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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 21 Feb 1978

Vol. 303 No. 10

Private Members' Business: - Energy Policy: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, recognising the prospect of a serious gap in our future energy resources, aware of the need to acquaint itself with up-to-date knowledge of the economic, technical and environmental issues associated with nuclear and other sources of energy and in view of its need to determine an appropriate energy policy for the country in the future, deems it expedient:

(1) That a Select Committee consisting of 12 members of Dáil Éireann be appointed to be joined with a Select Committee appointed by Seanad Éireann to form the Joint Committee on any proposal to construct a nuclear power station in Ireland, to examine such proposals and programmes and to report thereon to both Houses of the Oireachtas;

(2) That the Joint Committee shall be empowered to print and publish such reports, proceedings and submissions together with such related documents as it thinks fit; and

(3) That the Joint Committee shall be empowered to hold public hearings and commission expert evidence on such proposals, including national energy resources and alternative sources of energy supply to the nation.

The motion is dated February 20 and has been circulated to Members. I note that in recent days the Minister has tabled an amendment to it but our motion is self-explanatory. We in the Labour Party, supported by Fine Gael, have suggested to the House that a select joint committee be established to examine proposals of the nature outlined in the motion and the respective programmes of the Government and the ESB and to report thereon to both Houses of the Oireachtas. The proposal is eminently reasonable and we are perplexed, to say the least, that the Minister has decided to table an amendment negating, in effect, the proposition contained in this motion. We suggest that this motion is an acid test of the policy statement made by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy at the weekend that the Government wish to see the maximum public debate on the question of the development of nuclear power in the Republic. He waxed eloquently at the Ard-Fheis about issuing directions to the ESB to make the maximum possible amount of information available to responsible opinion, yet he denies Deputies and Senators the opportunity to get together around the table. They should be able to sit down with experts and with their own secretariat and receive submissions from interested organisations. This would enable them to consider in an objective and impartial manner the issues involved. I am, therefore, very surprised at the content of the amendment suggested by the Minister.

I suggest that responsible opinion, whether it resides in the political parties or in the ESB or elsewhere, would not support the Minister's amendment. All political parties are concerned about economic growth and industrial expansion and these twin objectives are the cornerstones of the policies of all the political parties. Inevitably, these policies mean that we require massive growth in energy consumption. We are all aware that since the Second World War the energy demands of the world have risen by about 8 per cent per annum and in the past eight or ten years the energy requirements in this country have practically doubled. Some 80 per cent of the energy production here is dependent on imported oil. Even with conservation measures and even if the industrialised nations were to moderate substantially their demands, the demand for energy is likely to increase. Growth in world population is about 2 per cent per annum, and we must bear in mind that the expectations of the developing countries are immense and that they will require an increasing consumption of energy. I do not profess to be an expert in this field but it appears in the context of the tremendous demands for energy that nuclear energy will have a role to play in the future.

We should also note that Ireland's current electricity consumption per capita is the lowest in the EEC. Even if we accept the ESB projections, Ireland will still be the lowest per capita consumer of electricity in the EEC in 1980 and up to 1985. Despite the massive reserves of coal and the very substantial natural gas production in the UK, their resources are still relatively scarce and they have utilised nuclear energy in diversifying their general resources capacity. I do not want to belabour the point but I would simply say that the stark effects of the Irish energy situation are well known to the Minister and to the House. The Minister has received a submission from the board of the ESB, though I have not received a copy. It is a 79-page document giving the various options, projections and alternatives in terms of energy production up to the end of this century. This document has been in the hands of the Minister for a number of months. I am surprised, because it appears he will take a rather precipitate and arbitrary decision in that regard in the immediate future. If one can read between the lines, he seems to have come down firmly, without any public debate or White Paper or very much explanation in this House, on the construction somewhere in Ireland of a nuclear power station. This House is entitled to a joint committee to review this imminent decision and to act as a watchdog. Even if the Minister announces tomorrow morning that we are to have a nuclear power station, it will take the best part of ten years to have it commissioned and in operation. This is common knowledge in the context of the construction of nuclear stations.

The basic suggestion in the Labour Party motion that we should have a joint committee which would have a parliamentary role in relation to such massive development is eminently fair and reasonable. I would point out to the Minister that we have an antiquated system of debate in this House, whereby we have a conventional exchange of opinions across the floor such as we are engaged in this evening. That kind of exchange is totally inadequate to consider in any depth the issues involved. It does not permit extensive rational discussion or policy formation and it does not provide the opportunity for Deputies to hear expert opinion. A joint committee would constitute the most objective method of Oireachtas evaluation and I strongly suggest this to the Minister. I had hoped that he would accept our motion.

I had hoped this joint committee would act as a dispassionate and impartial parliamentary forum to evaluate the issues involved. Indeed, I had hoped and would have thought that any Government approach to energy policy would have as a prerequisite the publication of a White Paper on national energy resources. The Minister might rightly say that the Coalition did not do this while in office. He might even say that we were seriously remiss in not doing so and, regretfully, I must agree with him. But surely Fianna Fáil should not compound that error. It seems that the Minister is bowing to the conventional wisdom such as he now possesses with just the ESB report in his hand and bowing also perhaps to the conventional wisdom of his Department. From my experience of nearly ten years in the Dáil I have never regarded that Department, with no disrespect to the distinguished public servants present, as having a great reputation in terms of innovation and energy policy and therefore I had never expected to see a prospect of a White Paper; if it did not happen under Deputy Barry, it is not likely to happen under Deputy O'Malley. White Papers seem to be something that that Department run away from.

It is a matter of serious concern that a very arbitrary Government decision involving massive capital expenditure and investment is about to be taken by the Cabinet, rather than by the Minister, with the absolute minimum of public discussion and with no publication of a White Paper. I doubt if that situation would be tolerated by public opinion in any other west European country. It will be impossible for Deputies and Senators to feel adequately informed on these issues even after extensive reading on the subject because of the absence of a joint committee. We shall be dependent on public relations handouts from the companies concerned, on Press releases from the Minister and on our own very limited resources in trying to evaluate the situation.

I do not want to postulate that a nuclear power station in any part of the country is necessarily a Pandora's box containing the prospect of all dangers for the country. Neither do I believe that a nuclear power station will be the ultimate means of saving us in any future economic depression in the event of oil prices rocketing. The truth tends to lie between these extremes. In that context, I have never regarded myself as an extremist but anybody with a serious interest in nuclear energy will be aware of the very strong conflicting opinions that exist about the expansion of nuclear energy in this country, in western Europe and America, in the Soviet Union, China and the sub-continents. There is a strong responsible body of opinion here, and more particularly in Europe, which holds the view that any such expansion will in the long run prove detrimental to health, environmental structures and the very survival of mankind. Equally, there is a very strong body of opinion which holds that economic prosperity and social progress here and in Europe depend on the further utilisation of nuclear energy.

There seems to be a very common myth that the ESB, in evaluating these issues, have said to the Minister: "Nuclear energy—we want to build a power station at Carnsore Point". I understand that is not so and that the ESB laid options before the Minister namely, coal stations, a series of coal power stations, fuelled with imported Australian coal with the alternative of conventional nuclear power stations. I believe the ESB have said to the Minister that the decision should be his because there are other variables in the problem. There is the problem of natural gas. The full information is available to the Minister. We do not know if the Minister is about to decide that the ESB allocation of natural gas in Cork is to be chopped or not. If it is, a different problem faces the ESB as regards future power generation. We do not know what is in the confidential files of the Department in relation to oil development and bringing it ashore. The Minister has the most up-to-date information in that regard. I would stress that the ESB do not know the situation as regards natural gas and oil resources off the Continental Shelf because the ESB are not in that business. I share the school of thought that the ESB should have been in that business long ago but that is another argument for another evening.

Therefore, the country has the alternatives of coal or nuclear power. They appear to be the most reliable sources of power and it is up to the Minister to make up his mind. Unfortunately, it seems that he has not only made up his mind but that he has dived headlong into the situation of saying: "We shall have a nuclear power station." In this House we are in no position to assess whether the Minister is making up his mind on an arbitrary basis or on the basis of the fullest possible information. We shall give him the benefit of the doubt in that regard.

There has been a good deal of public comment and discussion about alternatives to coal and nuclear power. I assume that we want to reduce our dependence on imported oil and I am all in favour of diversification in that context. I do not know a great deal about these alternatives such as solar energy which has been mentioned from time to time. We have had alternatives in relation to wind, waves, tidal propositions, suggestions in relation to alleged underdevelopment of hydro capacity and so on, and it seems to me that the majority of authoritative opinion in Europe is of the view that these alternatives will not be likely to contribute any major significant addition to our total energy requirements in the next 20 years or so.

Having read as much as I could on the subject in the last few months I am inclined to that view. I appreciate there is a body of opinion in favour of what we call the clean renewable energies, but although not denying the potential of such systems it seems to me we will have to depend mainly on fossil fuels and nuclear energy to meet our future energy requirements. I have come to that not very firm view and if a joint committee were set up I would relish the prospect of having my information expanded and possibly my views changed if I found the information convincing.

The alternatives that have been mentioned have not yet reached the stage of development which coal, oil and nuclear energy had already reached ten or 20 years ago. We must bear in mind in Ireland that we are talking about the general prospect of a future full-sized commercial nuclear generating station-one or two or three such stations as we decide on general energy strategy.

I had hoped that a joint committee would also have been given the opportunity to take into account the reports of recent initiatives of the EEC in organising public hearings on nuclear energy. There have been two such hearings, one last December and one in January, and I had hoped that the proposed joint committee would have been given an opportunity to review the evidence presented at those hearings. There is a large volume of other evidence available, such as the report of the Windscale hearings, and I would have thought the proposed committee would have been given an opportunity to consider such evidence in detail. Apparently this is not to be and we shall simply have to badger the Joint Library Committee to spend a great deal of money purchasing copies of this data so that it will be available to Members because the Minister apparently is not disposed to consult any further with the Members of the House.

There is also available from the various nuclear energy authorities in Europe, the UK, the US, the OECD and many multinational selling agencies, a great deal of information which could have been made available readily to members of the proposed joint committee, but unfortunately the Minister and the Government, by refusing to set up that committee, have in effect deprived us of that data, a matter of considerable regret.

I feel that even at this late stage the Minister should have sufficient confidence in Deputies of all parties to permit the setting up of the joint committee to enable us to review the situation. There are increasing numbers of nuclear installations in Europe and an increasing number of associated nuclear industries. We have had a number of technical incidents associated with them, a number of which have been publicised. It is alleged that a number have been covered up: the CIA in America have been accused of this by responsible opinion in America, but we will not be able to assess that, apparently. There have been problems associated with the proliferation of atomic weapons but apparently the House will not be given an opportunity to consider these issues.

We have the long standing policy of neutrality, non-alignment, and inevitably if we import a nuclear capacity, even of conventional power generating status, the issues of non-alignment and neutrality will arise, particularly in relation to other countries with nuclear capacities and in relation to multinationals, but apparently the Minister does not want to consult with the House in that regard. I find his attitude in that respect amazing; it is a policy that would not be followed by any other European Minister responsible for energy.

There have been major problems in many countries associated with the reprocessing of waste nuclear fuel and of course there is the overriding problem of long-term storage. I have read reports in which the ESB have stated that in the event of radioactive waste arising it would be exported. I must confess that I take that with a pinch of salt in the long-term because whereas many of the multinational companies will sell fuel readily, they are not disposed at this stage to do any great research into or to devote any great expenditure on the disposal of radioactive waste. I do not know the precise submissions the Minister may have received on that respect but I am concerned about his parliamentary response.

I am not for a moment suggesting that we should not have a power station at Carnsore Point which, apparently, is the senior option of the ESB, marginally as the Minister said, but if people raise questions such as those in relation to the disposal of radioactive waste—as we know, several tons of this have been disposed of off the various continental shelves in steel containers—I suppose the Minister is not unduly worried, but it is not very constructive for the Minister simply to come along and say: "We know people are concerned", and then to indulge at the Ard-Fheis in the usual republican rhetoric of saying: "Well if they do not want it at Carnsore Point we will transfer it to Mayo or Sligo or to County Clare and the people there will be damn glad to have it." That level of Ard-Fheis contribution on a serious issue of this nature is not conducive to an orderly objective public debate on the real issues involved. I was surprised at the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy, Deputy O'Malley, who is usually well briefed in matters such as this, descending to that kind of transferred retrospective rhetoric. I do not think such a proposition was contained in the ESB report which he had received.

The Government amendment to the Labour motion points to the need for urgent decisions by the Government on the ESB generation programme. Even if one accepts that need, the Minister is well aware that it would be eight to ten years before a nuclear plant would be commissioned. I presume a series of coal plants could be commissioned at a much earlier stage. I see no reason why there should not be in operation a joint committee of this House. Members are going to be kept in the dark by the Minister with regard to the Government's considerations in connection with health, safety and the environmental issues associated with nuclear energy. Apparently we will not have any consultation with or information from the Minister other than the occasional Press release. It appears that any future review by Dáil Éireann will depend on scarce Government time or on ministerial convenience. There will be no research or secretarial assistance given to Deputies, even Fianna Fáil Deputies, to review the issues involved.

All of this is in stark contrast to the situation in parliamentary energy committees in Britain, France, Sweden, Holland or the United States. I am a member of the Economic Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe. We have had before us a number of reports on nuclear energy and at nearly every one of the meetings we have had Members of Parliament who are expert in at least one or two of the major disciplines. Many of them have a basic qualification in engineering or science. Some of them have technological expertise or a background in medicine. On the other hand, not one single member of the Fianna Fáil Cabinet has even the slightest competence in the engineering, medical, scientific or technological disciplines. I do not think any of the Ministers of State have such a background. While they may have some economic expertise in evaluating the cost involved, I doubt if the Fianna Fáil Cabinet have the capacity to absorb all the implications involved.

The Minister said he had instructed the board of the ESB to make available to responsible bodies all relevant data and I want to take the Minister up on that matter. I would ask him to place in the Library a copy of the submission he received from the ESB. Presumably Members of this House are responsible people. This will be a further test of the Minister's concern that the public should have the maximum amount of information. I want the Minister to tell us if we will have available here a copy of the submission by the ESB regarding energy requirements to the year 2000. Will he put that 79-page document in the Oireachtas Library so that we may read it and make up our minds on what the Minister is up to in this matter?

I do not know what kind of reactor the ESB may have in mind in the event of their getting a nuclear option from the Minister. I do not know what conventional system of coal generation they have in mind and, therefore, there is difficulty in commenting on this matter. I am sure of one thing, namely, that the scale of capital investment involved will be massive. I do not know the current cost of having a 1,000 Mw nuclear power station—perhaps it is in the region of £500 million to £600 million. Two or three years ago some people said the cost would be £350 million. Let us take a figure of £400 million to £500 million—I do not think it would be less than that; probably it would be nearer to £550 million. Investment of that magnitude will probably be the largest single investment in the history of the State and it is entirely appropriate that the Houses of the Oireachtas should have a prior opportunity of considering the question of such investment. There is no doubt that many members of the public are genuinely concerned about the safety of nuclear power. Many responsible industrial safety experts are genuinely concerned about the long-term effect of low-level radiation to which workers in nuclear plants, and the public generally, may be exposed. A useful way to allay those fears and of ensuring that the national interest is served would be the setting up of a joint committee of both Houses of the Oireachtas.

Another major concern is the question of the escape of radioactivity to surrounding areas. Such concern must be taken into account by any joint committee. Therefore, it is essential that persons expressing this concern should have the opportunity of coming before the joint committee, of making their case and giving us an opportunity of examining the situation. The single most intractable problem is the disposal of radioactive waste and that is a matter that the committee should examine carefully. Unfortunately it appears now that the only prospect of examination that the country will have will be an oral planning hearing by An Bord Pleanála to examine the implications involved. That will be totally inadequate and will not ensure that the matter is dealt with adequately. Therefore, I urge the Minister to let us have a joint committee as I have outlined. Even an oral expert hearing by An Bord Pleanála is not a suitable forum to discuss the wide-ranging and major issues involved. My understanding is that the ESB are not opposed to a public hearing. In fact, I think they would welcome a joint committee of both Houses of the Oireachtas. I hope the Minister will give us an opportunity of dealing with the matter on a co-operative basis.

I move the following amendment:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" in line I and substitute the following:—

"has full confidence in the Government to determine an appropriate energy policy for the country, having regard in particular, to the necessity, because of the long lead times involved, for the taking of urgent decisions on the ESB's generation plant programme to meet the expected demand for electricity throughout the 1980's, and the necessity to diversify as far as possible energy sources while at the same time, giving adequate consideration to health, safety and environmental issues associated with nuclear and other sources of energy".

The speech which Deputy Desmond has made, probably with his tongue more in cheek than he ever had it in his life, is slightly amusing to someone who looks at what was decided in November 1973 without any consultation with anyone. There were no committees, joint, single or any other kind, no public debate, no consultation of anybody. The then Minister for Transport and Power got a decision in principle from the Government, to which Deputy Desmond was the Assistant Whip and which he supported through thick and thin. He has voted for their contraceptives Bill. He never queried their energy policy in any respect whatever. Now, four-and-a-quarter years later, we are encouraging open debate of something which is no different to what was decided then. It has officially been pointed out to me by the Department of the Taoiseach that I need only go to the Government to have this matter considered if I want to change the decision of November 1973 because in the absence of a Government decision changing an earlier decision the earlier decision stands for all time.

It has been pointed out to me that unless I want to go back and change what was done in November 1973 I need not go back to the Government at all. However, as a matter of courtesy to my colleagues and because the matter is important, I propose to do that in any event. I am delighted to learn that Deputy Desmond was tuned in to the debates over the weekend. I hope he did not just tune in for the energy debate because he had the benefit of valued views expressed on many topics. As I announced at the weekend, the Government propose to publish a Green Paper on the whole energy question, the options which are open to the country and, more importantly in many respects, the options which are not open to the country over the next ten to 12 years in meeting the energy demand which will arise. As Deputy Desmond pointed out, it is many years since we had a White Paper or a Green Paper on energy policy in the country. I am glad to tell him there is one on its way which will be delivered to him shortly, which he can browse through to his heart's content and get all the information he wants.

After the decision is made?

Before we make the decision, before we consider whether or not to unmake the decision the Government the Deputy so loyally serves made four-and-a-quarter years ago.

After the Government make the decision?

Before we make the decision, whether or not to unmake the decision the previous Government made four-and-a-quarter years ago.

Will Deputy Desmond please listen to the Minister?

I have only half-an-hour. I know that some of what I am saying is not too pleasant for Deputy Desmond, but I will have to ask him to bear with me in that respect. This decision of 1973 was made at a time when electricity demand had been increasing for quite a number of years at 10 per cent per annum. It was found necessary for the then Government to make that decision. Not very long after they made it the electricity demand decreased from 10 per cent per annum to zero per annum and remained at zero for two years. The decision was not activated any longer by the ESB because obviously there was no need to do so and it would have been wasteful in the short term to have gone ahead at that time.

We are now back in the situation that electricity demand increased last year by 10½ per cent and it is projected to increase annually over the next decade at 8½ per cent on average. That will result in the ESB having to increase their generating capacity to double their present figure in eight-and-a half years time. That is a major undertaking for the ESB or any electricity authority. There are few, if any, in the world who have to meet such a rapidly rising energy demand as it appears we will have to meet now over the next seven-and-a-half to ten years. If we do not plan for those increases in demand we will do something that happily has never happened in the country—we will leave ourselves short of electricity. There will be a serious effect on our economic and social development if for the first time since the 1920's we are short of the most useful form of power.

The Government do not propose to let that happen. I do not believe any responsible Government would allow that to happen. I include the previous Government, so far as their energy policy was concerned, in that. They made the right decision and they did not consult Deputy Desmond about it, or the Friends of the Earth or the recently distinguished winner of the Lenin peace prize, who feels very agitated that we should have a nuclear power station, and some other people like that. The previous Government did not consult anybody but went ahead and did the right thing.

This is a more open Government. Deputy Desmond has been asking me for some time to publish documents. I have generally been able to accommodate him in that respect. He asked me to publish an agreement some months ago which I did. He has asked me now to consider publishing some further documents. I will certainly consider publishing those because, unlike my predecessor in this respect, I believe in having as much public debate as one can reasonably have.

Those are the problems which face the country and the ESB over the next ten years. I believe that if this 8½ per cent per annum projected growth in electricity continues—we hope for the sake of the country it will—then we will reach a stage where in 1986-87 we will need a very substantial power station coming on stream in that year. That is assuming that we already have at least one very substantial one coming on stream in 1984 and certain other smaller ones in 1982 and 1983. Assuming they have been built, we will have to have, whether we like it or not, in 1986-87 a very substantial power station coming on stream. It does not have to be nuclear; it could be oil. Oil is in this particular context the only reasonable alternative. It will have to be imported oil or a nuclear station. We are already 80 per cent dependent for our energy needs on imported oil and 67 per cent dependent for our electricity needs on imported oil. When the decision of the previous Government was made in November 1973 we were then 65 per cent dependent for our electricity needs on imported oil.

We have since then been going in the wrong direction. The EEC have made it very clear to all nine members how extremely unwise it is for countries like the nine of us to continue to build up our dependency on imported oil. They are right and I accept they are right. I believe that anybody listening to or reading what they have to say will have to agree. We have essentially an option to start planning now a major station to come into operation in 1986-87, which will either be on imported oil or nuclear. I do not think that as a nation we would be wise to further unbalance in favour of imported oil our already very unbalanced energy picture here. It would be extremely unwise to do that. Most countries which are at least as advanced as we are have nuclear energy in one form or another. In the context of nuclear energy we are not talking about some of the unconventional or unfinished types of nuclear technology. We are not talking about fast breeder reactors. We are not talking about the kind of thing in which Windscale in Cumbria is involved. Windscale has absolutely nothing to do with any form of nuclear power station that may at some future date be built here. Windscale is a reprocessing station. It was proposed last year to expend it very considerably to reprocess imported fuels from other countries, primarily from Japan, whereby Britain could make a very substantial amount of money on that reprocessing in which plutonium is removed out of the uranium and certain other things are done none of which would be done in the conventional nuclear station built here.

Nuclear power, therefore, has to be seen in the context of what our needs will be for the next ten years and the ways in which we might meet them. One of the facile suggestions made from time to time is that there are things like tidal power, wind power, biomass and solar power which could fulfil our needs in eight years' time, namely, in 1986. I have tried to assess all the scientific assessments of what the likelihood is of these alternative forms of energy meeting our needs within the foreseeable future—say, ten to 15 years-and I am satisfied that the unanimous scientific view that they would not be capable of making any considerable contribution at all is one I must accept. It has been estimated that by the end of the century, 22 years hence, these alternative forms of energy might then be in a position, if sufficient progress were made in technology, to meet about 3 per cent of world energy needs. It is, therefore, clearly quite unreal to see these as possibly being able to contribute by 1985, 1986 or 1987 to our energy needs. I wish they could.

I wish the technology was sufficiently in balance to enable one to think in these terms. Unhappily we cannot and, in the case of some of these forms of energy, there are major environmental difficulties in relation to them, rather surprisingly in the case of some of them. One of the points made by those who have experience of nuclear generating power is that in environmental terms it is the kindest and least harmful of all. In proof of that one has only to see the stations dotted all round the United States, causing not the slightest difficulty, never having caused the slightest difficulty and, statistically, extremely unlikely ever to cause any difficulty.

It is worth noting also that, whilst there is virtually no debate in the United States about the ordinary conventional nuclear stations, any debate there is centres around nuclear bombs, fast breeder reactors and so on. It is particularly noteworthy that there is no debate at all about any kind of nuclear station in any country east of the Berlin Wall. One often asks oneself why that is.

There is no debate of any kind.

The people are not allowed to question.

Nuclear power stations are no different from the rest of life.

The Minister without interruption, please, Deputy Kelly.

The fact remains they are very keen to build nuclear stations at a considerable rate because they realise what good value they are. Even Poland, which has the largest supply of the cheapest fossil fuel in Europe, enough cheap coal to last away into the twenty-first century, is now building nuclear power stations because it realises the economic value of them and the fact that they do not create one tiny fraction of the environmental drawbacks frequently created by coal-fired stations.

In this context, it is worth reminding ourselves from an authoritative source just how much radiation exists naturally in the air, how much radiation emanates from medical sources, for example-it is fairly considerable —and how much exists as a result of the nuclear power industry. The nearest country to us is Britain and it is, therefore, the best with which to make a comparison. I would like to quote now from the Sixth Report of the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution, under the chairmanship of Sir Brian Flowers, chapter 2, page 16, paragraph 43, Table 2, where they describe the dose rates in the UK picked up from ionising radiation by the average individual in the year. The total expressed in a unit which is called millirems, is 154 and of that 0.25 millirems come from the nuclear power industry; 101 millirems, or almost two-thirds, come from ionising radiation naturally occurring from cosmic rays, the soil and airborne radiation and even within the body and, of the man-made radiation, by far the greater part of it, 46 as opposed to 7, comes from medical sources, in particular diagnostic x-rays, radio therapy and radio-isotope use.

The truth of the matter is that some hospitals operate a great deal of equipment containing radioactive material. In simple terms such material is, in fact, far more dangerous than a conventional nuclear-powered station is, and, if those who want to ensure that no nuclear power station ever opens here, because of its dangers, were consistent they should also want to close down St. Luke's Hospital in Rathgar because it uses a great deal of equipment containing radioactive substances. It has to have it. It uses it every day on many patients and nobody has ever yet suggested it is a source of danger to the residents in the locality, to the patients, or to anybody else. It is used responsibly by responsible people and I can assure the House that the ESB, if it decided to change the decision of the last Government and go ahead with nuclear power, will be no less responsible than the authorities in St. Luke's Hospital.

I have not yet mentioned, and neither did Deputy Desmond mention, the nuclear power board set up by an Act of the Oireachtas. I do not recall the debate but I do not think the Bill gave rise to any particular controversy or opposition. The Act was passed in 1971 and the board was set up at the time the previous Government made their decision to "go nuclear" in November, 1973, and the board consists of some of the most eminent people in the academic and scientific life of the country, people who know all that can reasonably be known about the normal peaceful use of atomic energy and radioactive substances, whether they are in conventional reactors in a power station or whether they are in medical equipment in St. Luke's, or any other hospital in the country. These people are consulted from time to time. They give their advice to me and the Government as, I am sure, they gave it to my predecessor and his colleagues in Government when requested. They very carefully evaluate all proposals that have any radioactive or nuclear content, as it were. They supervise and license all activities of this kind, and they will supervise and license each individual step to be taken in the establishment and building of a nuclear power station if it is decided not to change the decision of the previous Government and to go ahead. They have, of course, specialist staff some of whom have very considerable experience of the nuclear industry in Britain and elsewhere.

I have quoted from Sir Brian Flowers' Report in Britain and I would like to make a brief reference to a recently published work by An Foras Talúntais on the Carnsore Point site which has been the one most talked about even though it is not the only site in Ireland that would be suitable for a nuclear power station.

Did the Minister say it is the only one?

I said it is not the only one. I am advised by the ESB that the job content in the building is between 1,500 and 2,000 for a lengthy construction period and the permanent employment involved would be between 400 and 500. An Foras Talúntais, at the request of the IFA and the Wexford County Committee of Agriculture, undertook a study of the possible agricultural implications of building a nuclear power station at Carnsore Point, and in December 1977 they published an interesting and valuable study titled "Nuclear Power Station at Carnsore Point; the Agricultural Implications" by Doctor B.S. Coulter of the Johnstown Research Centre who carried out the work. I cannot quote much of it, but, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I am sure you have read it and you will agree with my assessment that it is favourably disposed towards the proposal of the last Government in 1973 that a nuclear power plant be built at Carnsore Point. The report does not see any major problems involved. It does not see any major agricultural or environmental difficulties arising. At page 35 of the report are tabled the accident risks in the United States which were calculated in the Rasmussen Report which was set up by the nuclear energy board there to assess the risk element in conventional nuclear stations. The report of An Foras Talúntais transposes those risks to the Carnsore Point location, bearing in mind that a great many of the similar stations in the US are in cities like New York, Chicago, Boston and so on, and surrounded by hundreds of thousands of people, and in some cases millions, living within a short distance of them.

We know that the Rasmussen Report has been very much contested in America.

The Minister has five minutes. Deputy Desmond has spoken.

It assesses the risks of nuclear accidents. An accident with one fatality, of which the probable frequency of occurrence in US conditions would be one in 70,000 years, is corrected by Doctor Coulter for conditions at Carnsore Point and he brings it to one in 400,000 years. The possibility of 100 fatalities which is one in 1,400,000 years in the US becomes one in 70,000,000 years at Carnsore Point. The constituencies will be redrawn many times before that 70,000,000——

I hope the Minister does not want the Chair to comment on that.

No. The position is, therefore, that in spite of what Deputy Desmond has said and in spite of what happened four-and-a-quarter years ago under the last Government when a great deal less was known about nuclear power and nuclear generation than is now known, we are actively encouraging not ignorant, foolish assertions but informed and useful public debate. Towards that end I recently directed the ESB that they are to provide as much factual, scientific information in regard to nuclear power and the generation of electricity from nuclear sources as to them seems necessary and appropriate, to any responsible body or group of people who want to get it from them. They have agreed very readily to do that. They are perfectly willing and anxious to do it, because it suits the ESB to have as much informed discussion as possible. Unfortunately, there is no shortage of uninformed discussion, but the more informed discussion we have the better it must suit the ESB or anybody else who may be thinking in their terms, if the Government decide not to change the decision of the previous Government.

Many people in recent months have taken to quoting from evidence given at the Windscale inquiry. Once again I want to make it very clear that Windscale has nothing whatever to do with any possible proposal at any time for any nuclear generating plant here. Windscale was a totally different operation, set up and proposed to be expanded for the purpose of reprocessing used or waste nuclear fuel for foreign countries so that it can be used again in certain types of reactors or that the plutonium can be taken out of it and used by the British armed forces or by certain allies of theirs to whom they would supply nuclear weapon material of that kind for military purposes. That has absolutely nothing to do with the ordinary, conventional nuclear station we are talking about of which there are hundreds throughout the free and unfree world. The inquiry which was set up last May into the proposal to expand for foreign purposes the Windscale processing plant is the only one that was held that I or my Department can find in relation to any kind of nuclear plant in Britain. There were none held that I, at any rate, can discover in relation to any of the smaller stations——

The Minister's time is almost up.

——of the kind we are talking about. In view of all the information and public debate that is now available there is no need for any joint committee as suggested by Deputy Desmond, particularly as it may well not be necessary to change the decision that was made in November 1973. If it was not necessary to have a joint committee of both Houses to make the decision——

That was a decision in principle.

——in November 1973 it is not necessary now to have a joint committee in order not to change it in February or March 1978.

A good deal of the Minister's speech and of Deputy Desmond's speech bore on the safety dimension of the controversy surrounding nuclear power stations, and also on the general impact on the environment. The Minister went some distance afield in order to scorn concerns of this kind, speaking in one breath about The Friends of the Earth and "the distinguished recipient of the Lenin Prize". I want to emphasise in starting that the safety and environmental part of this question are not uppermost in the minds of this party to this extent, that we understand and recognise that the ESB and the Nuclear Energy Board are not maniacs likely to poison us all in a fit of absent-mindedness. We know they are not. For myself, I would be willing to make a very far-reaching act of faith in the competence and skill of the members of both of these boards. I do not want it to be thóught that this party, in supporting in general the motion put down by Deputy Desmond, are necessarily associating themselves with apprehensions of an environmental or health kind which may or may not be substantial or justifiable. We realise and recognise that the people entrusted by law and convention with the running of our affairs in this regard are competent; they have never shown themselves otherwise, or anything less than responsible. I do not want anything that may be said on this side to be taken as reflecting on their competence.

There are reasons why I should like to see an inquiry held and this decision delayed—and not necessarily then made in a sense hostile to what the Minister obviously favours. I can quite well envisage that we may end up convinced to a man that a nuclear development is the correct approach to the very large increase in electrical capacity the Minister quite rightly says we will need. The reason why I should like to see an inquiry held and this decision delayed somewhat is a much humbler reason. It is a reason which once upon a time nobody would have been ashamed of advancing in the Dáil, but it has fallen somewhat out of fashion. It is that the amount of money involved is stupendous.

The first figure I remember seeing quoted as the likely cost of the kind of station we would need was £250 million. That was a couple of years ago. I have used that figure myself in debates and called it a quarter of a billion, and so on. The chief executive of the ESB has estimated more recently the cost in 1977 prices at £350 million. He admitted eagerly and freely that that cost was certain to go up according as inflation went up, and that the end cost of the station would be a great deal more.

We have got into the habit of tossing off enormous sums of money as though they meant nothing, and we have been encouraged in that by the kind of money we are now borrowing at a time when probably a retrenchment rather than an expansion in borrowing is indicated. In order to put that figure into some perspective which will bring us back to earth, I want to tell the House that £350 million, give or take a few tens of millions, is roughly equivalent to the total amount of grants paid out by the IDA, the total financial commitment of the Industrial Development Authority, since they were established. It is a little less than that, but it is not far off it.

To put it in another way, the Government are proposing to spend roughly £20 million on a job creation programme which will give them, they hope, 5,000 jobs. That is £4,000 a job. That is the kind of calculation, money per job, which the IDA go in for. I know this is a glib calculation and I quite appreciate that, even in the most favourable conditions, you cannot create more than a certain number of jobs all at once. But it will put this figure of £350 million into some perspective if I tell the House that, on that basis, the expenditure of that amount of money on direct job creation would completely wipe out our unemployment problem. I am not so naïve as to suppose that it actually would do so, but it gives the House an idea of the real size of the figure calculated as a multiple of the amount of money conventionally supposed to be required for creating a single job.

This is an enormous amount of money. If we can get away with cheaper electricity generation, for example, coal fired stations—and I do not advance that as being a solution I am particularly in love with; I am not an expert; I want to hear the experts thrash this out—which will cost half as much, or less than half as much, we owe it to ourselves to consider that, particularly since the life of a nuclear station is limited. A nuclear station like the one planned for Carnsore Point is due to run down in less than 30 years. It will then have to be concreted over and forgotten. In other words, this immense sum of money, will be immeasurably greater by the time the station is finally built and finished, is being destined to an investment which has a very limited life.

I remember the Minister talking about the limited life of an investment in connection with mining. Of course different economies are involved here, but a nuclear station has a limited life unlike, for example, hydro-electric stations or stations burning ordinary fuels. These are factors which should make us very cautious before taking a final decision.

In this context I want to contradict the Minister's assertion that the previous Government made a final decision. I think he did not use the word "final" but neither did he distinguish what he was saying from the truth. The truth is that the previous Government gave the ESB a decision in principle in regard to the development of a nuclear power station and authorised them to seek planning permission on the site where they have now sought it; but the ESB were specifically not authorised to make any commitment in regard to the building of the actual station. I would think that is beyond dispute; and I hope the Minister, perhaps through the mouth of one of his colleagues speaking later in this debate, will acknowledge that. Although the National Coalition Government made the right decisions— and I am glad the Minister gracefully acknowledged that—of a preliminary kind, they stopped short of making a final decision.

The people in that Government who were most concerned with the development of power and its impact on industry and on employment are unanimous, and not merely because they want to embarrass the Minister, that there should be some more debate on this matter. In an investment of this kind there are factors quite apart from the safety factors and the environmental doubts which I want to steer clear of. I recognise that they are genuine and sincerely held, but I do not want to be associated with them alone. I am concentrating on a humbler question, namely, whether we should spend this amount of money if it can be avoided.

I agree, as the Minister said, that you could come up against a time constraint and you could find yourself in a jam. Unless you make some decision quickly you may find yourself at a time when the expansion in the demand simply cannot be met by the existing capacity. I see all these points, though I am not entirely sure if it is true that the absolute minimum time for putting up a nuclear station, even a nuclear station is ten years. Certainly many stations on the continent have been built in much less time than that.

I see some advantage in delaying this decision for some reasonable period to give the public and the people in this House and the other House an opportunity of satisfying themselves that there is no other option. I am perfectly open to the possibility that I will be of that view myself when the day is over, and that everybody on this side of the House will be of that view, but I am very much against rushing into this commitment on the advice of even the most competent board or the most responsible board, before the public and their representatives have had a chance to convince themselves that no other option is open to us before we commit ourselves to this immense investment.

In regard to the necessity for this station I want to offer the House a few tentative observations. I am not an energy expert; the House would not expect me any more than they would expect the Minister to be an energy expert. I want to report at second hand a couple of things which are relevant to this matter. I was in Brussels last month at the time of the nuclear hearings to which Deputy Desmond referred. I attended an afternoon session and I heard one of the Commission's experts, the one chosen to conduct that day's proceedings on the Commission's behalf, being questioned by the Irish delegation from Wexford. I had not travelled with that delegation; they travelled independently and I met them by accident. That expert said that in Ireland's special case there was no clear necessity to opt for the nuclear solution. Later that afternoon I spoke privately to the director of the nuclear section in the Energy Directorate General and he expressed the same view even more strongly.

We all know that the Energy Commissioner, and I presume the entire apparatus of functionaries beneath him, are fanatically pro-nuclear. The high functionary I spoke to said that in the case of Ireland he thought that a nuclear station was not necessarily the only option. I did not drag that answer out, he volunteered it. I do not wish to drag into this debate people who might feel that I was misrepresenting them, but I offer, in good faith, those two second-hand opinions from people who are at the absolute centre of these developments on the European scene. I offer them merely as a hint that there may be something to be said for going easy here, for taking our time, perhaps for a year or more, until we see if there is any other way out of our impending very much expanded needs for electrical capacity.

I should like to know whether we could avoid this investment by means of coal-fired stations. The Norwegians who have any amount of oil have decided to build a coal-fired station which will have such a capacity that it will be able to supply 8 or 9 per cent of their total electrical needs. The Norwegians are rationing their extraction of the oil that is on their doorstep, very sensibly, but the building of a coal-fired station is not excluded merely because of their extensive oil resources. The Minister spoke dismissively about suggestions of alternative sources of energy, wave power, tide power, wind power, biomass and so on. I am sure I have heard the same opinions as the Minister did before he made up his mind about those sources but I have never heard it suggested that they are likely to contribute very much in the way of useable power. However, I would not dismiss them, as the Minister has, as "facile suggestions," an expression he may easily live to be ashamed of. There is enormous power latent in the waves, the wind and the sun. It is true that technology is at a point where it cannot yet deliver that power in a shape which will run our industry or our houses, but it is not necessarily true once the idea has lodged and people are working on it that that is always going to be the case.

I would be interested to know whether the State is making any serious investment in research and development in these fields. Yesterday evening on Telefís Éireann I saw a programme about a wave experimental project being carried on at University College, Cork. The member of the UCC staff conducting it pointed out that it was only a small programme; he said they could do something more interesting if they had more money. I should like to know what likelihood there is that a Government on the brink of making this immense commitment, would, as a sign of their good faith, go out of their way to encourage and subsidise research of this kind on a larger scale, particularly when several of these sources—winds, waves and tides—are things we have in abundance.

I should like to know what progress could be made in regard to energy conservation. About 40 per cent of the energy we consume here is consumed at home. That is an enormous percentage. That amount of energy is burnt up in houses in space heating, electrical appliances, lighting and so on. The waste in space heating here is immense because of poor insulation and poor house building standards. Those standards were improved by the National Coalition, but only in connection with local authority houses. I should like to know what possibilities the Minister, or the people advising him, foresee in reducing the enormous explosion in energy demands by means of more rational use of this scarce resource. For example, there is no such thing here as district heating and there is no such thing as the use of any electrical by-product. In some countries the waste heat generated by electrical generating stations is used not only for heating houses and plants but also for heating water at fish farms because fish fatten twice or three times the rate they would ordinarily grow in those conditions. I accept that they are small by-products; but I would like to be told authoritatively that cumulatively they would make no difference to our problem before I could face up to a nuclear solution which will cost roughly half the amount of money the Government propose borrowing this year for all their purposes put together.

I did not like the Minister's nannyish tone when ticking off the people in Wexford for daring to question this necessity. To tell the people in Wexford when he is on the brink of making this enormously important decision that these jobs could easily go elsewhere, that he is not short of people interested in them in Mayo, Sligo and so forth is no answer to a serious question. I make allowances for the heat an Ard-Fheis might generate, although I understand it was perishingly cold there, but to deal with a serious topic along those lines was a mistake. It makes people feel that the Minister is not really serious about this. That was no reply to give to people who are anxious about this question.

The Minister also told those people that the ESB—everybody knows that they want to press ahead with the scheme and know where their heart lies in this regard—are willing to hold a public debate; but what is the point of holding a public debate with people who have made their minds up? I should like to make it clear that I have an unconditional regard for the responsibility of the people in the ESB, but I do not regard the ESB as the proper body to conduct a debate, because they have made their minds up on this question.

I observe also that the first mention the Minister made of the Nuclear Energy Board was this evening although that board has been in being since 1973. It is the job of that board, under section 5 of the Act establishing it, and not of the ESB, to promote knowledge, proficiency and research in nuclear science and technology and to act as an agency for the collection and dissemination of information on matters relating to nuclear science.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 22 February 1978.
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