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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 13 Dec 1979

Vol. 317 No. 9

Supplementary Estimates, 1979. - Vote 48: Foreign Affairs (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a supplementary sum not exceeding £269,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in the course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December 1979, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and of certain services administered by that Office, including certain grants-in-aid.
—(Minister for Finance.)

I welcome the opportunity to discuss this Estimate, narrow thought it may be. I listened with interest to the contributions of Deputies Bruton and Quinn. In view of the restrictions those contributions were intelligent, articulate and to the point. The Minister's statement dealt largely with cultural activities in respect of Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Anything that improves such relationships is to be lauded. It is important that the different cultures on this island be moulded together in the best way possible. Far too often, we are told that one of the barriers to reunification is the fact that there are two cultures, one for the Protestant majority in the North and some in the South, and the Gaelic culture of the Catholic population, north and south. The moulding of the two cultures is a prerequisite to unity by peaceful means. In a recent debate I advocated a practical line which would go a long way towards achieving that. We can hardly expect one side to understand the other side's culture if they do not have first-hand knowledge of what the other group are doing. I put to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs that we should make an effort to ensure that everyone in the Six Counties had our television and radio services available to him. Surely they are the best methods for propagating our ideas and culture.

In this Estimate the Minister talks about spending £60,000 for cultural relationships with Britain and £290,000 for setting up festivals or exhibitions of different cultural activities such as classical, traditional and modern music, ballet and readings by Irish writers. The message could be got across more effectively and to a greater audience if the exhibitions were televised and broadcast not just to a few dozen but to hundreds of thousands of people. Deputy Bruton rightly pointed out that the unfortunate thing about such exhibitions and festivals is that they are patronised by very few people. Those involved are usually highly intelligent who already have a good standard of education. We would like if these could be made common to the masses so that not just elite groups would benefit under these schemes.

The Minister should state if he holds out any hope for reciprocal arrangements whereby broadcasts, both radio and television, are beamed from here into the North and vice versa. The northern counties can receive our programmes but the reverse is not true. The Minister of State at the Department of Posts and Telegraphs gave a statistic which surprised me in relation to the number of people in the Six Counties who can receive our radio and television services. It was only 15 per cent. He should enter into negotiations with his counterpart in Britain to see if such an arrangement would be allowed. I know it has been allowed in the past with regard to sporting fixtures. The all-Ireland hurling and football finals are normally televised in Northern Ireland and on certain channels in Britain.

Much play is made of cross-Border co-operation and a figure is mentioned for it in the Estimate. I do not know how effective it is at present. We have it in certain fields such as security but not in any other fields. It may have been carried on in a certain way in other spheres prior to the present troubles but seemingly a lot of trade relationships and the energy link-up between the North and South have ceased since the troubles started.

There is an area under the heading of culture that the Minister should explore. It could be very productive. It would appeal to the masses and not just the few. It is in the field of sport. We are all very anxious to see that the country is proud of its sporting activities. I know moves have been made to set up a joint all-Ireland soccer team. This type of cultural co-operation——

We are stretching culture a little now.

Sport is surely part of culture.

We are getting into the area of establishing all Ireland soccer teams and that is not covered in this Estimate.

Every human activity is part of culture.

It comes under the heading of cross-Border co-operation.

It is not cross-Border business that is mentioned here. It is culture as between Ireland and England.

What is Ireland?

I said it is not cross-Border——

Are the Six Counties not in Ireland?

Did I say they were not? I regard the Six Counties as part of Ireland. The cultural relations we can talk about under this subhead are cultural relations with regard to a festival to be held in London dealing with the arts of Ireland, North and South, and England.

There is also cross-Border co-operation.

Cross-Border co-operation in cultural matters can be mentioned.

When we were discussing the Arts Bill——

The Deputy is discussing subhead H which is not in this Supplementary Estimate at all.

When we were discussing the Arts Bill in this House we were allowed to discuss sports under that heading. I suggest that the Minister might, with his counterpart in Northern Ireland or in Britain, consider making available whatever finances are necessary because I understand and believe that part of the problem in this regard is financial and he might smooth the path in that direction. I wonder if he has ever discussed the matter with his counterpart. Perhaps he would ask his successor, Deputy Lenihan, to do so because it would be an effective cross-Border exercise in co-operation.

Politicians here are good at making use of sport whether they come up through the ranks of politics through the medium of sport or whether it is merely getting their faces in the picture on All-Ireland day. But we should use our status to promote that type of national effort. It would be greatly appreciated not by the elitists, the arty types, but by the public at large.

In this Estimate allowance is made for salaries, wages and allowances for the staff of the Department of Foreign Affairs and for the staff of our embassies and for our diplomats. I would hope that they will continue, under the recent changes, to operate at the same level of efficiency. We have a wonderful diplomatic service and I would like to see it continue with the same good work and with the same good graces. I was disturbed to read in recent days that as a result of changes in Government here there may be changes abroad, particularly in the United States. It would be a retrograde step if people were demoted because they backed the policy of the previous Fianna Fáil Cabinet or the policies of the National Coalition Government. That would really be counter-productive. I would ask the existing Minister to ensure that no such purges take place in the diplomatic service.

Reference has been made here to the treatment of the Irish community in Britain. I join with Deputy Quinn in deploring that type of racial discrimination, if it can be called racial discrimination. It is a discrimination of a type which has been steadily growing against the Irish community in Britain in recent years. The Government have a duty to protest to the British Government at the manner in which a certain section of the media in Britain, what we commonly refer to as the gutter press, seem to delight in making a laughing stock of the Irish community in Britain as a way of kicking back at the failures of their policies in Northern Ireland.

There has always been this prejudice by a certain section in Britain but attempts are being made in recent years to broaden this discrimination. There is legislation in Britain which is intended to stop this sort of thing. There was a racial discrimination Act brought in some years ago. Our Government should point out that they will not tolerate any such evil doings. The legislation in question was brought in to stop abuse of the coloured people who had come into the country over the past 30 years but that very same type of prejudice which operated against the coloured community is now, in many ways, being directed against the Irish community in Britain and the Government has a duty to see that the legislation is implemented to stop that type of abuse.

I do not wish to delay the House and I will be very brief in my contribution. First of all, I would like to avail of this opportunity to praise the Arts Council for the kind of work they are doing in both parts of Ireland. I do not believe there is any other group of people who are so dedicated and so attuned to the relationship between North and South and who work with so much devotion to bring the cultures of Ireland to a proper level and to exclude, in a very proper, generous and sympathetic way, the narrow, bigoted definitions of certain cultures which are masqueraded and paraded as being Irish cultures when they are really the cultures of a section of the Irish people; there lies a story of wrong identification by political parties in this House and by people, no doubt well-intentioned, who are equally devoted and equally committed to the promotion of their ideas of what Ireland is. Very often in fact I have committed the sin myself. But far too often people in very high places wrongly identify what is Gaelic culture and what is Irish culture. If we extend that definition we can very well see that those people who promote Gaelic culture for the very best reasons exclude one quarter of the Irish nation. While their basic reason is to unite Ireland in fact what they are doing is dividing it. They are ignoring the cultures and traditions of a quarter of the Irish people thereby causing a political vacuum where one in every three in Ireland is locked in the political section of the North which causes friction between the different peoples of Ireland. The results have been too tragic for me to recount. They are too well known and too often repeated in the newspapers.

What I am saying is that the Arts Council are trying to elevate political thinking on the different traditions of this island to a level which is acceptable to all Irish people. I take this opportunity to congratulate them. It is about time that the present Government, starting off with a very fiery baptism a couple of days ago, realised that Northern Ireland should not be treated under Foreign Affairs. Surely it is a contradiction to say we seek the unity of Ireland and in our Constitution claim the territory of Northern Ireland and at the same time deal with it under the head of Foreign Affairs. I know the outgoing Minister for Foreign Affairs has made a very good contribution during his term of office and perhaps he has been sensitive to this as well. I hope he will whisper in the ear of the incoming Minister or the ear of the Taoiseach that it would be desirable to have a special section in Foreign Affairs exclusively for North-South relations or have it dealt with by the Department of the Taoiseach.

Some Deputies mentioned cultural relations between this country and other countries. I am not terribly interested in cultural relations between here and France. Really it is only the well-heeled, fur-coated brigade who get to know each other. While that is important in itself, it does not interest me. What does interest me was touched on by Deputy Deasy and Deputy Quinn, that is, the cultural relationship between Britain and Ireland, and I mean Ireland in the broadest sense, but very particularly this part of Ireland. This relationship should be promoted on all occasions.

We have so much in common with the people of England, Scotland and Wales that public representatives should always try to lead in the right direction. I have made the point over the past nine or ten years that we have many things in common with the English, the Scots and the Welsh. If we keep talking about what we have in common, we will get away from the narrow arguments which separate us on this island. There is an anti-British feeling that we should oppose everything that is British.

When you ask somebody: "Who are the British?, do you object to the Scots, the Welsh or the English?", they do not know what to reply. The abstraction of being anti-British is popular. If you ask people what does "republican" mean, they cannot tell you because there are so many versions of it. I welcome every effort by any government to get away from that attitude. If this party are returned to government after the next election, I will continue to work for a good relationship between North and South. That cannot be achieved unless we look at the broad picture.

There are people on this island who want a British relationship and a British identity. Some of them say they want to be British, just as some people in this part of the island say they want to be Gaelic or republican. If you ask people why they want to be British or why they want to be republican they scratch their heads and cannot tell you. If you ask them do they want to be Irish they say yes. We can identify with each other if we broaden our views.

Many Irish people have gone to Britain, married and settled down in different parts of England, Scotland and Wales. At this moment there are offspring of Irish people from the west who feel British, Scottish or Welsh. They are proud of the fact that their parents or their grandparents came from Ireland. But they are now English just as the offspring of the Ulster Scots who came to Ireland 300 years ago are Irish. We must keep that point very much to the fore.

I have heard some criticism of the way in which the Irish community are treated in Britain. I cannot accept that. Some people do not see the picture clearly. The way the English, the Scots and the Welsh have accepted the Irish community in Britain is a tribute to their tolerance. We must appreciate that. Let us reverse the coin. If the English, the Scots or the Welsh were shooting our soldiers, shooting our sons, or brothers, or cousins, or fathers, I wonder how many English people would be allowed to live in Ireland. I know I am broadening the debate——

We are getting a little away from cultural relationships.

This is part of the question of culture. There have been wrongs between the two countries. It is now openly admitted by the British Government and their representatives that they have sinned against us, but they have not affected directly any Member of this House or many Irish people living on this island. They may have hurt our ancestors but, if they are prepared to confess publicly, it is time that we were prepared to forgive publicly and get down to living together.

I should like the cultural relationships about which the Minister spoke to be broadened to such an extent that we would start to communicate with England, Scotland and Wales. We should spend more money on cultural relations between North and South. I hope the culture which is often trotted out as being Irish culture will be seen quite clearly as being Gaelic culture.

We should note the multiracial attitude of the English, Scots and Welsh people and the way they deal with British Asians and British Africans. They have shown tolerance in the way they have allowed the integration of coloured people into their community. Admittedly there are those on the right who are not helping. By and large, human rights in Britain have developed much faster than they have in this little island where we think we have a very high standard of civilisation. I do not want to develop that point too far because we are now coming to the end of the business of the week.

One of the greatest threats to the Irish community in Britain is not a threat from the British, Scots or the Welsh but from the IRA in Northern Ireland shooting their soldiers.

I am afraid the Deputy cannot include the IRA in cultural relations.

I want to get the message through to those people involved in violence that their involvement in violence is a greater threat to Irish people living in Britain than it is to the British Army in Northern Ireland. I hope the Chair will forgive me for making that point.

There have been calls for the withdrawal of our Ambassador from the USA. I know the Minister has a personal relationship with that Ambassador. No organisation, for whatever reason they operate, should take it on themselves to speak for this Parliament in any foreign country. Fred O'Brien, Father McManus and Rita Kelly may be acting for good reasons and may think they are doing what is right, but they are a voluntary organisation who do not represent the views of this Parliament.

The views of this Parliament must always be expressed by the ambassador who represents us. I have a personal regard for Ambassador Donlon and I have a personal relationship with him. During the term of office of the Coalition Government he worked very hard. I mention that period because it is the period with which I am familiar. He worked before we came into office and he worked equally well after we left office. He is a dedicated person who articulates the views of whatever party are in office. I doubt that there is any civil servant—and I say this with the greatest respect to all civil servants working in the Department of Foreign Affairs——

I have allowed the Deputy to mention this matter but it is not in order to speak of public officials in that way in the House.

I want to pay tribute to Ambassador Seán Donlon. I doubt that there is any person who has worked so hard for such long hours, even beyond the call of duty. He has worked with the Protestant and Catholic communities in Northern Ireland and he has first-hand insight into the affairs——

The Deputy should leave it at that. Some other Deputy might come in and attack the man.

I do not think so.

The Chair will find it very difficult to say he should not if somebody else like the Deputy praises him to the skies. The Deputy is entitled to raise the matter of an embassy or an ambassador. The Deputy may raise the matter of salaries but he may not proceed along the lines he has been following. Somebody else would want to get in in the same way.

I will conclude by pointing out that the staff in the Irish Embassy in Washington and in our consulates in New York and elsewhere speak for the Government and people of this country. That should be made clear. I do not want to be nasty about this. I do not know who made the telephone call when the present Taoiseach won leadership of Fianna Fáil. I do not know whether it was Deputy Blaney who rang Deputy Haughey or whether it was the present Taoiseach who telephoned Deputy Blaney. I have great respect for those people, but one of the people involved in the Irish National Caucus in New York——

We are getting away from the debate.

Through our embassies and our ambassadors abroad we will speak——

The Chair wishes to put on record the hundreds of decisions of the House that officials should not be named in the House.

In relation to the problem which has arisen in Crossmaglen, the question that the British Army have occupied the local GAA grounds——

That has nothing to do with cultural relations.

Are we being told that Gaelic football is not part of Irish culture?

I am telling the Deputy that the occupation by the British Army of this field does not come under the heading of cultural relations in the matter of this small Supplementary Estimate.

I just want to make the point that we have a relatively new President of the GAA, a new Secretary-General, we have a new Minister for Foreign Affairs and a new Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, and should not all of these people get together to ensure that sport will go beyond all political considerations.

The Deputy has made his point.

I wish to thank Deputies for their contributions. As you pointed out, Sir, and as the House realises, the purpose of the Supplementary Estimate is limited. It deals particularly with increases in salaries on foot of the national understanding. It also involves increased costs due to our EEC Presidency, travelling and other expenses.

On the question of salaries generally, Deputy Bruton seemed to have the impression that there has been a very considerable increase in respect of salaries. In this Supplementary Estimate the increase is in the order of 3.5 per cent, which is reasonable in view of the extent of the activities of this Department in this year. I should like to say that the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, on whose behalf I have moved this Supplementary Estimate, is privileged to have the level of staff ability, commitment and dedication that I have had during my period in that Department. That applies to all serving officers in the Department here and abroad. Despite the great expansion in the activities of the Department, which will be continuing in the interests of promoting externally our national interest, there has been but limited expansion of personnel. During our EEC Presidency period right up to now instead of recruiting extra people, we have been bringing people from one embassy to other embassies where the pressure was on, and those who were left in embassies from which others had been taken simply increased their workload, working extra hours beyond the call of duty.

I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to all the staffs of Foreign Affairs—of course this applies to other Departments as well—for the manner in which they have taken on the extra work burden during the EEC Presidency period. Were it not for this dedication and hard work, the amount I am seeking today would be considerably more than the actual increase of 3.5 per cent. Therefore, I should like to join with the Deputies opposite in paying tribute to the officers of the Department of Foreign Affairs at home and abroad. I acknowledge the major contribution they are making towards the promotion of Irish interests abroad.

Last year, personnel expansion was very limited having regard to our widespread activities in the EEC, in our embassies and in new developments. It is one of the matters I look back on with considerable satisfaction—the new areas we have launched out into in our embassies.

That brings me to a point raised by Deputies in regard to accommodation in new embassies, particularly China. There is nothing unusual about our representatives in Peking living in a hotel. This is a pattern not only in Peking but in other places. However, in particular reference to Peking, a number of missions there are in the same position. Accommodation has to be made available in areas which one might refer to as embassy centres, and we have no peculiar cause for complaint in that respect. It is a matter for the Chinese authorities to designate the appropriate accommodation. In the meantime, that is a matter for negotiation, and so far we have got every co-operation from the Chinese authorities. A number of other countries who recently opened relations with China are in the same position. I do not anticipate any great delay. I repeat that this has not happened in Peking only. It has happened in several countries when new missions were opened. It seems to be assumed that as soon as we open a new mission we can immediately walk into a new embassy.

I was not assuming that. I was afraid it would continue. The situation is hardly satisfactory.

I agree with that but I do not think there is any reason for concern in this respect.

On the cultural aspect generally I endorse everything that the Deputies, particularly Deputy Harte, have said in relation to our understanding of culture and the cultural mix between North and South. Deputy Harte, with his awareness of what makes the cultural mainstream, has always been sensitive to this and has expressed a broad opinion that many people could adopt to the great advantage of both North-South and British-Irish relations generally. This festival is being launched to promote a sense of all of Ireland and not any part of Ireland and will represent all these elements of North and South, on an unprecedented scale. For that reason the Government have been very anxious from the start to indicate their support by making this money available this year with further moneys to follow next year.

Are moneys made available to arts organisations north of the Border?

Yes, the Arts Council of the North of Ireland are involved in this.

Are we paying them money?

In many ways it is a joint promotion. I am not saying that we can pay them directly, but one thing that has been most welcome in recent times has been the joint liaison between the Arts Council of Northern Ireland and our own Arts Council. When they are involved in joint promotions to take place here we each make our appropriate contribution. The presentation and preparation of this, raised by Deputy Quinn, is being undertaken on the most professional basis to ensure that it will be beamed out not just to England but to all parts of Ireland and beyond Ireland as well. This will bring to the people of Britain generally, whether they be of Scottish, Celtic, Welsh, Cornish or Anglo-Saxon extraction, another, more enlightened sense of Ireland and of all parts of Ireland. For that reason the Government have been very happy to do this.

There were some questions generally on cultural relations and I want to mention one general point. The agreements that we have entered into are the original ones with Norway and France. We have now entered into agreements with Belgium, the Netherlands, Greece and Spain and are in the process of concluding one with the Federal Republic of Germany. I am sure that the officers of the Department of Foreign Affairs will take note of the points that have been made—it is not my function now to reply to them—in respect of the definition of "cultural" and the areas in which it might operate. I am very much in sympathy with much that has been said but I say to Deputy Bruton in particular that this is not confined to the fur-coat brigade. We have a very narrow definition and the Cultural Relations Committee do not have that narrow preception of culture. In all these agreements to reach out the cross-section of the people of Ireland to the cross-section of the people of Britain or France as the case may be, the cross-section themselves might be immediately aware of what makes the obligation and the challenge all the more important. It is not confined to, say, conferring further privilege on those who already are privileged.

Can the Minister give any practical example?

A number of exchanges of even primary school level courses of that nature are being promoted through language programmes and cultural visits, and these are not confined to the element about whom we are talking. I cannot go into all the details. This is very much a matter for the particular agreement and the implementation of it. From the knowledge that I have, not only of our embassies abroad but of their embassies here, those countries and their ambassadors and staff are very conscious of the need to reach right out through all elements of the Irish people. I am referring particularly to Belgium, the Netherlands, Greece and Spain in addition to those that are already there. This cannot be achieved overnight.

I would like to see examples rather than just highest expectations.

The Deputy will be able to see examples in practice when these agreements get under way. I want to signpost what will be a major development in our culture over the next year or two, and I am glad to have this opportunity in what in a sense is my swan song. During my last visit to the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers I had discussions with the Director of Cultural Activities, and I think we can look forward within a year or two to seeing the Council of Europe sponsoring Ireland's contribution to Europe, particularly during the high point of our cultural contribution to Europe, as being the theme of the Council of Europe at that time. This will be a major opportunity for us in Ireland to present ourselves and our deep cultural inheritance and to show what it has contributed to Europe. It will be done, not by taking our treasures out of Ireland, but rather by promoting in Ireland, where they belong, to the rest of Europe and the rest of the world these beautiful treasures which are part of our inheritance, North and South. My successor will pay particular attention to this because it will be one of the most dramatic and effective contributions we can make to cultural relations and the presentation of Irish culture.

I want to deal with one or two final matters within the limitations which the Leas-Cheann Comhairle has mentioned. There have been some references by Deputy Harte criticising generally the attitude in Britain towards Irish people. I hope the House will understand me when I say this. This cultural programme will do a lot to ensure that those criticisms will not be seen to be true. There are prejudices in England as there are elsewhere and there are certain prejudices in the English press just as there are in the press here. I want to ask a question which perhaps is rhetorical but which is worth asking. For instance, if yesterday, or more particularly the previous day, some British media gave some prominence to certain of the things that were said in this House, to whom do we complain? Is it to the British media? I do not think so. I will leave it at that.

They are entitled to report parliamentary debates. Nobody can talk about that.

At all times what is said in Parliament will be reported and not just here.

Are we getting censorship?

Not at all, but if we want to complain about the British media we should also recognise the discipline that it imposes on us. The standards of discipline and perhaps other human qualities might be applied to us as much as we would think they might be applied to others.

Is the Minister advocating censorship of Parliament?

What is he advocating?

That we should say what he wants us to say.

No, I am advocating discipline, self-discipline, and then not to complain when others say what one has said.

The Minister is not complaining. He is on that side.

In respect of the staff of the Department of Foreign Affairs and our ambassadors abroad, I have found that each and every one of them has always faithfully represented Government policy. That applies to every member of the staff, particularly the ambassadors because their function is to represent Government.

Are we now dealing particularly with——

We are dealing with all ambassadors and I am not excluding any.

Will the Minister deal specifically with——

The Leas-Cheann Comhairle has made the ruling quite clear.

Deputy Harte should allow the Minister to finish.

There has been a serious call by Deputies in this House for the recall of our ambassador to Britain.

I am sure that Deputy Harte will not be influenced by the call of any Deputy.

The Minister acting for the Minister for Foreign Affairs should state clearly——

The ruling of the Chair is that an official should not be named in this House.

In regard to all the staff who served in the Department of Foreign Affairs during my period of office, ambassadors in particular, the more responsible their job the more they proved capable. Each of them, as is a long-established practice, did it with a simple and clear responsibility of presenting Government policy as it is, of promoting the interests of the nation on the instructions they have. I have no reason to doubt but that will continue. I have no reason to see how anybody else has any authority to instruct but the Government. That is the final and appropriate word I shall say. I am pleased, in filling in for my successor——

The work of Ambassador Donlon in the United States has been a success and what he has achieved deserves more than the words the Minister is using, with due respect to the Minister. He is an ambassador in a most sensitive country——

It is not the practice to name officials in the House.

Ambassador Donlon has been very successful and the Minister is failing to say courageously what he has been saying privately.

The Chair has asked the Deputy not to continue on those lines.

I hope Deputy Harte does not imply anything from the fact that I am adhering to the rules of order and——

The Minister is afraid to get involved in a row between Deputy Blaney and the Taoiseach.

I am not afraid. This is regrettable, and that is all I can say.

Deputy Harte should not interrupt the Minister.

The responsibility which I asked the various ambassadors to take in my time was on the basis of their qualifications. I believe I did the right thing in respect of their authority and I believe each of them served the nation exceptionally well. The more important their responsibility, perhaps the better they served the nation. I am not going to distinguish between them after that. I am satisfied that each of them, as they have always done, will continue to express Government policy. If there are individuals who take some opinions as to what their attitudes are, that is not what will be relevant; it is the response to Government directions and authority and the Government's respect for that.

Vote put and agreed to.
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