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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 10 Feb 1976

Vol. 287 No. 9

Private Members' Business. - Housing Grants: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the decision of the Government to deprive a large section of the community of new house grants and demands their immediate restoration.

The Minister's amendment asks the Dáil to take note of "the Government's decision to provide from the Exchequer in 1976 a record amount of finance for housing." The Minister must have been hard-pressed to put down such a meaningless amendment. One could say what is in this amendment about any year's expenditure compared with the previous year's. Such a statement might have some relevance in stable conditions, but it is meaningless in the highly inflationary conditions in which we live.

The Government's capital budget was no consolation for the house building industry with its miserable increase of 4.3 per cent for housing at a time when the projected inflation rate was 16 per cent, and I would emphasise the word "was" because since then we have had the calamitous budget which will raise the inflation rate considerably higher. There was a fair cutback in the money being made available in real terms. The tragedy is that an industry which is capable of giving such a quick and worthwhile return in the employment field if it is properly financed and directed, is left floundering through lack of a sound policy. This is nothing short of disgraceful when we have 117,000 people unemployed, and which shows the Minister's amendment to be the mockery it is.

In 1972-73 we built approximately 22,000 houses with £46 million, while the Government last year built, if I may take the Minister's figures, about 25,000 houses for almost three times that amount of money. This is a pointer to the complete incompetence of the Government in controlling inflation, and it also points to the nonsense of referring to amounts of expenditure without reference to inflation. I asked a question last week about the increase in the average gross price of new houses from June, 1973, to September, 1975, and the increase was given as 38.5 per cent. I wonder how this can relate to the fact that it has cost in money terms considerably more if we are to take the figures I have given for the cost of building the 22,000 houses as compared with the cost of building the 25,000 houses.

The private sector of the house building industry has been in a state of crisis for the past two years. This has been recognised by everybody, by public representatives at all levels and in all parties, by the Congress of Trade Unions, by the Federated Union of Employers, by those who are involved in building the houses and those who are involved in buying them, and by the media generally—in fact, by everybody in the country except the Minister for Local Government and the Government who keep trotting out statistics relating to house building time and time again as if these figures were a panacea for all ills. No matter what cries for assistance arose from this hard-pressed industry, the Minister simply brushed them aside. He repeated his now well-known, and, may I say, well-worn housing statistics, and he attributed all opposition to political opportunism.

I shall deal later on with our proposals in this field. I would point to the fact that the proposals we made for loans and grants and qualifying income limits were accepted in toto by many and varied groups throughout the country as being realistic and as being urgently necessary. I think we can take some pride from the fact that motions which were passed by the General Council of County Councils and by municipal authorities were almost word for word with and in the exact same form as the motions we had put forward in our policy for the general election and the local elections.

We have to consider a serious psychological situation. I am convinced that the Minister has now reached the stage where he believes his own propaganda, where he believes that all is well with the house building industry, where he believes that there is no crisis despite all the evidence to the contrary. If he does not believe it, I cannot understand how he has taken the decisions over the past six months which any person would hesitate to take even if the industry were enjoying prosperity.

If he did not believe this propaganda, how could he over the past six months have removed the State grant from over 50 per cent of house buyers? How could he raise the interest rate on the SDA loans by 2 per cent to a now colossal 12½ per cent? How could he remove the Government subsidy from the building societies, allowing them to raise their interest rate to 12½ per cent? How could he refuse—seeing that the increase in the cost has gone up, as per the question I put down, by 38½ per cent—to increase the SDA loan and the qualifying income limits? If he is so engulfed in his own propaganda as to believe that these hammer blows to the ailing private sector of the building industry will not severely damage that industry. then the prospects for this very great industry are very grim indeed.

It is only when those who are in a position to help recognise that there are problems that there is any hope that anything of consequence will be done to help the industry. So long as the Minister persists in holding the view that there is nothing wrong, so long will this industry continue to deteriorate. I would hope that he will change his mind in relation to it. At this stage I think I could ask with some justification why the Minister and, to some extent, the Government, appear to be bent on wrecking the private sector of the house building industry. Can it have anything to do with the Minister's many charges that the criticisms of those who are involved in the industry are politically motivated? If that is so, I can assure him that Governments in the past have always had similar feelings about any group that strongly pressed its case to the embarrassment of the Government concerned, and I have no doubt this will continue to be the position in the future. However, Governments and Ministers in a democratic society must accept criticism and continue to act responsibly.

I have often wondered whether the Minister felt that it was necessary to uphold socialist principles by stultifying the initiative of individuals who are willing and anxious to provide through their own efforts a home for their families. Whatever the reason is, the damage which has been caused to the industry generally and the problems and difficulties besetting individuals and families because of the present non-policy are very real, and unless something is done quickly to counteract the present trend, then the future for this industry is very bleak.

The policy of my party is to continue to develop the industry and to increase the number of local authority houses, to ensure that they are of a high standard, that they are sited in a suitable environment, and to give every possible assistance to those who desire to build or to buy their own houses. In May, 1973, the level of the SDA loans obtained from local authorities to enable people to build or buy their own homes was increased to £4,500. The qualifying income limit was fixed at £2,350, or £45 a week, for such loans. At that time the average gross price of an SDA loan house was £5,700 and the average income of industrial workers, for example, qualified them for loans. Quite clearly at that time, and previous to it, it was intended that people such as industrial workers would qualify for such loans. Indeed, many of them availed of the opportunity afforded to them. They do not qualify now because of the qualifying income limit.

Building and construction costs have escalated since that time. The average price of a house built under the SDA loan scheme in September, 1975, the latest date for which I have statistics, was £7,900 and, again, as per the question I asked, that is an increase of 38.5 per cent. To build or buy such a house prior to December, 1975, a person with an income of £2,350, or less, would qualify for an SDA loan of £4,500 which is the maximum loan. He would then need to procure £3,400 elsewhere. When the Minister was questioned as to where he would find this extra money, he declared as a solution to the problem that the person concerned should save. I would agree that thrift is a virtue. I, too, would advocate that those intending to get married should save as much as they can towards the cost of purchasing a house. Any reasonable person would agree that a young man or woman who could save £3,400 on a salary of less than £2,350, or £45 a week, in these days of constantly escalating prices, would merit the award of a very special medal.

It is interesting to note the manner in which the Minister repaid those who took his advice and scrimped and saved on a meagre salary since this advice was given. On 1st January, 1976, he removed from most of those people the State grant of £325 while, at the same time, his colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, surreptitiously permitted increases ranging from 15 per cent to 25 per cent in the price of building material. In that way the Government, with one stroke of the pen, wiped out a saving of £1,000 by adding £1,000 to the cost of the house to the people concerned who proposed to build or buy in the coming year. In my view, this was not only a mean but a very cynical action. It did little to encourage the ordinary man in the street to have any faith in this Government.

The plain fact is that the applicant for an SDA loan has no alternative but to borrow most of the extra money from some other financial agency at a very much higher rate than he pays on the local authority market, bad and all as that is at present. Out of his, in present day conditions, very meagre salary or wage, he must repay the principal and interest on both loans at the same time. Thereby he is spending a very high proportion of his income on housing with a resultant financial squeeze on all other aspects of living. As I said previously, this has caused very considerable stress and strain which arise from the financial problems which have resulted from this position. In many instances, it has caused a nervous breakdown. In many instances, the wife is forced to continue working in outside employment after marriage. While I have no objections whatever to a wife working in outside employment after marriage if she so desires, it is quite a different matter altogether if she is forced to do so by a necessity of this kind.

We should remember that the applicant who borrows £4,500, which is the maximum loan, will now pay £48 a month, as opposed to £45 a month at the end of December, 1975. The latter figure is very much larger than that which was payable before the June budget of last year. In other words, repayment on the SDA loan amounts to about 25 per cent of his income, which income must be less than £45 a week. Over and above this he must repay the principal and interest on the extra money, the extra £3,400 which it was necessary for him to borrow at a high interest rate. Also involved in the purchase of a house are the cost of the furniture, the solicitor's fees, the surveyor's fees, and so on.

To add further to the problem of the unfortunate applicant, the Minister has now removed the State grant from all those who do not qualify for the supplementary grant, who are the majority of house purchasers. I want to stress this. The income limit to qualify for a supplementary new house grant for a single person is £1,950, or £37 a week. For a newly-married couple it is £2,050, or £39 a week. These are the figures with which we must concern ourselves and not the £2,350 per annum, small and all as that is, which was so well stressed by the Minister and his Department in the statements issued after the decision to withdraw the grants.

The income limit of £2,350 applies only to a man with a wife and three children dependent on him. The majority of those who are anxious to build or buy their own homes are either young men who propose to get married in the not-too-distant future, or young married couples. These are the people who are being forced by the Minister to forego the State grant of £325, the grant which the Minister and his Department described as having only minimal effect on those intending to build or purchase their own homes. If one were to relate the £325 to the total cost of the house, it might be said it constituted a relatively small portion of the cost. If the person buying a new house had only to find £325 we might agree it was a relatively small sum. Of course this is not the case at all.

We must relate the £325 State grant to the £3,400 he needs over and above the SDA loan and the now new total of £3,725 required could hardly be described as minimal for anybody not to mention those who have less than £37 a week. I should like to stress this again. The figure of £3,725 is just about two years' gross salary for a single man who would be entitled to a State grant. To find that kind of sum on that sort of income is impossible.

The fact is that for over 50 per cent of applicants who normally qualify for the State new house grant, the price of the house will rise by £325. They must find this money on top of the already high amount of extra money they need. This means that a single man who is anxious to get married and to buy or build his own house, if his income is more than £1,950 a year, or £37 a week, must find another £325. It means that a married couple without a family whose income is over £39 a week must find an extra £325. It means, in effect, that a very large number of those people will be forced to decide against providing their own houses and depend on the local authorities to do so. I do not need to add that these days the local authorities have very limited resources.

I noted with some interest the reaction of some Government Deputies in their efforts to support what I might term the insupportable decision of the Minister in relation to the grants. They stated that the grants simply went into the builders' pockets. I wonder if these Deputies have ever heard of the certificate of reasonable value issued by the Minister's Department in relation to house prices? Are they aware that, when reaching their conclusions on a fair price for a house, the Department take cognisance of the fact that the State grant is paid to the builder? Are they aware that the Minister himself recognised this when he stated recently that he would react strongly to any attempt by builders to increase house prices by more—I emphasise more—than the £325 per house as a result of the removal of the State grant. The case made by the Department simply will not wash. The fact remains that prices are rising by £325, which the unfortunate purchaser with more than £37 or £39 a week must pay.

Hard on the heels of this catastrophic decision by the Government and the Minister came another decision of a similar nature. This time the interest rate on SDA loans was increased for the second time in a few months and the rate now stands at a staggering 12½ per cent. These loans, intended to encourage people to provide homes for themselves, are now like the carrot too far ahead to reach. The various decisions taken by the Minister call into question the whole Government policy relating to private house building. Is it proposed to undermine it completely? Remember those paying this 12½ per cent interest are people with incomes of less than £45 a week. This is often forgotten, and unless we relate the shockingly high interest rate of 12½ per cent to the income of the borrower the real significance of the problem is not realised. Unless we relate the maximum SDA loan of £4,300 to the average price of a new house at £7,500 it is not possible to appreciate what the position is. It is only when all these factors are taken together that the frightening situation can be sufficiently emphasised.

To come back now to housing grants, on 1st January, 1976, which was a bank holiday, the announcement about the removal of the State grants was made. On the same day the Minister for Industry and Commerce secretly sanctioned a very large increase in the price of building materials. I say "secretly" because it did not appear in any of the papers for quite some time, in fact, not until my colleague, Deputy John O'Leary, raised it. On 2nd January, 1976, the rise in the interest rate on SDA loans to 12½ per cent was announced. This was in line with the familiar Coalition exercise of confusing the people and thereby avoiding debate. I refer to this specifically because of the now long forgotten promises of "open Government" by the Coalition before they got into office. The attempt to bemuse the people failed however and the country received the information with shocked surprise.

The arbitrary manner in which the announcement was made and the complete lack of consultation has deprived a great many small builders and many private individuals of their rights and, as far as I am concerned, of their money. The Department are well aware of the fact that in many instances, either because of lack of staff or ignorance of the rules and regulations, many small firms and individuals did not apply for grants until the new houses were well advanced. In fact, because the builder or the person buying the house was aware that part of the grant would not be paid until a certain stage in building had been reached, he did not apply for the grant until the house had reached that particular stage.

Although they were technically at fault this was not the first time this happened and previously the Department never failed to pay. Many people throughout the country now find themselves in a shocking position, little short of taking the money out of their pockets, because the Department refuse to pay them. Those concerned had decided, with encouragement from the Government, to build their own houses. They commenced building. In many instances they had partially completed building on the distinct understanding from long experience that, so long as they complied with the regulations relating to planning permission, size, materials used and so on, they would get the State grant. By a deliberate decision of the Government this is now being denied them.

This was an arbitrary decision and a decision wrong in principle. The people are in justice entitled to the grants and they should be paid them. I would remind the Minister that in the past when grants were increased the Department's line always was that, if the foundations were poured prior to the date on which the increase in grants was effective, the houses concerned were not regarded as entitled to the increased grant. If this was the case when such a decision suited, then equally it should be the case now and, where the foundations were poured prior to 1st January, the grant should be paid. It would be equally easy now to determine the date on which the foundations were poured as it was on previous occasions when it suited the Department to lay down that particular condition. It is far from sufficient to say, as has been said, that those who have got certificates of reasonable value before 1st January are to be paid because it takes quite a considerable time in many instances to negotiate these certificates and many builders were in the process of negotiating them on 1st January last.

Apart from the quandary in which future applicants will find themselves, the basic unfairness of the decision to withdraw State grants is all too apparent. The vast majority of recipients were far from being rich people. Rich people in the main built houses of a size outside the scope of the grants. I was rather amused, indeed, to hear the Minister say on the radio that the grants were being reserved for those who were most in need, as if a married couple with a gross income of £40 a week are not in need of assistance to buy or build their own home costing an average of £8,000. The fact is that the vast majority of those to whom grants no longer apply need them badly. These grants were performing a worth-while public and social service in helping to provide houses. The cost of the grants for this social purpose was laid on the shoulders of all the people through taxation and it therefore fell relatively lightly on each individual. The Minister's decision has determined that this burden must in future be borne by a small number of people individually and each must carry on his own shoulders the £325 originally given in grant. So far as I can see, the individual is of little consequence where this Government are concerned. The reasons for my belief are not confined simply to the motion before the House because, as far as the Coalition are concerned, initiative is out.

The consequences of the Government's decision will now be that many of those wanting to build their own homes will be unable to do so. This will increase the already long waiting list for local authority houses. Those who were hitherto enabled to provide homes from their own resources will be in competition for local authority houses and this new group will be added to the queue. This will increase the demand for local authority houses and, I would emphasise, for the money to finance them. It is difficult to see where the Government will, even in the short-term, save money by their decision with regard to housing grants unless it is their intention not to build any houses for those whom they are now depriving of the wherewithal to build houses for themselves.

There will be little use in the Minister replying that more local authoity houses are now being built than previously, because the number being built is far from fulfilling present needs and still only amount to one-third of houses built each year. Even if finance were available, which it is not, it is not possible to suddenly provide a large number of extra local authority houses. Schemes would have to be prepared and various technicalities have to be gone through before they can even be started.

On the other hand, many privately built houses on the market are awaiting purchasers. Builders have land ready and waiting for the rapid erection of further houses should the Government show any real interest in the industry. Far from showing any interest, the Government's attitude is the opposite. Their actions are ensuring an acceleration of the slowing down process in the building industry. Local authorities might be permitted to buy houses which are at present available for sale but remain unsold in the private sector, but as local authorities have not sufficient money to finance their own projects, this proposal is hardly feasible.

The Minister's only defence of his action is to repeat his housing statistics. There are large numbers of houses, unsold, which have been built by various builders, large and small, and many of them are lying idle. Nevertheless, they are useful statistics. If the sales position was bad in the past, what will it be like in the future? The price of houses has been increasing rapidly and regularly. Now we have taken away the £325 grant and the cost of building materials has increased, as was disclosed by Deputy J. O'Leary. This is estimated to add another £700 to the cost of a house.

The basic problem for the purchase of a new house in recent years was that it has become increasingly difficult to bridge the gap between the price of the house and the maximum loan available, especially on the very low qualifying income limit. Many severe social problems are being caused by the fact that the repayments of loans eat up much of the family income. Because of the increases occurring daily in the cost of living under the present Government, the people concerned are unable to stand the strain.

There are over 22,000 building workers unemployed, approximately 25 per cent of our total work force. There are more than 8,000 building workers fewer employed in the private sector than there were 12 months ago. Those workers were providing for their families, making their contribution to the economy but now they are standing in queues outside the employment exchanges. The only contribution the Government are making for their future is to ensure that any prospect they might have of re-employment is now shattered. There was less cement sold on the home market last year than the previous year. As I said on an earlier occasion, there is no better indicator of the health of the building industry than the sales of cement. Recently a number of employees in Cement Limited were declared redundant.

The removal of the grant, the increases in building costs, building materials, SDA loans and interest rates, all point to the fact that bad as the position in the building industry was last year, it will be worse in the coming year. Because of the serious deterioration in the building industry, workers continue to lose their employment in ancillary industries and also the building retail business.

The really sad and disheartening aspect of the Minister's decision on grants and his general housing policy, is not simply its impact on the individual or the family wishing to buy their homes, it is not simply the impact on the present unemployment situation, but rather on the fact that the building and construction industry is the one industry which is capable of rapid expansion and development. It is the one industry which can produce jobs quickly. A new manufacturing industry is necessary and very useful, but its capacity to provide a large number of jobs quickly is limited. The difference between the number of jobs created and those actually filled can be immense. In circumstances where there are 117,000 people unemployed, one would have thought that the Government would have treated the building industry as a top priority. Whatever reductions were effected elsewhere, extra money should be available here in real terms—I emphasise "in real terms"—to provide employment.

With reference to the highly inflationary situation, to speak of increased spending in vacuo has no meaning as any housewife can tell you. What is very real is the fact that there are 8,000 workers fewer in employment this year than last year. Very real also is the fact that there are large numbers of workers in ancillary industries who have lost their employment. Very real, too, is the capacity of this industry to develop and provide employment.

The position is deteriorating rapidly and the Government appear to be looking at it in a hypnotised fashion, unable to do anything. Saving £750,000 out of a total expenditure of £2,250 million to such disastrous effect is symptomatic of the puerile approach of the Government to our economic problems. Instead of cutting back in real terms the Government should have made more money available for house purchasers. The SDA loans and grants were the workingman's means of providing a home for himself and his family. There is no point in his case referring to moneys which are available in building societies and banks for housing purchase because he cannot borrow from these agencies with an income as low as £37 per week. The only alternative these people have now is to go on the local authority housing list and wait for we do not know how long before they get a house.

Fianna Fáil policy, I want to emphasise, is to help the person who wishes to provide his own home to the fullest extent. When we were in office we had a rapid and well directed development in housing construction. More houses were built each year. More people were put into employment. More people were working in the ancillary industries. I want to repeat that when we return to office we propose to increase the loan levels to a realistic figure. We propose to increase the qualifying income limit to a realistic level and to restore the new housing grants and increase them.

The people are no longer satisfied with excuses or emphasis being laid on inflationary amount of money. What they want to know is what increases there are in real terms because there is a considerable decrease in the amount of money, in real terms, being made available this year. Because we are very concerned about the unemployment situation, one of our first priorities when we are returned to office will be to revitalise this important industry, to allow it to create jobs quickly, thereby checking the unemployment figures.

On behalf of the Minister for Local Government, I move the following amendment:

That the motion be amended by deleting all the words after "Dáil Eireann" and substituting the following : "takes note of the Government's decision to provide from the Exchequer in 1976 a record amount of finance for housing".

Was Deputy Faulkner serious when he made his contribution or was he displaying a lack of knowledge or a high degree of parliamentary ignorance in regard to the housing situation and the progress of the Government in this regard? Was he serious when he said it was necessary to invest more money in housing when one considers that last week, and the previous week, Fianna Fáil speakers, one after another, told us that they did not want any more taxation. They told us that taxation was too high, that the taxpayers were being bled to death and that it was unjust and unreal of the Government to impose any other form of taxation on the people.

Can Deputy Faulkner, or any Member of Fianna Fáil, tell us where to obtain all this money, money which is so lavish when they are in Opposition but never available when in Office? The Government have been criticised for not putting enough money into housing but during the last two years, when housing was falling off in every country in western Europe, it was increasing here. Fianna Fáil should note that fact. I will be disappointed if some Fianna Fáil speaker, before this debate concludes, does not tell us the method they would use to make this money available. When I hear a Deputy, who is so highly thought of, such as Deputy Faulkner speak of "injustice" I think seriously. When he used that word Deputy Faulkner did not blush or smile. He had the countenance of a very serious man but he seemed to have forgotten the injustices of Fianna Fáil when they deprived the Farmers Journal of all advertising and slashed all the food subsidies at a time when there was economic stability throughout the world.

Deputy Faulkner either forgot those important details or he deliberately refrained from mentioning them because he did not want them put on the record of the House. Deputy Faulkner did not mention that new house grants were shut off to all urban dwellers as a result of a decision of a Fianna Fáil Government from 1939 and were not reintroduced until the Housing Act of 1948 was passed. Deputy Faulkner did not mention that injustice. In spite of the fact that grants were not available to urban dwellers for new houses during those years the construction industry survived. There was more justification for the recent move by the Government to relate the payment of financial aid from public funds to the genuine needy than for the move made by a previous Government which resulted in grants being paid irrespective of means or income.

There is justification for the Government's move particularly at a time when every Department is undergoing a financial examination to see what economies can be achieved in an effort to relieve the taxpayers. On examination of the situation, can Deputy Faulkner justify the paying of a grant of £325 to a wealthy person for the erection of a superior type house? Can he justify the payment of such a grant to speculative contractors and builders, all of whom are not angels or saints? Was it not correct to ensure that, at a time when financial examination was being carried out in every sector of the economy and moneys were going to speculators and into the pockets of wealthy people, the person in the lower income group was safeguarded. It was right that some steps should be taken to safeguard those in the lower income group, the ordinary workers who had enough courage, foresight and determination to build their own homes. Was it not right in a time of financial crisis that sufficient money by way of grants should be available for those who needed it?

That is what prompted the Government and the Minister for Local Government to see that justice was done to those most in need of financial assistance, those who are put to the pin of their collars to finance the building of their own homes. Such people need not worry. The vast majority who have obtained new grants or supplementary grants from the councils will qualify for new house grants from the State.

Not only in relation to this motion but on previous occasions Deputies opposite have voiced criticism about the tremendous hardship imposed on young people who wish to buy their own homes. It takes courage, dedication and willingness on the part of the young people to save sufficient money to buy their own houses. We all appreciate the many sacrifices they make; they should be commended rather than criticised or discouraged. At a time when £1 million a day is spent on alcohol, tobacco, pop records and glossy magazines, it is heartening to see so many young people with sufficient moral fibre and affection for each other to make them willing to save towards a deposit on a house. Couples who work and save together in this way in order to make a home will be the solid citizens of the future.

The Government's decision in relation to grants must be considered against the background of the huge increase over the past three years in the public capital provided for housing and also the need, accepted by all sides, to control the growth of public spending. Deputy Faulkner and others must be aware that in 1972-73 the public capital programme provided £46 million for housing—this year the total will be £122 million. Those are the facts. But, despite that, Deputy Faulkner tells us the building industry is facing gloom, that the Government's record of housing is not good.

The output of houses and the general record of the Government have not been equalled in this or in any other country. If Deputy Faulkner goes to the trouble of reading the bulletin of housing statistics he will see that since Fianna Fáil were put out of office there has been a steady growth year after year in the number of houses provided by local authorities as well as in the number of houses erected privately. A vast amount of money has been made available for house purchase, yet Deputy Faulkner and others have criticised the Government. They have done this at a time when there has been an increase in the public capital programme from £46 million to £122 million, or well over one-fifth of all capital expenditure by the Government.

Fianna Fáil would like to utilise any statement they can get into print, mischievously or otherwise, for the purpose of deceiving the public. To say there has not been a tremendous expansion in the number of houses and in the amount of money spent on house building is not only false but is a deliberate effort to mislead the public. Those of us on this side of the House are dedicated towards housing the people and we have taken practical steps in this matter. We have ensured that the necessary finances are available to those anxious to provide their own houses.

That should answer the question why the adjustment and review of these grants has taken place. I venture to say that Deputy Faulkner never knew that from 1939 until 1948 Fianna Fáil deliberately shut off all urban dwellers from new house grants. Now that party have the nerve to tell us that they are critical of what has been done. What was done was right and proper to ensure that the necessary money was and is available for those in need.

Certificates of reasonable value under section 35 of the Housing Act, 1966, have been issued by the Department in recent months in respect of many houses costing between £15,500 and £19,900. Do Fianna Fáil Deputies honestly think that the purchasers of such houses would be deterred from buying them just because the Government did not feel it should defray £300 of the cost? Alternatively, at a time when pressures on the taxpayer are severe, should he be expected to subsidise this type of affluent purchaser?

These may appear to be extreme cases, but a quick reference to the Department's Quarterly Bulletin of Housing Statistics will provide further relevant and interesting information. Building societies have been the major source of mortgage finance over the past year. The average loan for a new house which the societies approved in the quarter to last September was £7,720, indicating a purchase price of about £10,500 and a borrower's income of some £4,700 a year. The associated banks are committed to lending £40 million in housing loans in the two years ending 30th June, 1977 next. The average new house loan which they approved in the quarter to 30th September, 1975, was £8,520, suggesting a purchase price of about £11,500 and an income for the borrower in the £5,000 a year bracket.

In the light of these figures might I ask what relevance has a grant of £300 or £325? The other side of the coin is the case of the person with an income of up to £2,350 a year, qualifying for a local authority loan and grant. The average new house prices, gross, for which such loans were approved in the September, 1975, quarter was £7,907. Combined grants from the Department and the local authority of £650 in such cases— indeed, up to £900 a house in special category cases—are both meaningful and wholly justified. And that is why the Government have decided to continue paying grants to these classes.

It is necessary to point out that the effect of the decision is nothing like as extreme as Deputies opposite have suggested. In the nine-month financial year 1974, some 51 per cent of all persons who were paid new house grants by the Department also received supplementary grants from local authorities. Last year, it is provisionally estimated, the proportion qualifying was 46 per cent. On this basis it seems certain that a substantial proportion of all purchasers of grant-type new houses will continue to benefit from the combined grants.

Another point which must be corrected is the suggestion that the withdrawal of the new house grant from persons ineligible for supplementary grants will oblige them to find an additional £325 by way of deposit. A house-purchase loan generally covers 75 per cent to 80 per cent of the cost of a house, so that the additional deposit required where a grant is not payable will be about £65 to £80, the balance being funded in the purchase loan.

The grant is only one of the financial aids from public funds to encourage individuals to build or buy their own houses. The other direct subventions by way of rates remission and exemption from stamp duty will continue to apply to grant-type houses which are satisfactorily completed and, if speculatively built, are sold at a price certified to be reasonable.

The combined value of these two concessions could amount to £1,200 in the case of a £10,000 house. In addition, of course, income tax relief will be allowed in respect of the annual interest element in the repayment of mortgage loans.

The decision of the Government to limit new house grants to persons genuinely in need of assistance is in line with their general policy to divert moneys provided for social and allied purposes to the maximum extent possible to the people who need it most. This policy has been reflected also in the notable expansion of the public housing programme which, last year, gave us the greatest output of local authority housing in the history of the State. Not only was the ultimate target of 8,000 new dwellings set by the National Coalition achieved, it was exceeded by at least 700 new completions. This achievement set the seal on the commitment of the present Government to public housing. It ill becomes the Opposition to be putting down critical motions about housing when they, as a Government, had such a deplorable record in housing, particularly in local authority housing.

The Government committed themselves in this way to housing. The target they set themselves three years ago has not alone been achieved but a substantial number of extra houses have been built. The building industry is in a sound state and has nothing to fear. It has a bright future under the present Government. The criticism offered by Deputy Faulkner is designed for party political purposes. He could not make any case tonight. He had no facts and no figures and he knew that any he could quote would be against Fianna Fáil. He knows that the targets embarked on by the Government three years ago when they took office have been achieved and surpassed.

Following the savage attack made by the Minister for Local Government and the Coalition Government on a large section of prospective house buyers, we felt it incumbent upon us to come to their aid. For that reason we placed this motion on the Order Paper. It reads:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the decision of the Government to deprive a large section of the community of new house grants and demands their immediate restoration.

The Government, as is their usual manner when Private Members Motions are discussed, have come forward with an ostrich-like amendment which reads:

...takes note of the Government's decision to provide from the Exchequer in 1976 a record amount of finance for housing.

We heard the Parliamentary Secretary speak of the record amount of money, £122 million, but let us look at what that £122 million bought in comparison with the £46 million that Fianna Fáil spent. In 1972, Fianna Fáil succeeded in building 22,000 houses for £46 million. The Coalition built 25,000 houses for £122 million. They are welcome to that sort of twisted economics, which shows nothing but the galloping inflation rampant in this country today. To be involved in such figures of inflation is not a record to be proud of. If the £122 million was being spent at the rate and was buying what was being bought by Fianna Fáil you would have some reason to be proud as a Government. Instead of being proud, this Government should be ashamed to be associated with such galloping inflation.

Of course, the history of the previous Coalition was one of attack and destruction of the building industry at that time, and here we are again in exactly the same situation. They cannot say they were not warned. Under various Private Members' Motions put down in this House we repeatedly called for an increase in the SDA loans, an income limit to the loan, and for at least a 50 per cent increase in the new house grants. But what did we have? We had the savage decision to cut grants. Now we have the Parliamentary Secretary crying false tears because we on this side were suggesting that the new house grants were only going to people buying £19,000 and £20,000 houses. Does the Parliamentary Secretary suggest that a married man buying a house, earning £41 or £42 per week, and now being deprived of the State grant, is a wealthy man? Is that the Parliamentary Secretary's idea of a wealthy man, when these are the average earnings for those who are fortunate enough to have jobs at present—and there are very few people in that situation because of the increasing unemployment?

The Parliamentary Secretary said there would be assistance for people in genuine need. There was assistance in the £325 State grant, but where has that assistance gone? It has gone in typical Coalition fashion, in destruction of all kinds and especially of those trying to improve their lot such as a young couple trying to buy a house. People in need should have no worry, according to the Parliamentary Secretary. He praised the courage, dedication and willingness of young couples to buy homes, but what assistance are they getting for their courage, dedication and willingness? They are getting no assistance. They are being harrassed by this Government in a way which has not happened prior to this except under the previous Coalition regime.

Just in case the Parliamentary Secretary feels that this decision to cut grants is being attacked only by the Fianna Fáil Party, I quote from The Irish Times of 3rd January, 1976. The National Association of Building Co-operatives, in a statement, said it unreservedly condemned the decision of the Department.

This decision will directly affect housing co-operative members, because the amount of the State grant, (£325), has been used to directly reduce the total deposit paid by them for house purchase through a co-operative. At a time when housing co-operatives are having considerable difficulty in keeping total deposit amounts down to a figure of £2,000 to be paid from the purchaser's own savings, this latest restriction must be regarded as an undeserved and severe setback to the people trying to help themselves.

It further says:

Therefore, the description of the grant as being of marginal assistance shows a surprising lack of sensitivity to the real needs of the house purchaser.

I would suggest that that has more meaning to the people than the flimflam type of approach of the Parliamentary Secretary, who refers to £19,000 and £20,000 house purchasers. Surely the situation of a reputable organisation like the National Association of Building Co-Operatives who are trying to work for the benefit of young couples and people trying to buy houses in the middle income group, has more relevance than the attitude of the Parliamentary Secretary.

A further quotation, from The Irish Times of 1st-2nd January, 1976, reads:

On the other hand, the loss of the grant, as well as being a financial blow to the purchaser, will also be a big psychological setback. Overall, it will make the struggle which one goes through to buy one's own home that bit more difficult. While it may be a difficult time for the Government necessitating such drastic measures, it is also a difficult time for the purchaser. The building industry has already carefully documented for the Government the problems they are facing.

We have a Government that are completely immune to proper representation from any organisation. They were elected on the basis of having clear discussions with all sections of the community prior to making major decisions, but look at this major decision to make a savage attack on prospective house purchasers. Of course, if we wanted an example of how the people felt about the broken promise of negotiation with all sections, all we had to do was look out at Kildare Street today and see what the students thought about negotiation with this Government.

The Deputy must keep to the motion before the House.

I am keeping to the motion as much as the Parliamentary Secretary did.

The Deputy cannot say very much about housing, so he has to talk about something else.

If the Government insist on going ahead with this foolhardy decision introduced in such a small, mean and niggardly way, and announced on a bank holiday, surely if they are to keep any semblance of credibility the least they can do is to make the regulation from the date the foundations were poured into the ground and not the type of niggardly and mean approach they took on it to announce a date on a bank holiday hoping that nobody would notice it and notice the 20 per cent increase that was announced a day later on building material costs. What are they saving?—£750,000 out of a total amount of £2,200 million being spent this year by the Government.

If the Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary feel that it is only Fianna Fáil and maybe some outsiders such as the National Association of Building Co-operatives who are attacking them—and the Parliamentary Secretary for the record is nodding his head to say that is all—I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to ask the Assistant Whip of the Government what he thinks of it. Last night at a meeting of Dublin County Council the Assistant Whip of the Government, Deputy Desmond, speaking on a motion of mine condemning the Minister on this particular issue, said he thought it was an unfortunate decision to make just for a mere £750,000. I do not think even the Parliamentary Secretary will say that Deputy Desmond would be included as one of the camp followers of Fianna Fáil or suggest that he was some speculative builder who has close associations with Fianna Fáil, which are the usual snide remarks from that side of the House. Surely Deputy Desmond could be taken to be a supporter of the party or of the Government—well, sometimes he can, it depends on the issue, but on this particular occasion Deputy Desmond felt he must criticise and that it was an unfortunate decision to cut the grant.

To speak about the State grant and supplementary grant in a vacuum is incorrect. One must also look at the total picture, and that is the situation with regard to the SDA loans. On 5th February, 1975, on a Private Members' Motion, column 1784 of volume 277 of the Official Report, when we on this side of the House were asking the Minister for Local Government the amount of the loan available and also to increase the income limit, one of the reasons the Minister gave for there being no need to increase the income limit and also the amount available is as follows:

Regard must also be had to the continuing high demand for local authority loans.

He went on:

These figures certainly do not suggest any slackening off in demand for loans facilities from the local authorities.

At that time we advised the Minister that there was a slackening off, that it would come unless he increased the loans. The figures from Dublin County Council for loans at the last period in 1975 and for the first month of 1976 have shown a decrease month by month. Every month there has been a decrease in the number of loan applications made.

Dublin is not Ireland.

It is a very big and important part of it.

(Interruptions.)

In January, 1975, there were 154 applications and in January, 1976, there were 97 applications. To take the Minister at his own words only last February, the decrease has now been proven and surely the time has come to increase the amount of the SDA loan. The Government have admitted by their own figures that the average house price for SDA loans was £7,907. Now, unfortunate buyers have to struggle through with an SDA loan limit of £4,500. To become eligible for the £4,500 loan it is necessary to be earning less than £2,350, which is about £46 per week. How is it possible to save the balance between the SDA loan and the price of the house if a person is earning less than £45 per week, because the deposit is approximately £3,400? How is it possible to find £3,400 when a person is earning less than £45 per week? They are the full facts, using the Government's own figures. The Parliamentary Secretary said we were afraid to use statistics. They are the statistics, they are the facts, and they cannot be denied. Surely three things should happen in that situation. One, the grant should not have been eliminated; two, the SDA limit should be increased from £4,500 to at least £6,000; and, three, the income limit for eligibility should be increased from £2,350 to £3,000. At the same time, with these appalling figures, the Government had the audacity to take note of their decision to provide from the Exchequer in 1976 a record amount of finance for housing. What is it achieving?

It is achieving 25,000 houses per year.

At a cost of £122 million.

There was never as much money spent on housing in the history of the country.

One of the tragic side effects of this whole lack of policy by the Government is, first of all, in the cutting of the grants——

The grant has not been eliminated.

I must be hitting a sensitive cord in the Parliamentary Secretary.

One of the tragedies of the decision to eliminate the grant, the failure to increase the SDA loan, and the failure to increase the income limit is that it is going to increase dramatically the number of applications for local authority houses. When you are at the stage where thousands of people are on housing lists, and cannot be housed, the last thing in the world we need is extra numbers put on an already overburdened housing list. This is all the Minister's decision has succeeded in doing. It is going to transfer to the housing list thousands of people who would have been prepared to buy their own homes. They will now find themselves unable to do this because of the steep increases in prices, because of the lack of decision to increase the SDA loans and the income limit, and because of the decision to eliminate the State grant for all other than those who would be eligible for the State grant. Of course, the eligibility limit for the supplementary grant is appallingly low, despite the comments of the Parliamentary Secretary, who suggested that anyone earning slightly over £40 per week would be in a position to buy a £19,000 house.

Debate adjourned.
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