature, total equality and with exactly the same facilities as anybody else. That is the perspective that is offered if not instantly—because, as Deputy Faulkner has said this role is a new role—then as soon as possible. Let us have structures that do not hold up that evolution into its full place in the sun for our technological sectors. As to which of the present universities it should be a college of, as I have associations with TCD I would have a particular view but I would not try to determine that.

It seems to me we can never complete the reforms or have our second level reforms flower at third level unless we are prepared to abolish the binary system. It is no use abolishing it by saying: "You are technological, you will go into the university but you will never be quite the same." Abolition means abolition: it means equality. Abolition means that the perspective of that sector with its exploding knowledge about nature, with exploding control over technological things for all our well being will have the place in society that their knowledge entitles them to. Their knowledge is valued in our culture commensurate with its worth in our culture. That is what it means. It does not mean anything less. That is both a radical and noble aspiration and I am shocked that people should reject that principle and that those who have carried this thing on their backs for so long, either the voluntary people on the committee, or the staff, do not see that perspective. Perhaps it is more than they ever thought they would get. Perhaps they are not grasping it because they do not see the perspective as fully offered. It is the perspective of their rightful place in society and nothing less. Perhaps it is because it is so radical it is not being grasped.

I have about five minutes of my own time and I want to talk about Cork. Galway and Limerick. What do I want for those three, two of them colleges and one of them an institute for higher education? I will make a list in a moment that everybody on the opposite side of the House would agree with and that the staff in those places would agree with. But, what do we want? Let us try and get that list and then let us ask the questions. If we really have arguments about things and are not sniping at each other, then let us ask the question: "How is that best attained?" I want excellence for them and I know everybody else does and that they want it themselves. I want security for them, for their future. Security is hardly related to excellence but they are out on the western edge of Europe and the centripetal forces in the economy are working. They have to be given security. It is terribly important that universities should have local involvement. We use the phrase town and gown as meaning something obvious. What does it mean?

Did the Minister say centrifugal or centripetal?

Centripetal, centripeto, to seek, I understand.

Approximately 15 minutes left.

I am going to take five of them. When we say town and gown, we use that phrase to indicate a separation we all recognise. It means something that the gown is separated from the town. If we give people the luxury of those academic conditions they have to be plugged into their community. They have to articulate the needs of their community and suggest solutions for their problems. They have to educate people to solve those problems by being aware of them and analysing them.

In my period as Minister, I have been in Galway and Limerick, Kevin Street and Bolton Street more than I have been in UCD or Trinity, though I am on the staff of one of them, so I understand more about them.

The local involvement in Galway, in particular the one I know—maybe it is good elsewhere too—and in Limerick are admirable things. But they have to have a certainty of funds and they have to have a certainty of work. So we all want the same things. And then you say, is it better to have that as a college or is it better to have it as a university? To the public that distinction is without meaning. To the students it is no different. To the local civic leaders, who have a certain sense of pride in their own town, it is important. The top administrators in the universities or the colleges want to build their area of power as big as possible. That is no criticism. Any good man wants to push to the limits of his power. They are the two groups who want these things to become universities.

What are the real arguments? In my field of animal science, if I might call it that, in agriculture and related things, one of the greatest places in the world is the Davis Campus in California. It is not a university, it is a school of a university. The best place for certain physics in the whole world is Berkeley in California; it is not a university, it is a campus of a university. I am a graduate of University College, London which has 20 or 30 institutions spread all over and Aberystwyth in north Wales is part of the University of Wales which has colleges in the very south of the country just as far apart as Galway and Cork. There is no principle about this. There is no principle that says each town has to have its own autonomous structure or that you must group them all into a university under a number. There is no principle; it is just what works best because, of course, there are the individual ones. Some of the newer ones in Britain are individual. Wales is one pattern of the federal one, or California, or the University of London. Plenty of others are federal ones but there are plenty of unitary ones. There is no principle; it is what works best. Ask the question but think your way into Galway. Is Galway, by itself, going to be able to be a countervailing force to the great pull that Dublin has—far more money—or is it going to be a better countervailing force as part of three institutions with a lot of students? I think the future of Galway, Limerick and Cork are better guaranteed as a countervailing force. We have to deal with this great weld in Ireland that Dublin is the big place and Dublin is what pulls the institutions of the country into it, and we have to structure things to counteract that.

I think that those three together, in a single university, will be a better countervailing force, better able to fight for funds. Their future will be better guaranteed because, inside a single university, the tendency for individual empire builders is to go off and duplicate, with little "Mickey-Mouse" departments that can never be properly funded, but they want to have a department of everything. The centres of excellence will not work unless they are rationalised in some way through a single university. If you do not have the centres of excellence, if you do not have rationalisation; if you do not win the fight for funds, then you put the security for the future into question because the places just are not good enough. You guarantee their excellence, their funds and the rational use of resources and the growth of centres of excellence. We are not going to name what ought to be in each place.

But we could put that on the record if we wanted to say which place is going to be good at what. We could do that but is not all of that better in a single university, as a countervailing force, to this city, where I am standing? Is not it better for centres of excellence? Is not it better for rational use of funds? Is not it better for a countervailing force to Dublin? Does it take away from their standing? The distance, the communication are not a problem. If they examine their own interests they will see that if they are separate they will not be as strong as three co-operating. If they are not as strong one or other of them may get into difficulties. We will not get the rationalisation; we will not get the centres of excellence; we will not get a countervailing force to Dublin.

There may be better arguments which are not based on empire building, which are based on the real issues of those institutions in favour of them becoming separate universities. There may be such arguments but I have not heard them. The arguments I have heard, I am afraid, are based on the interests of what seems to me a spurious local patriotism and on the desire of the top brass in those universities to extend their empire as much as possible and not on good academic reasons which correspond to the interests of those institutions. If we were to define, as I said earlier, what we want for them, we would all want the same things. The quarrel is how we get them. I speak from a quarter of a century of academic politics; as Deputy Thornley says: national politics are clean compared to academic politics. But if one has a familiarity with academic politics I believe they are more likely to attain the things we all want, as three constituent colleges of a single strong university, a countervailing force to Dublin.

I have talked about only two themes. I have talked about the basic concept which people have not teased out enough. "Unitary" does not mean ramming in technology as an unwelcome bed fellow into universities. "Unitary" means abolishing the distinction between these dirty fingernail, not quite respectable, technological subjects and other subjects. "Unity" means recognising that technology has come of age and is worth its place at the pinnacle of our academic life. That is what unity means. Maybe there are good arguments against it but I have not heard them. The only other thing I have taken up, the argument for three colleges and one university of Cork. Galway and Limerick is the argument of practicality, the argument of success, the argument of security, the argument of centres of excellence, the argument of the rational use of resources which are inevitably scarce. If there are better arguments against it, let us hear them. But let us not argue it, let us not let the malice and the animosity out of the Pandora's box because this is a difficult subject to solve with the best will in the world, where you have people who are articulate, who have typists at their command, who can sit in their offices and fire off letters, all of whom have an intense sense of their own territory.

A solution of a messy situation is very difficult with the best will in the world. It is not that we are dealing with something that should be left alone. We are dealing with something that for every possible reason desperately needs reform and indeed the reform is long overdue.

I understand that the Minister for Foreign Affairs is hoping to come in later on, in 10 minutes of the time of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Is that correct?

(Interruptions.)

Mr. R. Burke

On a point of order, the Deputy could have his 30 minutes, less the amount of time taken by Deputy Faulkner.

Deputy Faulkner——

The Deputy will please commence his contribution now.

I was hoping that with your permission, a Cheann Comhairle, I might allow five minutes of my time to my colleague Deputy Seán Brosnan. I thought already there had been acceptance of the Minister for Industry and Commerce doing that with his half hour.

Not to bring in a Deputy immediately after me; just to have the normal succession but to guarantee that if you take your full half hour——

If the Deputy finishes at 7 o'clock, I will finish at 7.25 and let Deputy Brosnan in if that is any help.

No, the proposer has 15 minutes at the end.

I thought it was half an hour.

Mr. R. Burke

The Opposition have 30 minutes less the amount of time taken by Deputy Faulkner. Then this side of the House should come in in rotation up to 7.15, at which time the proposer of the motion should have time to finish up.

I am sorry, I confused the issue.

In those circumstances if I withdraw five minutes earlier than my 25 can Deputy Brosnan come in?

No, I must go across the floor to the other side of the House.

But will you return to allow Deputy Brosnan to have the five?

I must cross the floor of the House when the Deputy has concluded.

I am happy that the Minister for Industry and Commerce admitted to certain academic rivalry and academic bitterness. However unfortunate that is, I think that, on his part, it was an honest admission, however regrettable. It would make one wonder whether the amount of time, debate and money which we afford to third level education is being spent as it should.

It is a condemnation of the products of this third level system that in matters before us we cannot get away from the fact that in behaviour these people who have so enjoyed third level education behave in a fashion which is not in keeping with that which we think third level education should be all about.

I regret, too, that when the Minister for Industry and Commerce was speaking he did not pursue a little further the points he was making in respect of technology, that he did not pursue the whole area of third level education and accommodate within his considerations the fact that every child in the country is entitled to involvement. If he is really concerned —and I am sure he is—for that aspect of it, he will see that in that which is proposed for Ballymun, he is removing from that hitherto neglected area the recognition and the status which is essential to the continuing growth in that area.

I should hope, too, that when he expressed that fact that there has been an explosion in that area—an explosion of which the universities have become aware—he will recognise that as far back as 1966 the City of Dublin Vocational Education Committee had become so aware. It was arising out of that awareness that they submitted their proposal for the Ballymun complex. I do not think that anybody here can deny that. I am posing it now as an indication of the awareness of the City of Dublin VEC in the matter of third level education which had not manifested itself to the universities. Here I would be critical of our universities in so far as that up to now they have been labouring along in the old traditional system. Even today we have a situation where to gain entry to the university, the poor man's child must have twice the educational qualifications, if he is hopeful to gain entry, where the product of Trinity and of UCD is no more different, having regard to their relationship to different social groups, than it was 50 years ago. The only difference that has occurred in the matter of the universities is that the public are making a much greater contribution towards their administration. However, there continues to be that exclusion of the greatest brain power we have because entrance to the university is still based, to a great extent—not entirely—on one's capacity to pay. Evidence of that can be seen when I say that the poor man's child, in order to go to university, must qualify for a grant which means that he must have four honours while the rich man's child may enter with two honours.

Regarding the vocational system in Dublin and here I intend speaking entirely and exclusively on the Ballymun project—I agree entirely with what the Minister for Industry and Commerce has said on the matter of technology and the lack of regard which was held for it in certain areas— it was because of the acceptance of the fact that technology qualified for recognition as third level education that the VEC prepared and submitted the proposals regarding Ballymun.

We had talk about in-laws, sons-in-law, bed-fellows, marriages and divorces in this debate. What I see has happened now in respect of Ballymun is that there is a situation which hitherto had been cared for entirely and when it was not fashionable, by the VEC. We had reached the point where in order to continue its development, it was necessary and desirable that there would be integration, and that there would be comprehensive education in that field, having regard, (1), to the type of student who would qualify for it and (2) to the overall area in which the operations were taking place.

The far-seeing dedicated members of the VEC had looked after and fondled this child until now she had become quite a vibrant lassie. Here I am coming to the marriages. We had happenings such as occurred in the J. B. Keane play "Sive" and we are now going to sell this vibrant lassie to the decrepit Seán Dóite of the universities. That, I suggest, a Cheann Comhairle, is what has happened. I would ask the Minister, when replying—and I am not inviting or encouraging him to be defensive or offensive—to say out what justification there is for a situation where one removes Ballymun from its initiators. There are many clinicals in the field of third level education. The City of Dublin VEC has to date been catering very adequately for that area to which the Minister for Industry and Commerce refers and to which I refer now. I say this as a new member of the VEC and as one who was not connected with the original class but as one who, over the years, has recognised the importance in the life of this country of that which was called vocational education.

The City of Dublin VEC in respect of Ballymun want to continue with their good work and be left alone. They are not envious of the status or the so-called status which people say universities attach to certain fields of operation. They are neither envious nor critical of that status. We would be critical of certain teachers, perhaps, and certain people connected with it, to whom the Minister for Industry and Commerce has referred, who would see in status something which would be beneficial to themselves. That is their entitlement and I would not be all that critical of them. But my concern and the concern of everybody here should not be for the respective sensitivities of the gentlemen and the ladies who at the moment are in charge of these institutions. With all due respect to them, as far as I am concerned I personally do not believe I owe them anything nor do I believe the people of this country should feel any great indebtedness to them. For the work they are doing and for the manner in which they discharge it they get very well paid. My concern is that the feeling should not go abroad that third level education can succeed only in the hands of self-appointed judges and experts.

I noted in the statement issued by the Minister on behalf of the Government that the National Institute of Higher Education, Dublin, shall be a recognised college of either of the Dublin universities. If the Minister can convince me that in so aligning the institute to one of the universities he is doing what is best for the students of this country, then I shall be happy to accept it but I do not think he is. In so aligning them he is removing from this field of technology the recognition which it had been obtaining over the years. You will have it submerged in the academic field and it will not get the opportunity of prospering and reaching its own pinnacle.

I see no reason whatsoever, and there is no case to be made, for removing Ballymun institute from the control of the members of the committee who were its creators. Can it be shown that if the management to date of that which will be Ballymun— remember at the moment we have Ballymun dispersed in different areas of the city; it only represents the consolidation of Ballymun in the structure that will be built there—had been in the hands of the universities it would have been done in a better fashion? There is no evidence of that. The universities to date, on the statement of the Minister for Industry and Commerce—with which I agreed— were not even aware of the fact that there was such third level education. Notwithstanding that and notwithstanding their negligence, as it were, while on the other hand not acknowledging the awareness of the VEC members, we now make this proposal, because we are still living in the memory of the archaic and antiquated importance of the old universities and we think nothing can be done in the field of third level education unless it has the stamp and the raddle of a university upon it.

The final point I should like to make is connected with the Council for Technological Education. I suppose in making statements of fact one cannot be accused of making foolish political or unhelpful political comments but it is a statement of fact that this Coalition Government said they would be an open Government, a Government of consultation, a Government that would involve and, indeed, at primary and secondary level we have evidence of their desire to involve the community in education. Bearing that in mind, how can the Minister or, indeed, the Government justify that in respect of the Council for Technological Education—a council which we are told will consist of 30 members—it is proposed that ten of the members will come from the institute in Ballymun, another ten will come from the institute in Limerick and the third ten will be appointed by the Minister? That, on the surface seems reasonable enough but, on the other hand, when you look at the membership of the institute at Ballymun and at Limerick it must be noted that already there the Minister will have appointed a majority of the members. There will be 25 members, of which the Minister will have appointed a majority—that will be 13. You have then a situation that in respect of this Council for Technological Education the full 30 members can, theoretically at least, be the nominees of the Minister.

And actually will be.

It is likely to happen having regard to what the Minister for Industry and Commerce has told us about the narrow channels on which academics and third level experts operate. Imagine a situation where a Government that has come to us indicating their concern for involving independent minds, organisations and institutions in education now come before us with a proposal which envisages a situation that in respect of a very important Council for Technological Education the Minister for Education on behalf of the Government will appoint the full 30 members out of 30. I do not want to set the Minister for Foreign Affairs on any other course. I understand he had a hand in the preparation of the proposals we are discussing and I would ask him to dissociate himself from the effort there. I have recollection of the contributions he made to the Higher Education Authority deal when it was before the House, of his concern in not having the, as he described it, intruding hand of the Department and the annoying Head of the Government looking over third level education. I would ask him now to express his dissatisfaction, I hope, with that which is envisaged here. Perhaps he could assure us, in so far as he is concerned, that he will apply himself to having the situation made more open and more in keeping with the promises this Government made to the people.

In looking at this problem one ought to look at it in the context of the actual problems facing a Government in trying to tackle a particular situation. What are the problems of higher level education in Ireland? What are the constraints imposed on us? What are the difficulties we have to overcome?

First, as Deputies on both sides agree there is agreement on the problem but not on the solution, the imbalance between the academic and the technical at every level of Irish education and notably, indeed, at the third level. Associated with this imbalance in structure is the equivalent in damage to the technological sector at third level and, with the lack of parity of esteem in the technological sector at third level, there is the lack of mobility between the different sectors which may inhibit students from ending up in the kind of course best suited to their talents, because they have to come up through a particular stream, which may turn out to be the wrong one for them at third level. These are real problems and any solution to the difficulties of higher education should be concerned with achieving answers to these problems.

There is also the fact that they seek simple arithmetical facts to which Deputies have not sufficiently adverted. There are in existence more than twice as many units in higher education of, what I call, a university or technological college current. I will leave for the moment out of this the training colleges. There are in the general institutes of higher education over twice as many of the maximum number of universities which this country could reasonably have if it wishes the universities to be taken seriously. I shall come back to this point later.

Then there is the lack of co-ordination in Dublin, a perennial issue and one which, even since the original announcement of the merger eight years ago, has not been resolved as it should have been between the universities. Again, there is, and this has become very striking in the debate on the Government's proposals, the great power and the very vocal character of the interests involved, with the universities and colleges each seeking independence for itself, each seeking to avoid any rationalisation with any other institution, each jealous of its position vis-à-vis institutions in the other sector. The universities colleges are jealous of their position vis-à-vis the technical colleges and the latter are naturally anxious to achieve an equal position and full treatment with the university colleges. As well as that, there are the vocational educational committees which have a natural aspiration to be involved in the work of higher education and who, therefore, desire to hang on to institutions developing in this area, whether or not that form of control is, in fact, in the best interests of the institutions.

These then are the problems we face. This problem of interest groups with power and vocal character is one which all Governments have had to consider and take seriously, but not succumb to, and it would be wrong if we were influenced in our decisions by a concern to avoid being attacked or criticised by particular interest groups. How then does the solution we have come up with relate to these problems? So far as the imbalance between the academic and technical sides are concerned, the lack of mobility between them, we propose to solve this problem once and for all by a comprehensive system so that all the different institutions will be on a par within the system. It may take some time for that to come about. It may take some period before we have the situation where all the institutions concerned, whether they be the training colleges or whether they be technological colleges, are all constituent colleges. I would be optimistic that that can be achieved in a relatively short time and the aim is to achieve that so that all are of equal status, equally endowed, the same standards applied to them, the same number of hours of work for the staff, not a very much heavier workload in some institutions than in another for historical reasons discriminating against them, and a situation where, because they are all components of universities, there can be mobility between the different streams instead of the rigid line as it now exists which prevents students from shifting from one to the other according to their talents.

I do not say that the system we propose will necessarily and immediately achieve all these aims. It is, however, the only system which is open to the achievement of these aims and those who advocate keeping the technological sector separate, in practice, in Irish conditions, as 50 years of independence have shown advocate condemning this sector perpetually to be underendowed, to be discriminated against, to be left there, and it condemns the students through a lack of mobility between the two streams, so that one gets students coming into universities who really are too practically orientated for its courses and they become drop-outs when, in fact, they could do very well in the technological sector. On the other side, one gets students coming up to the technological sector who may, in the particular discipline they are taking on, be, perhaps really of an academic bent and better suited to university but who have to remain under the present system as square pegs in round holes because of the rigidity of the system. Our solution seeks to avoid that by providing the only conditions in which it can be avoided and the reason we have chosen it is that of our firm belief in that and that is the message I would like to go out from this debate.

Secondly, there is the problem of the number of institutions. The real political difficulty in this is one that the Government have grasped but we have no illusions about the fire we come under because of this. The real political problem is that there are seven institutions basically—the university colleges, including Maynooth, and Limerick and the economic building at Ballymun in the form of Bolton Street and Kevin Street today, treating them as one, but there are two at present—seven institutions all of which aspire to university status or its equivalent. Six of them specifically aspire to university status. I am not quite certain if that is true of the seventh.

Now, if we gave in to these pressures, if we so disregard the interests of higher education, we would have a university structure unique in Europe and the laughing-stock of Europe. I would like Deputies to consider the actual position in comparison with these other countries. We find that in a couple of the richer countries there is a ratio of something under one million population for university in Switzerland and France; in Austria just fractionally under one million; in Norway and Denmark, one million; in The Netherlands 1.2 million; UK, 1.25 million; Italy, 1.22 million; Sweden, one of the richest countries in Europe, 1.62 million and Spain, 1.77 million.

Now a country which endowed itself with universities so numerous that they have a university for every 400,000 people—taken together in the aggregate this is what the institutions are proposing—would be a country that had universities which, because of their small scale, underendowment and sheer numbers in relation to population, would not be treated seriously by other countries. Countries, even wealthy countries, which know the impossibility of maintaining universities more numerously in the order of one per million, or something close to that, simply would not take such universities seriously. Each of the institutions believes it must be a university and each is determined to achieve this for itself.

The Government's job is not to succumb to pressures from interest groups which, taken in the aggregate are seeking something against their own interests; the Government's duty is to maintain the standard and reputation of Irish education and this cannot be done by proliferating universities around the country in a way which would be totally out of line with any other country in Europe. We have no doubt of the kind of opposition we will face, but it would be wrong for the Government to put politics first and academic interests second and to proliferate universities in order to have a quiet and easy time with their proposals. I am glad to say that the Government did not think of acting in that way.

The third problem, that of rationalisation, is a problem in Dublin. There are facilities for specialised staff and students who are within a few hundred yards of each other but the system is one where each unit jealously guards its resources. However, there are exceptions. There are marginal cases in some departments where some progress has been made but taking the higher-level educational structure in Dublin anybody who imagines that there is anything like co-ordination or free availability of resources to those who need them is unfamiliar with the institutions. From personal knowledge, I know that the resistance to any change in this area is immense. We have tried to get over this by establishing a conjoint board and, in the case of science, to ensure rationalisation of the highly costly investment equipment.

May I ask the Minister a question, please? He is talking about students who have reached a point of third level education. Is he concerned at all about students who are on their way up?

That is precisely the point. Students on their way up can get access in different ways to different institutions but they may not be the institutions that suit them and they may find themselves square pegs in round holes. We want a structure which is closely linked vertically so that the students can move up in the different streams, but also they must be linked horizontally so that if they are in the wrong stream they can move across.

They are not doing that in Ballymun. The Minister does not know what he is talking about.

Our aim is that the students within the university can move backwards and forwards freely so that the student who is a square peg in a round hole can shift to the other side where he may be better off. This cannot happen now and it is a deprivation that is a serious one for many students and even fatal for many others to their chances of succeeding in life.

(Interruptions.)

I must ask for order, please.

The Minister is not telling the House the true position.

I have not been provocative in what I have said. I am sorry that Deputies feel it is necessary to interrupt but I want to get these few remarks on record if I may.

The joint science faculty overcomes the serious defect of the Fianna Fáil proposal for Trinity and UCD which involved an emphasis on physical sciences in one and biological science in the other. It was always scientifically unrealistic. The problem involved can be much better met by a joint science faculty which can allocate resources within the system and co-ordinate their use——

Is that the suggestion of the HEA?

No. I am sorry but I do not want to take interruptions because I will only confuse myself and the Deputies if I do. Nobody can challenge that the decisions we took were academically rather than politically motivated. I do not think that in anything I have said the desire to get votes can be detected. A courageous Government can be detected, working out what seems to be in the best interests of the students in the country now and in the future, seeking to create this pattern knowing the resistance it would meet from vested interests and knowing that the political Opposition would be likely to fall into the trap of supporting these vested interests. We knew there would be criticism but it is criticism that we can face.

It has come from various interest groups. Let us consider what they are. How many of the criticisms are educational criticisms? There may be some but they are certainly not the ones that make newspaper headlines. For example, there are criticisms from Trinity College—and to call them criticisms is to understate their intensity—of the scheme because the balance is disturbed. This is the basic argument. I have not heard from a spokesman of Trinity College or any of my friends there a suggestion that there are strong reasons of an academic character for keeping veterinary science in Trinity College rather than associating it with agriculture which will be in UCD. At no point was it suggested that veterinary medicine would be better in TCD. What was insisted upon was that NUI and TCD reach an agreement behind the backs of the Government of the day that this agreement must be maintained. Any Government that disturbs it in the interests of giving a better academic solution has no right to interfere in the system in this way.

Why pick on that one?

The previous Government to their credit did not accept that universities pursuing their own interests, which they are entitled to do, had a right to carve up the system in a way that suited them regardless of the interests of the students. We do not accept it. If it is our view that veterinary medicine is better associated with agriculture it will go there. If this disturbs the balance of an inter-academic agreement that is unfortunate and I am sorry that it creates an intense feeling between rival groups, but this cannot be a consideration in the mind of the Government.

Take the problem of the VEC on which we had a plea from Deputy Tunney. Naturally they want to hang on to the technological institutes which they now control. Do they want to do so because this is necessary in their interests? Is it better to be controlled in that way than to be an institution with their own governing body to run their own affairs, part of the university system, closely linked to other colleges in the system instead of being partitioned off and kept at a lower level of endowment with a higher level of hours worked per staff member? I do not think the VEC arguments put forward are academic, they are arguments of sentiment. We cannot be concerned about that where the interests of students are concerned Even if we offend vested interests we still give the right answer.

We get the same thing from the various units in the system which are seeking to be separate universities. I have not heard an argument that seems to me to be a genuinely academic argument on this account. I am a member of the Senate of the NUI and the governing body of UCD. I know how the system works. As it operates now, it is, I admit a cumbersome and not particularly efficient system but it is not a system which interferes with the running of the universities which, inherently, must of its nature prevent them from running their own affairs—quite the contrary. As a member of the governing body of UCD I know that they run their own affairs but there are certain matters such as the appointments of staff and the question of degrees which are dealt with at university level. This involves a certain amount of travel by academics from time to time, backwards and forwards. This is a nuisance, but the institutions are self-governing and the university system protects the overall academic interests involved. The claim of each institution to be separate universities would, if given into in each instance, lead to proliferation of universities without parallel in Europe and would undermine confidence abroad in our whole university system. That is what is put forward. Though we know that there will be local opposition and we know the pressures involved we know that there could be nothing more politically disadvantageous than to fight against this pressure, we have done so and nobody can fault us for acting in a non-academic or non-educational way or acting in our own political interests.

On the question of consultations, let me recall that this matter has gone on since 1961. There was the commission, the O'Malley plan, the Lenihan plan, the UCD agreement, the NUI-TCD agreement, the HEA proposals and the constant pressure for decisions from the Government. When we do make decisions the cry is why did we not give a White Paper instead? It is not easy to satisfy people sometimes and perhaps sometimes one should not try too hard when we are trying to do the right thing in the interests of the people and in the interests of the students.

The House will notice that in the long list that the Minister for Foreign Affairs gave at the very end of his speech all the activity outlined in that last paragraph took place during Fianna Fáil's term of office and not during the term of office of the Coalition Government.

Twelve years and nothing took place.

I submit that the long line of consultation took place under the Fianna Fáil administration and the 15 apostles of consultation did not consult at all. I will take, first of all, some of the points raised by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. In his own quiet way, he introduced the whole discussion about a unified system or the binary system. He said that the reforms carried out at second level education—incidentally the Minister forgot to mention carried out by the Fianna Fáil Party—would fail if, at third level, some action was not taken to unify the third level system. The Minister went on to speak in the themes of the bourgeoise, the heated ideas of undergraduate brains, about the technological part of third level education being the poor relation, the second of the two cultures mentioned by C. P. Snow in his lecture of that title. There are some of us who think that that title is a misnomer and that, in fact, what he was talking about were two aspects of the same culture; in fact that technological education, technological development is as much a part of the western civilisation as is the development in law, or medicine, or in any of what are regarded as the old respectable university professions.

I submit, from experience in talking to students at third level non-university colleges in this city—unfortunately I have not had contact with them in Cork but I have had contact with RPC personnel elsewhere—that I have not found either in students or in staff any feeling of inferiority. If, as has been said by a number of Deputies on the opposite side, this area of third level education has been underendowed, surely those in charge of deciding what money is spent, can remedy this situation without going through a whole big rigmarole about "comprehensivisation".

The Minister for Industry and Commerce was going to give them a place in the sun. Those were his words. I submit to the House that they achieved their own place in the sun without thanks to the Minister for Industry and Commerce or anybody else. It is an honoured place and the oil and grease under the fingernails on this side of the House would be the badge of courage and would not carry any stigma either socially or professionally. I said elsewhere that the sophisticated employment that follows on the type of technological training which people get in these third level colleges which we have already, is a concomitant of social availability, social respectability, social acceptability. In other words, this is a lot of bourgeois nonsense about technology being the poor relation. I submit that it is attitudinising.

What the third level colleges want at present is money, Lebensraum, buildings, and freedom to develop in their own way. They are not second-class citizens on the third level. That is a subjective approach to the whole matter. It is subjective in a certain milieu in the capital city. Is the Massachusetts Institute of Technology some kind of inferior place? Why should Kevin street or Bolton street be so regarded? In fact they are not. What does the Minister for Industry and Commerce want for Cork and Galway? "What do I want" he said? "What do I want for Cork and Galway"? Egocentrism gone mad. What do Cork and Galway want for themselves is also a valid question? If I have time I will come to what the Minister for Foreign Affairs said when he gave a ratio of so many hundreds of thousands of pounds to each third level institute. How does it change if Cork and Galway are allowed to develop in the NUI? How does that make any difference to the ratio?

And Limerick.

I am surprised that the Minister is so illogical. I am talking in the context of Cork and Galway. The Minister was using the argument against Cork and Galway becoming independent universities in their own right. His statement was completely illogical. The Minister knows that quite well.

Seven institutions.

The Minister was talking in the context of Cork and Galway. I will not be put off. The Minister did not allow me to ask questions. I would welcome them but I am very short of time. The Minister wants excellence and security. He talks about the centripetalism tendencies in Europe today. It is the duty of this House to fight against that centripetalism. At the beginning of our campaign to join the EEC, there was talk of that quadrangle in Europe and the industrial pull it had on all mainland Europe. It was built in to the philosophy of the EEC at that time that positive decisions would be taken to counteract that pull. What more telling counter-measure in third level education could the Administration take than to give University College, Galway, the right to become a university independent of the NUI?

The Minister for Foreign Affairs also said that the NUI complex involved a little bit of travelling. It did not involve him in very much travelling. The man who is in charge of a department in University College, Cork, or in University College, Galway, and who has to traipse up and down to Dublin, is involved in a good deal of travelling, hardship and waste of time. Obviously, this will be continued under the new arrangement. I submit that we can trust Cork and Galway to aim at excellence, an aim which hardly any university college ever achieves. It can also guarantee its own security by maintaining its own standards and contacts internationally.

I found the term "spurious local patriot" used by the Minister for Industry and Commerce very offensive. I found it very strange coming from the Minister for Industry and Commerce, a leading member of the Labour Party. When is local patriotism spurious and when is it genuine? Obviously, it is spurious if it disagrees with the Minister's preconceived ideas. He claimed that the top brass of the universities did not have the interest of higher education at heart but only in maintaining their own power bloc. Only the Minister for Industry and Commerce has the interests of higher education in Cork and Galway at heart. People who are involved in universities obviously do not have these interests at heart. This is a ridiculous situation.

His whole ideas were expressed in a most patronising fashion which I found disgusting. I cannot square them with the conclusions arrived at by the Commission on Higher Education, by the Higher Education Authority. Was it spurious local patriotism? Was it the influence of the top brass of the universities which appealed to the Commission on Higher Education to recommend independent university status to University College, Galway, and University College, Cork? It certainly was neither of these two groups who persuaded the Fianna Fáil Party that that should be the case. That is still their position and it will remain their position.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs talked about too many colleges. I have, as an obiter dictum, dealt partly with the illogicality of his remarks on that score in the context of indepenrent status for University College, Cork, and University College, Galway.

And Maynooth and Limerick and Ballymun.

I am dealing with University College, Cork and University College, Galway. It is the Minister's own proposals that intend to make independent universities out of Ballymun and out of Limerick. I am dealing with the proposition in relation to University College, Cork and University College, Galway. The Minister spoke about mobility. I cannot see horizontal mobility between the universities and the NIHE. There is a strong element of vertical mobility at the moment in the third level colleges in Dublin, and, indeed, an arrangement for post-graduate work between the third level colleges and Trinity College, Dublin. This was not adverted to at any stage by any of the speakers. It was said for example, that it was 50 years of separateness that made the colleges of technology the poor relations and also of inferior status. That is begging the question. If a conscious decision of the Administration allotted money to the Ballymun complex and to the buildings there, then they would not be short of money; they would not be short of Lebensraum and they could develop in their own way.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs also referred to resources. I cannot see how the conjoint board is necessary to guarantee the proper use of resources. The Higher Education Authority will be charged with making demands for money for the various developments and I cannot see why the Higher Education Authority could not perform this function and why it is necessary to have a new conjoint board unless it is that the Government have gone mad on bureaucracy, need more and more bureaucrats, more and more committees, more and more trammels on the university people.

The HEA is not an academic body. It has nothing to do with staff and students.

I will take that interruption from the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The HEA is not an academic body? It can be given any powers which we like to give from this House to deal with university education. It can be given; it can be expanded; it can be strengthened and get rid of this new committee the Minister was talking about.

With regard to the joint science faculty, it comes rather strange from an Administration that has expressed concern for science and technology above all and this is what is supposed to have put its stamp on the proposals of the Administration, that the science faculities of the University of Dublin and of University College, Dublin, have not been told what is in store for them. I have not seen a welcoming statement from either of them.

Again, the Minister for Foreign Affairs spoke of interest groups. Was it an interest group that sat on the Commission for Higher Education, the Ó Dálaigh Commission? Was it an interest group that adjudged UCC and UCG were entitled to independent status on the Higher Education Authority?

The Deputy's time is now exhausted.

A Cheann Comhairle, I shall finish at half past seven. I was interrupted by the Minister.

The Minister referred to veterinary medicine. This is a good, old oratorical trick. He picked the strongest point in that area. There is a certain logicality of veterinary medicine and agriculture going together, but he avoided it, as the Minister for Education has avoided over the last few weeks references to other more obvious disciplines where this particular argument would not obtain.

Private Members Business must conclude at 7.30 p.m.

It is not quite 7.30 yet, Sir. Our radical amendments— and I have twelve here but I shall mention only two again because they took up a lot of time—are independent status for University College, Cork, and University College, Galway——

On a point of order, under Standing Orders has the time gone by during which a Division can be called?

Private Members' Business concludes at 7.30.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 58: Níl, 64.

  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Lalor and Browne; Níl, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond.
Motion declared lost.
Barr
Roinn