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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 12 Mar 1980

Vol. 318 No. 10

Financial Resolutions, 1980 . - Financial Resolution No. 19: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including revenue) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance).

: Because my time is so short I will have to leave a lot of what I wanted to say about the economic aspects of this budget for another occasion, perhaps the debate on the White Paper for which we have been led to suppose time will be given. I wanted to say a great deal more about how the conditions to which the budget is a response and which the Leader of the Government described as uniquely difficult conditions are almost uniquely a product of the Government's predictable mishandling of the situation since 1977. I wanted also to say some more about how the measures in this budget do not go nearly far enough to right the matter. So far as the budget contains things which are popular, it is only putting off the evil day of reckoning when far more severe measures in regard to taxation and public expenditure will be necessary.

Since this is a debate on which all aspects of the Government's operations may be examined, I do not want to conclude without saying something about the North and the proposed switch in Government policy in that regard.

: We cannot discuss the North on the budget debate. This is an economic debate.

: We cannot even get questions answered, never mind discussions.

: If I understood one thing clearly since I entered Leinster House more than ten years ago, it is that the budget debate is one on which it is really possible to have a debate on the operations of the Government's commitment.

: No, the budget debate is an economic debate. You can discuss economic co-operation with the North but we cannot have a political debate on a budget debate.

: Obviously I am going to fall out with you right from the start if we get off on that footing.

: There is no need. The Chair must give the decisions that have been given down the years.

: The budget is intended to raise revenue for the running of Government Departments. Government Departments have functions vis-à-vis the North of Ireland, notably the Department of the Taoiseach. I am entitled to take a look at the policy of that Department in that regard and to criticise it if I think it needs criticism. Every Member of this House has always understood that in the budget debate all aspects of Government operations could be looked at.

: The budget debate has always been ruled as an economic debate. It is not a political debate. If we are to have a political debate it must be at some other time.

: We are dealing with a fundamental principle of this House that has very far-reaching repercussions if your ruling is to be accepted without challenge. It is unprecedented that any Deputy would be debarred from discussing any matter for which a Minister or Department of State had responsibility in a budget debate.

: The Chair must give a ruling that has been given here by all my predecessors and all occupants of the Chair. The debate is confined to taxation, expenditure and financial policy and other matters only in so far as they are connected with financial policy. We cannot have political matters raised in this debate.

: The reason for raising taxation is to run the machinery of the State, including several Departments.

: Hear, hear.

: As Deputy Kelly pointed out, one of these Departments is the Department of the Taoiseach which deals with Northern Ireland. It would be unthinkable that a Deputy would be denied his right——

: Deputy Cluskey should not make that charge against the Chair. The Chair is not denying any Deputy his right on a budget debate. The Deputy can raise political matters on the Estimate for the Department of the Taoiseach or some other suitable time.

: If we ever get a debate on that. Out of genuine and personal regard for the Chair I will not push this matter any further but I believe the Chair is wrong in this and that the position is as Deputy Cluskey said.

: It is not my ruling. There are a dozen previous rulings given by previous occupants of the Chair.

: I will have to reserve what I wanted to say for some other occasion. I wish to refer to the sham-ridden turn which the so-called Government policies have taken. On the criteria of the Chair the only way in which I can make something I want to say about the North relevant to a budget debate is to say something about expenditure. The propagation of slogans of the kind heard in the RDS by a couple of thousand of programmed zombies applauding at the wrong places will only put a solution futher off.

: Deputy Kelly occasionally repeats that sort of remark about people inside or outside of the House and he should not do it.

: A clockwork audience of that kind entitled me to poke fun at them. They would be entitled to poke fun at the people at our Ard-Fheis if we had people like that as well.

I have three or four financial suggestions in regard to trying to bring a solution and all-Ireland harmony nearer. We should spend money on publicising in the North, our point of view in regard to the North. I do not mean the Fianna Fáil Party's point of view but the national consensus in regard to the North. There is nothing to stop us from paying for and taking whole pages of the Belfast Newsletter and the Belfast Telegraph, which are the organs of majority opinion there, and using our best skills to demonstrate the falsity of some of the myths with which they live. In defence of Deputy Lynch and the late Deputy Seán Lemass, all Governments here, whatever postures they struck or whatever motions they went through to pretend otherwise, have done their best within the possibilities which a very volatile public opinion here offers to maintain law and order here and have not permitted the country to be used as a base for murder and savagery in the North. Perhaps one Government overreacted and one was slack but by and large all Governments here had their hearts in the right place in this regard. We should spend money in trying to get that point across to the unionist majority who do not believe it and who are in the grip of a myth that this House consists of 148 fellow travellers with murder. I am speaking for the Fine Gael Party and for the Labour Party. No party has had a more honourable record in that regard than the Labour Party since they were founded. About four-fifths, perhaps nine-tenths and possibly more of the Fianna Fail Party are of the same view.

: Is it fair for Deputy Kelly to——

: We should spend money in getting that point across.

: I would ask Deputy Kelly not to get into a political debate.

: The Deputy has gone off on one of his balloons and he will apologise to everybody afterwards about it.

: There are myths in regard to the state of economic progress and in regard to the supposed Church-ridden nature of Irish society. These are false. It is up to us to put them right. We have never tried to do that and the only way recognised to be effective by people in the business of publication and making money, is to advertise. I would not be ashamed to do that. The fact that the English, the French and the Belgians do not do it does not matter as they have not got the same problems. That is a straightforward way of doing it. We should be far more active in searching for ways of trying to get some kind of friendly reaction. I know that we are so many miles and decades away from anything which would be——

: The Chair must rule again that the Deputy is getting away from the budget debate. If the Chair allows Deputy Kelly to do what he likes he will have to allow every other Member of the House to do the same.

: The budget is intended to raise money for the Department of the Taoiseach.

: The Deputy cannot use that as an excuse to debate everything under the sun. The Deputy is getting into a political debate.

: The State has now become involved in very welcome expense in regard to the recovery, rescue and preservation of some extremely remarkable medieval Irish jewellery in relation to the finds made some weeks ago in County Tipperary. Those articles should be sent to Belfast, not on permanent loan, at some reasonable opportunity and the people there should be given the opportunity to see them. They should be sent there as a gesture of friendship in the way that the Killymoon Gold Hoard was 12 years ago. That created a terrific impression before the violence started.

We have not done anything like enough in the way of spending money to attract people from the North to get to know us, with our warts and all, but at least to satisfy themselves that we are not devils incarnate. We should consider doing what other countries do for tourist promoting purposes. We should give tourists from the North of Ireland on the production of a bone fide hotel receipt, refunds of VAT on their petrol consumption and on their hotel bills. That would not break us. I am surely in order in making that suggestion in relation to a budget which continues taxation in both those respects. Naturally, since we are the fearful, timid, mouse-like people that we are, we are afraid to take a step in case it would take us out of line with the British. We tend to look over our shoulder to see what the British are doing. I do not give a damn whether they do it or not, as they do not have the problem of a supposed national objective over which not one of their leaders ever lost an hour's sleep but to which they are supposed to commit and re-commit themselves at their annual conferences. They do not have the problem of trying to conciliate people who on their own republic orthodoxy are their own blood brothers but to whom they have given the back of their hand ever since they could walk as a state. They do not have that problem and the fact that they do not do these things does not exempt us from the duty of considering whether they would bring Irish harmony any closer.

Out of regard for the Chair I will not battle with him in regard to his ruling although I believe it is wrong. I hope the Leas-Cheann Comhairle will not take it personally, but I intend to raise the matter of the permitted range of the budget debate with the Committee on Procedure and Privileges.

: As far as the present occupant of the chair is concerned I will be quite happy if the Deputy does that. The Deputy will have to deal with about 30 rulings given over the past ten or 15 years.

: When presenting his budget to the House on 27 February the Minister for Finance spoke of the obligation of Government to have as a priority the prudent management of the public finances and the improvement of the climate for economic development. As he so rightly pointed out, this obligation becomes ever more burdensome in the present climate. Fulfilment of this obligation requires a firm Government policy under which all sections of the community are, and can be seen to be, shouldering the extra burdens equally. In the General Election of 1977 when Fianna Fáil came back to power we entered into commitments to the electorate. Those commitments were detailed in our election manifesto. They were based on the same principle that each section of the community should share an equal burden in the achievement of a healthy social and economic order.

In relation to prices we made detailed commitments. In the past two years, in the face of unprecedented external economic pressures, we have fulfilled them. The principal target of the manifesto in relation to prices was to reduce the rate of inflation by, inter alia, effective price control. The Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism had this as one of his major concerns on taking up office. In the manifesto we promised a review of the operation of the National Prices Commission, a body which was established by Fianna Fáil in 1971 to monitor price movements. The National Prices Commission undertake a substantial volume of work. We looked at its structure and effectiveness and as a result of the review a number of major changes were made in the criteria for reviewing price applications.

There is now a more rigorous examination of price proposals than before and the changes introduced here have had the effect of increasing the Minister's control and influence in the prices area. The Minister extended the period of notification of proposed price increases from two months to three months in the case of major firms to enable price proposals from these firms to be examined in greater detail and depth. He also requires such firms to report each year on efficiency and productivity improvements. He raised the requirement for export exemption from price control from 25 per cent to 35 per cent of total volume so as to encourage firms to make a greater effort to increase their exports. He directed the National Prices Commission to pay particular attention to the import costs of Irish subsidiaries of multi-national companies. He thought this extremely important to prevent the parent companies of such companies charging excessive prices for supplies in order to benefit the holding company abroad and in this way evade price control regulations.

The Minister also asked the commission to intensify their examination of the effect of currency fluctuations on companies' imported raw material costs and to keep under continuous review world market prices for raw materials and commodities. In the pre-election manifesto Fianna Fáil promised to investigate middlemen's margins in areas where there was an inordinate difference in the price obtained by the producer for certain products and the price paid by the housewife for the same product. The National Prices Commission carried out these investigations at the direction of the Minister and identified the areas where there were reasons for disparity. In one case the commission discovered what they regarded to be an unjustifiably large increase in gross margins and as a result the Minister immediately made a maximum prices order for controlling the retail price. Formal control of some products, particularly in the fruit and vegetable area, by maximum prices order would create serious administrative difficulties. It would be virtually impossible to relate a controlled price to a clearly defined quality of produce and this would render an order ineffective. The best way to reduce margins is through improved efficiency and increased competition. To this end the Government committed themselves to ensure that the consumer is provided with as much information as possible about prices in the form of radio programmes, a television programme and a flood of information to the national and provincial newspapers on a daily and weekly basis. The manifesto also included a commitment to abolish the seven day rule arising out of the UK outer zone in respect of fuel price increases. We abolished that rule and now all applications for price increases in fuel are examined closely on their merit taking account of crude oil price increases. Another commitment related to Northern Ireland prices and ESB accounting procedures and those commitments have also been fully met.

With regard to prices, the manifesto states that Fianna Fáil would regard price control as an important matter and, therefore, revert to the position where a member of the Government would be responsible for it and for dealing with the underlying causes of inflation. Minister O'Malley took on that responsibility and has exercised it over the last two and a half years. In that time the Minister has refused or cut back recommendations for price increases from the National Prices Commission on 34 occasions. The Minister was confident in all these cases that the firms concerned were capable of bearing some or all of the increased costs involved without any damage to their viability. The results of these actions by the Government mean that we have now in operation here one of the strictest forms of price control in the European Community and one of the most difficult to comply with. The House will be aware that the British Government, for example abolished price control altogether and the result has been a major rise in their inflation rate which is now substantially above our own.

: Not substantially.

: We have a rigorous and careful scrutiny of price applications and allied to it we have expanded the operations of the prices inspectorate to crack down on all forms of overcharging. In 1977, the year the Government assumed office, there were 45 inspectors in the Department engaged in the enforcement of price control legislation and the investigation of complaints. In February 1980 the number of inspectors in the Department involved in prices investigation had risen from 45 to 83. During 1979 the inspectorate investigated 6,342 complaints received at the Priceline centres and found that 3,798, or 60 per cent, of those complaints were well-founded. Evidence of the contravention of price control orders for legal proceedings was obtained in 4,509 instances. All this strengthening of the procedures under our prices control legislation has taken place against a background of adverse external economic pressure outside the control of the Government.

Political upheavals in various parts of the world in recent times have had a telling effect on the price of the essential commodities which we import. This is true not only in relation to oil prices but also in relation to a whole host of basic commodities which we need to keep our existing industries operating and to support our drive for continued industrialisation. Developing producer countries are nowadays not willing to part with their indigenous resources at bargain prices and they are striving, justifiably, to ensure that their production of basic raw materials assists their own economic development and will help towards providing their own peoples with a reasonable standard of living.

The movements in crude oil prices in the last two years have been staggering to say the least. In January 1978 the price of a barrel of Saudi-Arabian light crude was 12.95 US dollars. By January 1979 the price had increased to $13.34. In July 1979 the price was $18 per barrel while in December of that year it had increased to $24 and the present price is $26. Therefore, there has been an increase between January 1979 and now from $13 to $26 per barrel, and light Arabian crude was the cheapest oil available.

Because of the severe nature of the political happenings in Iran the price of Iranian oil has increased a lot more steeply. For example, the market price for Iranian crude in January 1978 was $13.6 but this has increased to the present price of almost $33 per barrel. These are crippling increases and they have had a serious effect on our economy and on our balance of payments. Increases in the price of fuel oil have a spillover on to the prices of numerous other commodities. For example, naphtha, the raw material used for town gas production, is an oil product and its price has increased in line with crude oil prices. Unfortunately, as a result town gas consumers, particularly in Dublin and Cork, have been faced with continuing rising prices. The annual fuel cost of the ESB for 1980-81 has been estimated by the board to be £211 million but their total actual revenue for 1978-79 was only £223 million. In those circumstances and with the ESB dependent so much on oil, is it any wonder that they must increase their prices by substantial amounts? The plain fact is that we must reduce our dependence on imported fuel. The way in which we use oil is more appropriate to an era in which the financial consequences were of little concern.

The Government's actions both in terms of the budget and in terms of our efforts generally to promote energy conservation and to develop our own fuel resources are designed primarily to reduce this dependence. A government's price control policies must be geared to fit the existing economic circumstances. The way in which we have exercised price control during the past two years has been particularly successful in this regard. It is interesting to consider the movement in the inflation rate in recent years and to use this movement as a gauge to measure the success or failure of the Government's policies.

In the three years 1974, 1975 and 1976, prior to the Government assuming office, we experienced annual inflation rates of 17 per cent, 20.9 per cent and 18 per cent respectively. The movement in oil prices during the corresponding period was from 10.55 US dollars for a barrel of light Arabian crude in 1974 to $12.95 in 1976, an increase during the period of $2.4. The annual inflation rates for 1977, 1978 and 1979, the first three years of office of this Government, were 13.3 per cent, 7.6 per cent and 13.2 per cent respectively. When one compares these inflation rates with the increases in oil prices during the same period, one finds that the inflation rates were, to say the least, impressive. They compared favourably with the rates achieved by our trading partners in other European countries who also have been subject to the rising oil prices.

: Can the Minister say what is the impact of the oil increases on the CPI figures?

: The Deputy will have his chance later to contribute to the debate.

: I am asking a question of the Minister.

: I accept that it is difficult for the Deputy to have to listen to the figures I am giving regarding the oil price increases.

: I am merely seeking information.

: I know that the Deputy is embarrassed by the comparisons I am making but he will have his opportunity later of making his contribution.

: What was the impact on the CPI figures of the oil price increases? The Minister must have that information.

: The inflation rates for the past three years compare favourably with the rates experienced in other European countries.

: The figure I have been asking the Minister for is 3 per cent.

: Increases in the price of imported raw materials are not the only input increases which our manufacturing industry have had to bear in recent years. Many of them are of our own making. Wages and salaries in particular have shown a considerable increase in recent years. During the past two years alone wage increases awarded under the terms of the relevant national wage agreements have added more than 30 per cent to wage bills. This was a large increase but the figure does not tell the full story. The latest figures available show that in the period from June 1976 to March 1979, while the wage increases provided for under the national wage agreements totalled 28.1 per cent, the increase in actual earnings recorded by the Central Statistics Office was 49.7 per cent.

It is clear that with cost increases of this magnitude price control must be operated in such a way as to allow firms to remain viable and competitive. We cannot get way from the economic facts. If we need oil to fuel the economy we must pay the higher prices being charged for it. If we continue to pay ourselves higher wages and salaries we must pay the resultant higher prices for our goods and services.

The consequences would be predictable if all applications for price increases were to be rejected out of hand while cost increases continued to occur. Company bankruptcies and redundancies would follow within a short period. In many cases supplies of goods to the Irish market would cease altogether. Given the increased costs of imported materials and the size of increases in money incomes which have occurred in recent years, increased costs can nowadays only very rarely be met from profits or fully offset by improvements in productivity and efficiency. If price control were to be applied in this way it would soon become irrelevant. No products would be available at the controlled prices and the social costs inflicted on the community would soon become intolerable.

It is necessary in the operation of an effective price control system to hold a balance between the competing needs and demands and pressures of the consumer and those of the industrialist who is trying to produce goods at a reasonable price, trying to keep his workers in employment and in many cases trying to expand employment at times of considerable economic difficulty.

As I have said, it appears that our price control system, as it has been strengthened in recent years, is the most stringent and most difficult to comply with, of all the price control systems operated in the EEC. This is a source of continuing concern to some extent from the industrial point of view because of the pressures which are put on firms here more than in other countries. This pressure is evidenced by the number of complaints the Department receive from industrialists. A number of complaints about prices being too high or price control not being operated strictly enough are received. The complaints we get in that regard are, however, a mere fraction of the complaints from industrialists subject to price control.

Both the Minister and myself continually meet deputations from the business community who come to talk to us about the difficulties which they experience in complying with our stringent price control procedure about how unfair they think it is and how strenuously it has been applied over the past two years.

The task of balancing the interests of the consumer with those of the industrialists and his employees is a delicate one which requires the constant attention of the Government. Unlike the previous administration where the Minister displayed not the slightest interest in prices, this Government have a Cabinet Minister who has the active responsibility for price control, and this means that the competing needs of the various sections of the community are given the fullest possible recognition.

The budget, which we are at present debating, was framed in such a way as to ensure that the impact on the necessities of life is minimised. The way in which indirect taxes have been levied is such as to concentrate them in so far as is possible on discretionary expenditure. The spreading of the income tax burden in response to the justifiable demands of the PAYE sector of the community, the significant improvements in social welfare allowances, will serve to increase the purchasing power of the various sectors of the community. These improvements and increases have to be financed by way of taxation, and the method of the Minister for Finance in obtaining the largest proportion possible by way of taxation on discretionary items helps to ensure that the most bearable impact falls on households and individuals whose means and commitments are such as to allow of only limited discretionary expenditure.

The price increases announced by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism as a consequence of the budget, and other cost increases, attracted a good deal of attention in the media. We were treated to the usual banner headlines predicting doomsday just around the corner. Indeed while I am on the subject I would like to refer again to the continuous flow of consumer information on price matters which my Department provide to the newspapers for publication. It is not always published. The practice of some newspapers in simply predicting huge price increases is irresponsible and can be extremely harmful, particularly at times when wage negotiations are at the formative stage.

The price increase of 77p per standard cylinder on bottled gas attracted a good deal of media attention. This price increase provided for an increase of 22p per standard cylinder, and pro-rata for other size cylinders, to take account of the 5p per gallon imposed on butane and propane in the budget; an increase of 50p per standard cylinder, and pro-rata for other size cylinders, to take account of a recommendation of the National Prices Commission for compensation for Calor Gas (Ireland) Ltd. and Ergas Ltd. for the higher cost of purchases of butane and propane on the world spot market.

The companies involved here had applied to the National Prices Commission for permission to increase their prices by amounts sufficient to cover the increased cost of purchasing their raw material—in one case, this amounted to over £4½ million. The increase looked for was 63p per standard cylinder. The National Prices Commission undertook a detailed examination of the proposal and recommended to the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism that the companies be allowed to increase their prices by 59p per standard cylinder. Following his own examination of the proposal, the Minister decided that the price increase should be 50p per standard cylinder. The original application was therefore cut back by 13p or more than 20 per cent.

The price increase of 77p also included an increase of 5p per standard cylinder, and pro-rata for other size cylinders, in retailers' cash margins which had been recommended by the National Prices Commission to compensate these traders for cost increases. The retailers involved had applied for increases of 12p and 25½p. Following detailed examination the price increase approved was 5p per standard cylinder. It is interesting to note, therefore, that an increase which could have amounted to 110.5p was cut back to 77p.

My Department were criticised to a considerable degree following the budget in regard to the price increases on petroleum products. In his budget speech, the Minister for Finance announced an increase in the price of all grades of motor spirits and of auto-diesel of 20p per gallon, VAT inclusive, at wholesale level, effective from 28 February 1980.

On 28 February the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism made an order, the Maximum Prices (Petroleum Products) (No. 2) Order, 1980, providing, inter alia, for an increase of 22p per gallon, VAT inclusive on the retail price of petrol and auto-diesel, with effect from 3 March 1980. The purpose of the time-lag between the increase at wholesale level and at retail level was to allow for the disposal of petrol stocks bought at the old price. I am sure that every fair-minded person will agree that an occasion such as the budget should not be used by holders of large stocks of petrol to make an unjust profit at the expense of the motorist.

In this context, I would refer to occasions in recent years when the Minister found it necessary to reduce the maximum retail price of petrol. On those occasions it was very evident that some petrol retailers were less than prompt in reducing their prices. Were it not for the action of the prices inspectorate of my Department on those occasions, many motorists would have been unfairly penalised.

The same situation could have arisen in relation to the latest increase had not the order made provision for the clearing of old stock. Between Thursday, 28 February, and the following Monday, 140 complaints were received from around the country about petrol retailers increasing prices before the permitted date. All of the complaints were investigated and most of the retailers involved agreed to make refunds to the complainants. However, in cases where petrol retailers refused to refund overcharges and where evidence of overcharging was available to the Department, legal proceedings were instituated immediately. There were, of course, those retailers who because of the rush on petrol after the Minister's announcement had to purchase new stocks at the new wholesale price. These retailers had to close until they were legally entitled to pass on the increase.

The budget also provided for increases in the tax on beers and spirits. As Minister of State at the Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism, I am particularly concerned at the level of prices being charged for alcoholic drink in bars and lounges throughout the country. I am concerned both because of the effect on the consumer and because of the effect of alcoholic drink prices on the consumer price index. The price of alcoholic drink has a very high weighting in the consumer price index. Drink prices are controlled by maximum prices order. While the constitutionality of this order is currently the subject of a Supreme Court action by the publicans, my Department's inspectors continue to enforce its provisions as rigidly as possible. Evidence has been obtained of widespread overcharging by publicans throughout the country.

At the present time there are in the pipeline more than 4,500 prosecutions of publicans for overcharging; evidence of overcharging by publicans gathered by the inspectors are coming into the Department at the rate of about 300 to 350 per week and the prices inspectors will continue to investigate drink prices throughout the country to ensure that no publican is allowed to overcharge with impunity.

Government action in areas such as price control can provide only part of the response needed to problems such as these. Success or failure in dealing with these problems depends upon many factors, not least the level of wage increases. In the present economic climate wage increases not matched by real improvements in productivity and efficiency spell problems for maintaining a reasonable level of prices. This is true not only in relation to the price of goods on the home market but also to the prices of our export products. An exporting country such as ours, where two out of every three jobs depend on exports, with a large deficit in the balance of payments, cannot afford, as the Minister for Finance pointed out in his budget speech, to lose competitiveness internationally through such increased costs. The price control system which we operate allows companies to be compensated only for unavoidable cost increases which they have incurred.

In relation to wage costs, this means wage increases awarded under national wage agreements or awarded in accordance with the terms of such agreements. Increased wages and salaries not matched by real increased productivity simply have the effect of pushing up the prices of those commodities which we buy and therefore, in the final analysis, are of no real benefit to the people who obtain them. The inflation rate is simply driven up further and a greater burden is placed on the more deprived members of the community. It is estimated that payments due under the second phase of the current national understanding will come to about 10 per cent of average industrial earnings. This, coupled with the 9 per cent under the first phase, leaves us with a very high rate of increase by international standards and the effect is seen on price levels. As the Minister for Finance has pointed out, there would not appear from a strictly economic viewpoint to be scope for any further pay increases this year. While the increases in oil prices which I referred to earlier have had a considerable effect and have accelerated the rise in price levels, we must face the economic fact that it would be foolhardy to compensate ourselves for this extra burden by simply awarding ourselves increases in income.

It cannot be stressed too often that price increases are the symptoms of inflation and not its causes. I have tried to emphasise this point by the remarks I have made in relation to oil price increases and wage cost increases. The external causes of inflation—increases in import and export prices—lie beyond the control of the Government. It is only possible to take action to limit their effects on Irish price levels. The actions which the Government have taken in relation to the procedures under which the National Prices Commission operate have been designed to meet this end. The job of the commission is to consider each application and recommend what price increase is justified within the commission's terms of reference, by the cost increases that the applicant has incurred, taking all relevant circumstances into account.

When considering price increase proposals, the commission usually allow incurred increases in raw material costs where these are verified by documentary evidence. In the case of labour costs, the commission must have regard to specific Government guidelines and, generally speaking, only increases in line with the national wage agreements are allowed. In regard to overhead costs, firms are expected to document increases claimed where possible, and where this is not possible the commission have regard to their own available data or to indices published by the Central Statistics Office. The commission are not obliged to recommend full compensation for increased costs and often less than full compensation for increased costs and often less than full compensation is recommended to encourage productivity and efficiency.

Since applications referred to the National Prices Commission are applications for price increases, the commission tend to be identified only with price increases. Attention is invariably focused on the price increases which are recommended because they are regarded as newsworthy and not on that part of the price increase sought that was prevented from occurring. It is interesting to look at the number of price increase applications processed by the commission and the way in which they have been dealt with.

In 1978, the National Prices Commission dealt with 350 price applications. The commission recommended in eight of these cases that no price increase be granted at all. In 162 of the applications, the commission cut back the price increases applied for significantly and recommended that only part of the increase sought should be allowed. Of the total of 350 applications for price increases, only 163 were recommended for approval in full. The remaining 17 cases were price reductions recommended by the commission.

In 1979, the commission dealt with 507 applications for price increases. Of these, they recommended that in four cases no price increase at all be granted. Applications recommended for approval in part only amounted to 298. Of the total of 507 applications, only 205 were recommended for approval in full.

As I have already said, in that period also the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism refused or cut back commission recommendations in a further 34 cases. The Minister's responsibility for and interest in price matters has served to help and support the commission in their arduous task—unlike his predecessor who did not bestir himself on one single occasion to question or comment on any recommendation of the National Prices Commission during his term of office.

Since the commission were established by Fianna Fáil in October 1971 until the end of January 1980, they have dealt with 4,765 applications for price increases. Of these, 104 applications—or 2.2 per cent—were recommended for refusal. There were two main reasons for those refusals: the cost increases that were claimed were not adequately supported by documentary evidence or were insignificant when compared to the applicant's total costs or current profits.

Of the 4,765 applications considered, 2,298—or 48.2 per cent—were recommended for approval in part only. The main reasons why these firms were not granted the full increases sought were: the increases sought in materials and other costs were not fully supported by satisfactory documentary evidence; the firms involved sought price increases to cover increases in pay costs over and above the Government guidelines; the applicants could reasonably be expected to offset a part of the costs increases by improvements in efficiency.

There were three main reasons why 2,339 applications—or 49.1 per cent of the total—were recommended for approval in full. First, the applicants were—and had been—making losses or very moderate profits and any attempt to restrict the increases sought could have endangered employment and the applicant company's existence. Secondly, the price increases sought were based solely on increases in the cost of materials. In the short run, the scope for economising on the use of materials or switching over to alternative and cheaper materials is limited. Thirdly, the applicant company proposed to absorb a significant part of the increases incurred in costs and consequently the increase allowed in full did not recover all their cost increases.

In 24 cases, since their establishment the commission have recommended reductions in selling prices following examination of applicants' cost and price structures, on the grounds that the selling price levels then existing were overcompensating the firms concerned, due mainly to favourable changes in their costs.

The Commission are consistently guided by the need to maintain efficiency in the production of goods and services. The Government's view is that the consumer should not have to pay for inefficiency in industry and consequently, the commission continue to take account of the scope for productivity and efficiency improvements in the various firms and industry sectors who apply for price increases.

The Commission are also aware of the implications of proposed price increases for employment and employment generation. There is a need for companies to generate profits for investment and, accordingly, price increase proposals based on investment plans are examined on an ad hoc basis by the commission. Price increases to improve profitability for investment are limited to companies whose prices are competitive, who have proved themselves by their record of investment in the past and who have viable investment plans for the future. It is particularly important that such investments will generate new jobs or at least maintain existing jobs which would clearly otherwise be lost, and it is desirable, also, that the capital invested be spent in this country, as far as possible.

In the twelve-month period, from February 1979 to January 1980, the commission considered price increase proposals from 541 applicants, totalling £441.9 million on an annualised basis. Of this total, £360.5 million was actually allowed. This means that as a result of the proper operation of price control procedures, the prices of the products and services covered by these 541 applications rose by about 22 per cent less than they would have risen if the applicants had not been subject to detailed price control and the consumers had to pay nearly £80 million less than they would otherwise have had to pay.

This figure under-estimates the saving to consumers. Nearly all the commission's recommendations relate to ex-factory prices and retail prices are generally fixed by adding a percentage margin to the prices at which the retailers buy. If the average retail margin on cost were, say, 25 per cent, then the savings to consumers would reach almost £100 million. That is, in the period February 1979 January 1980, the operation by Fianna Fáil of the National Prices Commission set up by Fianna Fáil and the strict control and monitoring of their recommendations and the strict decisions taken by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism saved Irish consumers nearly £100 million.

Under Government guidelines, the National Prices Commission cannot allow price increases to compensate for wage and salary increases in excess of limits laid down. If rigorous price control had not existed, increases in pay costs above the limits would in many cases have been recouped from higher prices.

The £360.5 million actually allowed as increased costs for the purposes of price increases in 1979-80, when broken down into its constitutional parts, reveals some interesting facts. Of the total figure, £232.37 million was in respect of raw material costs, £72.1 million in respect of pay costs and £56.06 million in respect of overhead costs.

One thing is abundantly clear from these figures and that is that increases in material costs were of paramount importance as causes of price increases. Over 64 per cent of the total costs allowed was in respect of raw material cost increases. As I have said already, the vast majority of raw material inputs have to be purchased on world markets, the prices of which are influenced by external factors totally outside the control of the Government. For example, in the case of primary energy goods in particular, it has been a case of paying the going prices on world markets to ensure continuity of supply to this country, thus maintaining the provision of essential goods and services. The consequences of not allowing price compensation in such circumstances would be declining production levels, reduced employment and the substitution of home-manufactured goods by imported products, in many cases not subject to price control, accompanied by a worsening of our balance of payments situation.

I have tried in my remarks to the House today to inform Deputies, and the public at large, of the operation of our price control system and the problems which it encounters. These problems will continue to arise but this Administration have the will, energy and expertise to overcome them as they arise. The sound principles on which this budget is based, and on which our price control policies have been based over the last two-and-a-half years, will ensure that our efforts will continue to be successful.

Many adjectives and superlatives have been used to describe this budget but I think there is only one very short word of three letters that can describe it and that is "bad". It is bad for many reasons. I have wondered to what extent the PAYE reliefs in the budget would have been given were it not, first, for the protests and, secondly, for the High Court case, because Government speakers have referred to the so-called PAYE concessions as being in line with the Government's programme, as what they always intended to do. In fact, it was the very tax policy of the Government that brought the people in hundreds of thousands on to the streets. Never before did we witness such massive support for a cause as was seen in the past 12 months particularly in the two major protests made.

Following last year's budget it became evident to PAYE workers that they were not going to get justice, that equality or fair play would not be introduced into the tax system. There was also plenty of evidence before that, if one needed it. Speakers on the Fianna Fáil benches talk about successive Governments being responsible for the tax system. Who are successive Governments? One would get the impression that every second Government meant a change of Government. If we go back over the last 25 years, all the Governments have been Fianna Fáil except one. So, responsibility for a tax mess rests fairly and squarely on Fianna Fáil. While they are quick to claim credit where possible, when it comes to any criticism they are equally quick to say that is due to "successive Governments". Fianna Fáil do not ever appear to have been a "successive Government" in that sense.

My point is that the tax concessions in the budget are being forced on the Government, concessions they never intended to give. These concessions, as they were given, have not reduced the inequality in the tax structure; they have given relief at certain levels of income and they have certainly done what a tax system should not do, made the rich richer and the poor poorer.

Fianna Fáil speakers also mentioned that people are living beyond their means. That may be true in some cases but the thousands of wage and salary earners who depend on pay day to meet their bills are not living beyond their means. It is true to say that, prior to the change of Government, the Fianna Fáil Party, in their manifesto and everything connected with it, did give the clear promise that people would have more money in their pockets, a better standard of living and, generally speaking, would be more or less in a Utopian situation, if only there was a change of Government. The expectations held out at that time have not been fulfilled. Once the flood gates of expectations are opened it is very difficult to close them. The Government themselves would be the first to admit that, having regard to the problems over the past year or two, problems which arose, to a great extent, from these unfulfilled expectations. There are not many people, if any, that could be regarded as living beyond their means. I am sure that the Minister himself meets quite a number of his constituents and I doubt if he could identify any of them justifiably and correctly as living beyond their means.

Social welfare payments should be a major part of any budget but, unfortunately, their review is confined to an annual event, with a few exceptions in recent years. An annual review of social welfare payments is no longer acceptable. It is no longer the right thing to do, for the very reasons stated by the Minister in his remarks about unpredictable and unexpected price increases, and the external factors he mentioned. For those very reasons, the levels set for social welfare payments should be reviewed on an on-going basis, should be adjusted during the year and, certainly, more frequently than once a year. The adjustments made and provided for in this budget will hardly compensate for the increases in the cost of living over the past 12 months, not to mention the increases arising out of the budget provisions.

When some factors in this budget percolate right through the economy, they will result in further increases over the coming months, increases which, at this stage cannot accurately be gauged. For example, most experts and commentators expect our inflation rate to be around 20 per cent for the coming few months. Social welfare recipients who have to buy at dearest prices—and I say that very deliberately—will be at a great disadvantage. The way various commodities are made up now, if one is able to buy in bulk, to buy the large so-called economy size, it is much cheaper. On the other hand, pensioners and other social welfare recipients cannot afford to buy large amounts of anything but must buy in small quantities which, of course, is the most expensive way of buying. They pay a little bit more all the time for their basic requirements.

In connection with social welfare generally, there is a falling down. Whether it is due to staff shortage or other reasons I do not know, but in relation to the payment of some benefits, people experience severe hardship by not receiving these payments in time. The level of benefits certainly is not generous but at least if they get them on a regular basis—I am talking in particular about sickness benefit—they might be just about able to manage. Getting them on a very irregular basis makes life so much more difficult.

Some press commentators have referred to the fact that the Labour benches here are often very bare. I do not want to make excuses about this, but one of the major genuine excuses is that we in the Labour Party—myself in particular—all today have been detained on the phone talking to the Department of Social Welfare trying to get people what they are entitled to. Particularly over the last six or eight months most of my time as a Deputy in this House has been occupied with that exercise of trying to get people what they are entitled to. It is outrageous that I can quote many cases where people entitled to benefits would never have got them but for the intervention of myself or other TDs. This is scandalous. We live in a country where we like to tell people that if they are entitled to it they will get it, whereas that is no longer true. I say that very deliberately. People now require a TD or Senator to delve into the matter to get them what they are justly entitled to. People would have lost hundreds of pounds of benefit and I hope that this will be rectified not alone in the levels of benefit but in the way the system is managed and looked at.

I have had nothing but the utmost courtesy and co-operation from any officials I have contacted regarding cases, but whether there is a political will there to put the thing right is doubtful. I will not go so far as to suggest that there is some deliberate political attempt to create this kind of situation but it does exist and I am sure that other Members of this House are aware of it. That is why I make the plea for social welfare recipients. The level of benefit, even with the 20 per cent and 25 per cent increase in the long-term rates is far from adequate, having regard to all the circumstances. The system of payments and of ensuring that people get what they are entitled to when they are entitled to it will have to be tackled very urgently by the Government.

Down the line at local authority or health board level where the supplementary allowances have to be managed a lot of administrative problems arise because in the final analysis the health boards have to come to the assistance of those people who are left high and dry by the Department of Social Welfare. I do not agree with the percentage increases in social welfare benefits. Percentage increases are misleading. The 20 or 25 per cent increases on an average income is an advantage but a similar increase on a social welfare payment is a different thing altogether. There is an attempt to mislead by quoting percentage increases. Much more is required than, say, an increase of £4 or £5 on these rates when regard is had to all the other increases that have been implemented in the past 12 months and will be implemented over the next 12 months.

The tax campaign had two aspects to it, one of which has been lost sight of and that is that people were looking for equality in tax which they have not got, but they want that without any cuts in services, particularly essential services. There are severe cuts in essential services. One has only to read the reports from all the local authorities throughout the country to learn that they have passed resolutions asking the Minister to reconsider the allocation, to receive deputations and so on. Local authorities have been given a guideline of a 10 per cent increase and have been told also that the buoyancy of their revenue will provide perhaps another 2, 3, or 4 per cent. Here again the Government in doing that are asking the local authorities to use the revenue coming in to them from new rated premises for the maintenance of existing services. In other words, all the new premises in respect of which rates will be paid will find that the services cannot be expanded to cater for them. The direction to that effect going out from the Department of the Environment was a very wrong direction. Because some factories and business premises require services they will not be too pleased when they realise that the rates they will pay this year will not be used to provide services but will be used merely to maintain existing services. Already some local authorities have problems in maintaining employment.

Health boards have serious problems and I was amazed at the Minister for Health the other night exhorting hospital authorities to try to cut down on hospital admissions. In my health board area there is a very diligent and conscientious system for hospital admissions and only people who require hospital treatment are admitted. I do not know how anyone can cut down on these admissions. This serves to demonstrate the inequality of the budget. The people who cannot afford to pay for hospital treatment will be affected by any cut back and people in a position to pay will pay for private hospital treatment. Every day of the week parents with children who are ill are told on going to the local health board that they must wait three, four or six months before the child will be admitted to hospital. These parents dig into their savings and have the child admitted as a private patient. Unfortunately, many parents are not able to do that and their children suffer.

This budget diminished the services available to the less well-off in relation to health and education. In relation to health, more and more hospital beds are required for an increased population. Therefore, the health services must expand and develop. Here we have a situation where the Minister for Health is asking health boards to ensure that hospital admissions are reduced. Instead money should be made available for the expansion of hospitals. Recently a parliamentary question was asked in the Dáil about the county hospital in Kilkenny where there is serious overcrowding and a serious staff shortage and the Minister was not able to offer any solution, primarily because of the provisions of this budget which is supposed to be so great. It is a sad state of affairs that as a direct consequence of the provisions in the budget the less well-off sections will suffer more. In hard times these are the people who are always squeezed out. The cut-back in local authority services affects the poorer sections most because local authorities exist primarily to provide services for those who cannot afford to pay for them. The people I refer to will not benefit from the PAYE concessions either. At other levels of income it may be argued that there is a quid pro quo, one is given something and something is taken back. However, the poorer sections get nothing although they must pay the increases in indirect taxation and they must suffer the severe restriction of services.

This budget makes no provision for the increased population. It was only during the past year that proof became available that the population had increased. The only measure taken by the Government to provide for the increased population was a few extra seats in the House. This demonstrates the extent of vision of the Government. The extra seats could have waited for some time. There are far more urgent things to be attended to in relation to the increased population. We cannot provide for an increase in population within the terms of a budget that imposes severe cut-backs. We should provide more houses, more schools, hospitals and other infrastructure to cope with the increase in population, and of course more jobs.

It is alarming to note that unemployment is on the increase, but it is not surprising because this was inevitable arising from the policies pursued by this Government. The Government in trying to justify heavy borrowing tell us that it will increase employment but they must remember that when borrowing is reduced employment figures will also fall. In trying to justify the heavy borrowing that took place in the last two years Ministers have told us that it would be only a temporary measure after which the momentum would be established and the economy would float at that higher level of activity. They told us that borrowing could then be stopped without any adverse effect on employment or any other economic activity. We would have liked that to be true but, unfortunately, everything points in the opposite direction. The momentum which was supposed to be created by the brinkmanship in borrowing has not occured and we are worse off than we were before.

There have been several cut-backs in the field of education and again the less well-off sections of the community will suffer. With the increase in our population more schools are required and a big number of schools are overdue for replacement. I hope we have learned a lesson from the past and do not try to solve this problem by providing pre-fab classrooms. There will be a big increase in the number of young people looking for school accommodation at all levels but, in particular, at primary school level. At present children are being accommodated in classrooms that are overcrowded and that situation will not ease particularly in view of the fact that the other related problem, that of pupil-teacher ratio, is still with us.

As there is a debate in progress in Private Member's Business on housing grants I will not dwell for any length of time on this subject. However, it is important to point out that the weaker sections of the community will suffer as a result of the proposals in the budget in relation to those grants. Those with small houses or rural cottages who are anxious to install a water supply or sewerage facilities are being denied State assistance towards the cost of that work. The Government should bear in mind that there are many in rural Ireland who do not have such basic necessities as a water supply and proper sewerage facilities. If such a drastic measure was considered necessary it could have been done on a selective basis, as was adopted by Deputy Tully when Minister for Local Government in 1976. I agree with the Minister of State, Deputy Connolly, who pointed out that the grants were being used in some cases to provide luxury accommodation, but Fianna Fáil must accept the blame for that because they decided to pay the grant without an inspection to see if the house was in need of an extension or additional facilities. I am concerned about the householders who cannot carry out this work without State assistance, the poorer sections of the community who must live in overcrowded accommodation.

People have become punch-drunk by a succession of price increases. I can recall a Ministerial statement to the effect that wage earners should not seek compensation in respect of price rises as a result of increased energy costs, but it must be remembered that practically every commodity is increased in price when the cost of energy rises. People must be compensated. It has become fashionable among some economists to state that workers should not seek compensation for increases in prices or a rise in inflation on the basis that such increases only add fuel to the fire. I doubt if all economists would agree but it is a nice line for some of them to try to get away with. If that line was followed prices would really go mad. One of the controlling factors in relation to prices is the fact that wage earners must be compensated for price increases regardless of where these increases emanate from. The worker has only his or her labour to sell and in return for that commodity a wage or salary is paid. It is important that the price of that commodity increases in line with price increases generally, because in order to be able to sell his labour the worker must have the necessities of life.

I have no hesitation in condemning the budget for the reasons I have outlined. It is a budget which will have the result of making the poor poorer and of withdrawing from them many essential services. Certainly it will reduce their opportunity of benefiting from these services thereby widening the gap between the rich and the poor. In addition, much of the progress that has been made down through the years in relation to cherishing all the children of the nation equally will be undone.

I welcome this budget which is perhaps the most fair and most caring budget that I have witnessed during my time in this House. Also, it is the most clever budget of recent years. Despite the intense financial problems with which the Government must contend, they have succeeded in bringing some degree of equality into the income tax area. Undoubtedly the PAYE people have been unfairly burdened up to now. Many of them had lost the incentive to work and an increasing number had resorted to tax evasion as a result of the heavy demands made on them by the Revenue Commissioners. The importance of giving our workers a proper incentive to work hard and conscientiously cannot be over-stressed but the harsh PAYE system and the failure on the part of successive Governments to revise that system on a regular basis sowed the seeds for the major protests that have been witnessed in our cities and towns by these people. However, the budget has gone a long way to right these wrongs and I am glad to note that the major concessions as outlined in the budget have been welcomed by the PAYE lobby and by the ICTU. Unfortunately, though, someone must pick up the bill and in this case the farming community are being asked to make a more equitable contribution to the State's finances. Despite the fact that the agricultural industry are experiencing some problems at the moment I do not think the taxation measures announced in the budget in respect of farmers will impose an unfair burden. There is not any question of farmers being singled out for harsh treatment. As the Taoiseach said recently, the £40 valuation provision will remain as it is for at least three years. In addition there will be generous allowances in respect of capital expenditure on farm development. The resource tax of £3.50 per £1 of rateable valuation will apply for only a short term, until the commission on taxation have devised an acceptable alternative taxation system.

Little attention has been paid to a major concession that has been granted to the farming community in this budget. I refer to the change whereby from now on the upper limit for capital acquisition tax in respect of farms will be £300,000 or 50 per cent more than was the case in the past. This means that a wife and son who inherit a farm worth, say, £600,000 or less, because of the provision for an exemption of £300,000 each, will not have to pay any tax on the farm. This change was elaborated on today by the Minister for Agriculture.

It is interesting to note also that income splitting will apply to the farming community just as it will apply to urban workers. This gives to the farmer's wife, in effect, her just right to a weekly wage.

I trust that the budgetary proposals will help to curb the polarisation that has developed between urban and rural communities, a situation which has arisen largely because of the inequitable taxation system. Unfortunately, though, the situation was often exacerbated by irresponsible speeches from people on both sides of the fence. If we allow serious divisions to develop between urban and rural communities the country will suffer at a time when we need to create jobs for our young people and to provide a decent standard of living for all our people.

One of the most important features of the budget is the 25 per cent increase in social welfare benefits. We must look after the weaker sections of the community. Any Government with a social conscience must ensure that there is a decent standard of living for the sick, the unemployed, the old age pensioner and so on. In a situation in which increasing numbers of married women are going out to work—and no one should deny them the right to do that—the Government's decision to allow income splitting for the first time will result in a considerable tax saving for couples. It will mean that all married couples, whether they have one income or two incomes, will have the benefit of double the personal allowance for a single person.

Workers have welcomed the Minister's decision to introduce a special allowance of £400 for each employee, including pensioners, taxed under the PAYE system. The decision to change the rate bands means also that the great majority of the middle-income group will not have to pay tax in future at the higher rates. The overall effect is that most taxpayers will pay at a lower rate and that those in the lower income group will be exempt altogether. For example, a single person with an income of less than £1,700 a year and a married couple with less than £3,400 a year will not have to pay tax.

Although this budget is a landmark as far as income taxation is concerned, the Commission on Taxation will have an important job to do and all sections of the community will await anxiously their findings. We all hope they can produce a fair solution to our taxation problems.

Talking about taxation and equity, I should like to draw attention to the banking sector. There is good reason to believe that if the commercial banks had managed their affairs properly we would not now have such a short supply of money. Indeed I would go further and accuse the banks of a certain amount of mismanagement. In February 1979 the Central Bank told the commercial banks that they could increase the amount of credit for the public by 18 per cent. Rather than distribute this money in a proper orderly fashion, the commercial banks lashed out half of the year's allocation in three months, and not to anybody's surprise the Central Bank had to intervene to bring some sanity to the market. The overall effect of the banks' splurge has been that bridging loans and money for farming have been difficult to get. Perhaps it is hardly fair to blame the banks entirely because high prices for land already obtained, but there have been some instances of banks granting loans to adjoining farmers to compete against each other for land. This clearly forced land prices to an uneconomical level, and with interest rates so high many farmers found it impossible to improve their holdings.

I was glad to hear the Minister for Finance say that the Commission on Taxation will be looking not only at PAYE but at other taxation issues. I strongly urge them to look closely at the dramatic decline in taxation paid by the two big banking groups who managed to reduce their current tax liabilities because of loopholes in section 84 of the Corporation Tax Act and also because of the concession allowed to them to lease plant and machinery to customers instead of making loans available to them to buy their own plant and machinery. The two big banking groups in recent years have gone into purchasing plant themselves, picking up Government grants of up to 60 per cent and leasing the plant to customers. In this way they have managed to evade tax substantially and consequently to increase the taxation burden on PAYE workers.

I believe the Minister for Finance has called a halt to increasing demands on workers and has granted them substantial concessions. At this point I think it would be appropriate for me to put on record precisely the taxation the two big banking groups paid in the year ending March 1979. The Bank of Ireland paid £3.3 million in current tax on a pre-tax profit of almost £47 million. The Allied Irish group managed to cut their tax liability to the ridiculously low figure of £600,000 on a pre-tax profit of £41 million.

Is it any wonder that some people have been calling for nationalisation of banking? I do not happen to believe that nationalisation is the answer, but I say that the banks should be obliged to pay a more equitable level of tax. Going on last year's figures, the Bank of Ireland group paid an effective current tax of 7 per cent. The Allied Irish group paid only 1½ per cent. To demonstrate just how well the banks have reduced their tax-levels because of this loophole in the law, I would point out that the Bank of Ireland's current tax rate dropped from 38.7 per cent of pre-tax profits in 1975 to a mere 7 per cent in 1979. The same applies to Allied Irish whose tax rate fell from 31.3 per cent in 1975 to a mere 1½ per cent in 1979.

The only thing that can be said about the banks' leasing service is that it is particularly advantageous to exporting companies. However, they cannot claim the full capital facility against tax. I sincerely hope that the Commission on Taxation will ensure that this loophole will be closed and that the banks will be made to live up to their responsibility to pay their due share of tax.

With banking so important to our national economy I should like to hear more debates here on the way banking is being operated. It is too vital a service to be ignored. I believe that we should be encouraging more competition between our banks. At present the banking cartel ensures that the same lending and interest rates are charged by all the banks. I do not see any good reason why the banks should not be subject to the Restrictive Practices Commission. Competition between the leading banks would inevitably lead to lower interest rates for customers and borrowers and lower charges for general banking services.

I am happy to see that the OECD have proposed that Governments should re-examine the banks' position of exemption from competition law. I think it is only fair that the banks should pay interest on customers' current accounts. It is wrong that the banks should have use of this money free of charge. They should pay interest to the customer. For that reason I was happy to note that one of the British banks is now proposing to break ranks and to pay interest on current accounts. I hope it will do so. The banks here should take note of this move and revise their rules on current accounts before they are compelled to do so.

The three functions of government are: first, the efficient use of the resources of the country; secondly, an equitable distribution of wealth and income and, thirdly, to maintain economic activity and generate employment. These are the essential functions of any government in a modern democracy. The budget refers in particular to the second function—the equitable distribution of wealth and income and applies very much in relation to banks.

Now that the immediate problem of the PAYE sector has been resolved, we must hope that the Government will get the full support of all in the promotion of better industrial relations. The long and bitter industrial disputes, particularly in the public services, which we experienced last year did untold harm. They undermined confidence and they slowed down the growth of industry and tourism apart from creating great personal problems. Disputes of this magnitude must not be allowed to happen again. I believe that the Taoiseach and his Ministers have much goodwill going for them and I am glad to note they are determined to improve the Government's image as an employer. I am glad to say that in my home town, Navan, the long-established furniture industry has not had a strike for almost 30 years, and Navan Carpets have never had an official strike. This is a credit to the employers and the workers and it could be copied by other towns.

The budget was good but as a backbencher I must find some flaw in it. I should like to draw the attention of the Minister for Finance to the major problems facing the carpet industry. In recent months there has been large-scale dumping of British and American carpets on the Irish market and because of this Youghal Carpets have had to put their workers on a three-day week.

This is getting outside the terms of the debate.

The reason I am drawing attention to this matter is that the tax on carpets was increased from 20 to 25 per cent. I am about to appeal to the Minister to consider making the carpet and furniture industries an area of their own because of the present difficulties.

That is in order but the Deputy had started to raise the subject of dumping.

Unfortunately the reason the carpet industry is in such disarray is that there is a certain amount of dumping.

The Deputy is entitled to refer to the tax on carpets and matters relating to it.

Youghal Carpets have had to put their workers on a three-day week but fortunately Navan Carpets, who are part of the Youghal Group, have not been affected yet. In view of the problems facing the carpet industry I ask the Minister to consider retaining the 20 per cent VAT that exists on home-produced carpets. Irish carpets must be given every help to compete with imported carpets. British carpets are subject to only 15 per cent VAT and if we do not give immediate help to our carpet industry they will find themselves in a non-competitive position. Last Sunday I watched a television programme on BBC2 that dealt with the British carpet industry. Although they pay only 15 per cent VAT they depicted the death of that industry because of American imports. If that is the situation in Britain, heaven help our carpet industry which has to pay 25 per cent VAT. I hope the Minister will have a compassionate look at the situation.

Much the same applies to the furniture industry which has been badly hit by imports. I should like to tell the House, and I shall be informing the Minister for Finance also, that imports of furniture have increased considerably in recent years. In 1975 furniture imports were a mere £6.4 million but in 1979 that figure had escalated to the alarming figure of £25 million. In respect of exports the following was the situation: £3.9 million in 1975 and the figure had increased in 1979 to only £8 million. The gap between imports and exports of £17 million causes me some concern.

Our manufacturers of carpets and furniture are at a disadvantage when compared with their British counterparts in that they have to pay VAT in two months' time from the date of invoice while the British manufacturers do not have to pay until the point of sale. This gives our competitors a considerable advantage. This is important to me and to other furniture manufacturers in areas such as Monaghan, Dublin and Cork. In County Meath some 1,800 people are employed in the furniture manufacturing industry. It is unwise to ask them to compete unfairly against furniture subject to a lower VAT rating. Nobody can properly describe furniture as a luxury. It is a necessity. Everybody needs a bed to lie on, a chair to sit on and a table to eat from. These are not luxury goods and should not be subject to the 5 per cent increase from 20 per cent to 25 per cent VAT. I shall appeal to the Minister personally to reconsider that extra 5 per cent on carpets and furniture.

Deputy Kelly spoke this morning about the state of the roads. Our roads are not in as good a condition as we would like. There are many complaints about them but it is fair to say that following the severe winter of 1978-79 and even the considerable rain we had earlier this year, there has been an exceptional deterioration in road surfaces. The Minister for the Environment is arranging to have greater emphasis on essential repair work by carrying forward vigorously the programme of development for national roads. The capital allocation for road construction and improvement works has been increased by over 45 per cent in two years. Deputy Kelly this morning was comparing our roads after a hard winter in 1962 with our roads this year after our last hard winter. I pointed out to him that our roads in 1962 were not carrying the traffic they are carrying today. Our roads were not built for the type of traffic now using them, particularly since we joined the EEC. It is hoped that the Government plan for the next decade by which it is intended to spend £1,000 million on the whole road system will bring them up to international standards. Meantime, I realise that our people, our car owners are going through a difficult period because of this road deterioration.

It was also suggested that if the tax had not been taken off cars the roads would not be in their present state. That is not true because if we still had the car tax in 1979 it would have brought in about £30 million. If one considers that it takes about £40,000 to tarmacadam one mile of road one can see how far the £30 million would go in improving our road structure.

There was also comment about the increase in population and the suggestion that we are not able to cope with the present population trend. Everybody knows that if the 1976 census had not been postponed both local authorities and the national Government——

That is wearing thin.

I know that and I know it is recognised by the Opposition that it was a mistake and all Governments make mistakes, but Deputy Pattison mentioned it in his speech. It was a mistake that we are living with now. Hopefully, when we get all the results of the present census both local authorities and the national Government will be able to aim at the proper targets and get a proper assessment of the needs of the country as a whole.

The three functions of modern democracy are to secure efficient use of our resources, equitable distribution of wealth and income and the maintenance of economic activity to generate employment. I believe that that is what this budget is all about. It was said to me the other day by a man who has been paying taxes for 25 years that this is the best budget, the fairest and the most caring budget of his life. It is a budget of which the Minister for Finance, the Taoiseach and the Government can be justly proud.

Having sat here listening for a number of hours today and, indeed, having read in the past couple of weeks what has been said about the budget, one is at a loss to know where to start. Having listened to Deputy Burke, Minister of State at the Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism, and to Deputy Fitzsimons, who has just spoken, in the case of the former, the Minister came in with a great script that he could have used at any consumer association meeting in the country. He gave us reams and reams of figures concerning investigations done by the National Prices Commission and Priceline offices around the country and ended up by saying that Fianna Fáil saved the country £80 million odd in the past 12 months due to vigilance in the case of price increase demands. That is a very naive and innocent expression for a man who knows well what the facts really are.

Deputy Fitzsimons gave us a lecture on the evils of our banking system and, indeed, with some of what he said I fully concur. About 18 months ago, when we were discussing the Consumer Information Bill, I spent about three-and-a-half hours one morning on this side of the House asking the Deputy's Minister to introduce some control over those same banks. The Deputy's Minister however categorically refused to include the banks. In fact, in case there would be any mistake or any misinterpretation of the particular section, he introduced a section in the Bill specifically excluding the banks from the provisions of that Bill, which is now the Consumer Information Act. I suggest to the Deputy that he talk to his own people here on the front bench.

The Deputy was asking for the nationalisation of banks.

It was the Deputy who mentioned nationalisation. I am telling the Deputy what his own Minister feels ought to be done and I suggest, through the Chair, that he talk to him. I must compliment him on pointing out the less palatable aspects of the budget. Naturally, he was doing his own thing for Navan, which he is entitled to do, regarding the carpet and furniture industry. I fully agree with him that the increase from 20 per cent to 25 per cent in the VAT rating of what ought to be regarded as essential items is wrong and should not be allowed to happen. The Deputy was very honest in standing up in the House and saying that.

We have been treated to a run-down on the Fianna Fáil manifesto and the way in which all its promises have been implemented—in many instances with tongue in cheek. The fact is that this budget does little to implement any outstanding promises made in that manifesto. I shall deal with those as I come to them. The verdicts on the budget are very mixed. They range from a very guarded welcome in some cases to outright dissatisfaction in others. The tax concessions referred to so eloquently by Fianna Fáil speaker after Fianna Fáil speaker under closer scrutiny do not turn out to be what people think they are. One of the features of this budget, which we also found last year with the 1979 Budget, was that it took about six to nine months to find out what was in the damn thing and by Christmas 1979 the bulk of our people discovered that the 1979 Budget was something totally different from what it was supposed to be when announced in February.

We now, this year, have a budget a month later than the ordinary budget time of recent years. On budget evening there were thousands of people really convinced that they had after all shown that they had a bit of muscle when they marched in the street. The PAYE sector were convinced that they had got something for their trouble. On closer scrutiny, however, I find—and anybody who will sit down with pen and paper and calculate exactly what the real position is will find—that the so-called concessions are illusory. Indeed, we should be grateful to the media who in many cases have gone to the trouble of telling us what the position is in the case of certain categories. If one has an income over £15,000, £16,000, £20,000 a year one is quite happy, for two reasons to which I will refer later. If one is in the lower income group it will be found that what one thinks one has got one has not got. The Irish Times on Monday, March 10, put it “Sleight of hand magic in budget sums”. The particular gentleman who wrote that had no axe to grind with any party. He was just giving factual information, in so far as the person earning £5,000 was concerned, under the old system and under the new. It transpired that that person will be worse off in 1980 than he was in 1979. If you are in the upper income executive bracket you are being looked after.

Deputy Fitzsimons mentioned that the person earning £1,700 need pay no tax at all and that a married couple earning twice that amount will be shown to have no taxable income. That is a true statement. Let me say that those people are caught by indirect taxation. It has now been shown that, contrary to public accepted opinion in this matter, indirect taxation is not as equitable or as fair as it is said to have been. It has been shown only in the last fortnight, on the day prior to Budget Day, 26 February, that indirect taxation applied across the board would cause much more hardship to the lower paid worker than to his higher paid counterpart simply because the lower paid person must spend a much higher proportion of his or her income on non-discretionary goods.

This word "discretionary" has taken on a new significance and has become very popular in the last few weeks. In talking about non-discretionary and discretionary, these to me mean that the poor man must pay more for the essentials of life in the case of indirect taxation, whereas his counterpart in the higher income tax bracket can only eat one lunch anyway and sit on one chair at a time and will not spend the same proportion of his income through indirect taxation for the necessities of life. The application of indirect taxation can be shown to be detrimental to the social needs of a community in that it hits hardest at those who can bear the burden least of all—the unemployed and the lower paid worker.

The other aspect of taxation of which much has been talked, and indeed, from which the Government have tried to reap any possible benefit for their own purposes, is this area of income splitting. The factual position is that, but for a case being taken to court and a judgment being made in a certain way against the Government of the day, this would never have been heard of. The Minister is trying to make a virtue out of a necessity by pointing out the great fellow he is in introducing this, when in fact there was no option. Even on that particular issue there are certain aspects of income splitting which are not too clear at the moment. May I say this and hope that at some stage before this debate is over I shall get a reply to my query? Heretofore a married couple who were working had the option of presenting their tax claims aggregated or as two individuals. The normal procedure was in that case that at the end of the tax year the Revenue Commissioners adjusted the tax liability to ensure that both spouses got a fair deal.

In other words, whether one presented one's tax assessment or one's allowances aggregated or as separate individuals one was told that it did not make one iota of difference overall and one paid no more and no less no matter which of the two systems one opted for. At the end of the year if the wife did not use up all her allowances this was transferred to the husband's liability and he got the benefit of it to ensure that there was absolute equality. If a couple now opt for income splitting and if at the end of the tax year one spouse finds that he or she has not availed of all the allowances due or if the other spouse is using an excessive amount of his or her taxable income or paying tax at a higher rate on an excessive amount, at the end of the year can the unclaimed benefits or allowances be transferred from one spouse to the other? If that is not so, once you opt for income splitting you stand or fall separately on that issue. Therefore, that is a very relevant point which ought to be answered before this debate is over.

In this budget there is no content which I can find that would give any degree of importance to the idea of increasing our employment. Since the new Taoiseach took over a few months back we have had a television appearance, an Ard Fheis speech, a budget and a contribution on the budget from the Taoiseach himself. All in all it would seem that the job creation programme mentioned in the Fianna Fáil manifesto which was pursued persistently and consistently by his predecessor with a great degree of success has been abandoned since the new Taoiseach took over. Only yesterday did he tell us, after having a meeting with the ICTU, that it was still the No. 1 priority in his Cabinet and within 24 hours he had told us that the problem in the North of this country was No. 1 priority. You cannot have two No. 1 priorities. The idea of cutting down our unemployment figures would seem to have been abandoned. The youth employment scheme has been cut back drastically. The work experience programme, again aimed at youth, has been cut back drastically. We have the termination of the employment maintenance scheme. All these are signs of not too great an interest in the problem of unemployment with all its attendant social evils. The Taoiseach has stated that our young and growing population is a challenge, not a problem as other people would look upon the presence of young people in this country. I put it to him that it is both a problem and a challenge and his budget does nothing to confront that problem or challenge.

I will not repeat what has been said concerning education. We have a cut-back in education. Our school-building programmes have been cut back thereby causing a lesser effort in the pupil-teacher ratio. Our school transport system must be cut back because there is no provision for extra money despite an inflation rate which will be in the neighbourhood of 20 per cent by the end of this year. All this leads me to believe that we are not facing up to the challenge presented to us by the presence of such large numbers of young people in this country, despite what the Taoiseach has said. On that we have had statements made about what we might and should be doing to meet the demand for employment in the future.

According to the Minister for Labour, Deputy Fitzgerald, there is a shortage of specialist personnel in the field of technology. We never had an industrial revolution here and possibly that is one of the reasons why our educational system has been oriented towards the academic rather than a technological side, but surely it is time to change that. We have a duty to start. The only problem I see is that unless we put money now into this area we will be facing a new technological age—indeed we are facing it—without any degree of preparation whatever in the microprocessing area which is now upon us and which in itself will cause problems in certain areas of employment and also unemployment or layoffs at least. One wonders if we can solve the problem at all at this stage. What galls me more than anything is to sit or stand here and listen to people from the far side of the House telling us that we must prepare for this and do something about that. When that comes from members of a party who were in government in this country for 38 years of the last 60, it does not make sense.

Roads and the moneys available to local authorities have been referred to. I carry the Fianna Fáil manifesto with me when attending meetings.

I am delighted to hear that the Deputy carries it around with him.

That is more than the Deputy can do at this stage.

Deputy O'Toole might get some inspiration from it.

The appearance of the manifesto at a Fianna Fáil cumann meeting is the last thing Fianna Fáil want at this stage. In that manifesto promises are made, some of which were fulfilled.

In 1980 we in the local authorities are facing a crucial stage in our development and this budget and the capital programme published prior to the budget do nothing to help us out of the dilemma in which we find outselves. There is a cutback in the development of roads, a cutback in water and sewerage and so on. The next speaker from that side will say that we have had an increase of x per cent but the fact is that the increase will not cover the inflationary spiral. We have a problem that developed last year because of last year's budget which abolished the facilities for the recoupment of VAT by local authorities on materials purchased. This was a grave imposition on all local authorities and this year we have repeated the dose. This in effect means that local authorities have not the money they need to carry out the work which it is their function to carry out. In the past couple of months the house improvement grant was withdrawn and page 27 of the manifesto, paragraph No. 6, says that:

Fianna Fáil will introduce a new scheme for house improvement grants.

I am a politician and I am all for getting votes at election time, but there is a stage beyond which one does not go to purchase votes. If one makes a promise to get votes it is not realistic to expect people to accept any argument for the abolition of that facility two years later. Paragraph 11 of the manifesto, under the heading "Local Government" says that:

Fianna Fáil will reorganise Local Authority structures so that everyone can better participate in decisions affecting their own community and play their part in the development of local initiatives.

For me to play my part as a member of the local authority in the development of the local authority all I am looking for is money, and that I am not getting. To jog the memory of some people who might be prepared to disagree with me, in 1976 the total allocation to local authorities showed an increase of 22 per cent on the previous year and in 1977 it showed an increase of 38 per cent on the previous year. But in 1978, after the first Fianna Fáil budget, that 38 per cent increase was reduced to a 14 per cent increase and in 1979 that further fell to a 10 per cent increase, while in 1980 we have levelled off and are now in full flight with a 10 per cent increase when on the admission of the Taoiseach last week we are probably talking about a 20 per cent inflation rate this year. The Taoiseach took Deputy Dr. FitzGerald to task for even mentioning that it might be 22 per cent. There is not much difference between 22 per cent and 20 per cent when we are talking about a 10 per cent increase. Unfortunately, the likelihood is that Deputy Dr. FitzGerald is right. Deputy Dr. FitzGerald was taken to task in 1979 for saying what he said about the figures produced in the budget. He was publicly castigated and told that he was not acting in the best interests of the country in the presence of our international colleagues in the EEC. But he was right and the Minister of the day got it wrong. For that reason I tend to lean towards the figure mentioned by Deputy Dr. FitzGerald in his assessment of the inflationary content inherent in the budget.

We were told at a local authority meeting recently that we had received our allocation for roads this year and it transpired to be a 5 per cent increase on last year. That is from a party who produced a document last year entitled "A Road Development Plan for the Eighties." There is no money to implement that plan. Local authorities will not be in a position to carry out their functions. I am not proud of the fact that my local authority this year, calculating on the basis of the allocation, will be unable to meet their statutory demands from other authorities like the Office of Public Works and the health boards. That is not due to mismanagement of funds but due to a shortage of funds. They cannot meet their own statutory requirements and that money will be deducted from next year's allocation before they get it, so it will have a cumulative effect and we will be worse off next year.

On budget night some commentator in the excited atmosphere of a television studio described the budget as an energy conscious budget. I found that totally absent in the budget. It may have other characteristics, one could describe it with certain adjectives, but certainly it cannot be described as an energy conscious budget. We are all at a loss to know what may be said this year about energy conservation. One Minister withdrew a grant that was available for conversion to a system of solid fuel heating while a colleague of his on the same day was talking about the importance of conserving energy. This energy conscious budget increased the VAT rating on insulation from 20 to 25 per cent. In other words, an item such as a cylinder jacket would cost more because of the increase in the VAT rate. It should be remembered that there are in the region of 800,000 houses here and that one-third of them are said to be properly insulated. In that event more than half of our modern houses need an improved form of insulation, but an energy conscious Government in their energy conscious budget increased the VAT rating on an item that would help to conserve some energy and cut down our imported fuel bill.

The Taoiseach told us that the budget represented a new approach and that a new start was being made. Deputy Fitzsimons described the budget as a caring one and told us that it bore the stamp of social justice. Such clichés sound fine but they do not mean anything when one looks at the subject matter to which they refer. The Taoiseach told us that budget represented a new beginning but I have yet to find any substantial philosophical change in approach. There is a gesture here and there, a reaction to pressures which came during 1979 and an increase in the allowance to PAYE taxpayers of £400 above and beyond those given to other taxpayers. However any benefit accruing from that will soon disappear and the PAYE sector will be back for more.

The most amusing aspect in relation to the debate was the performance of Deputy O'Donoghue last week. I found it amusing but not for the reasons one might think. The Taoiseach and his Government have tried to put as much of the light of day between themselves and the manifesto and the subsequent implementation of it, in so far as it has been implemented. But Deputy O'Donoghue stated categorically last week that the budget represented a continuation of what he was suggesting last year and the year before. The former Taoiseach, Deputy Lynch, in Cork last week-end pointed out the same thing. Surely those people know what they are talking about. They have not seen any great change, any new approach, any substantial deviation from the well-worn path of Fianna Fáil Government after Fianna Fáil Government in their approach to budgetary matters.

It is well known that that was the last thing the Taoiseach and his Government wanted to hear. It would have suited them better had they been able to convince our people that the budget represented a new approach, that much philosophical head-scratching went into its preparation. But the truth is that nothing has changed. We have the same approach as before, the same stumbling from crisis to crisis, the same reaction to the same predictable action. The overriding factor in all of this—this is the serious aspect of the budget—is that as time goes on and as this approach is adopted year after year the gap between the haves and the have-nots will continue to widen. That is the most serious result of what I am talking about.

We are all aware that inflation and indirect taxation combined adversely affect the poorer man more than the rich person. Therefore, the gap will continue to widen. Some Government will have to tackle this problem. Despite their assertion that they are doing new things, that they are a caring Government with a social conscience, the Government are not capable of tackling that problem.

Following the weekend sessions at Barrettstown Castle, the series of pre-budget discussions with different groups and the inviting of submissions, I expected the Minister to introduce something fresh and new in the budget. I expected him to break new ground in our economic and fiscal policies, but nothing has changed. The comments on the budget of independent agencies throw some light on what it means to them and to our people. I respect the views of those people who have long experience in the field of finance. Some of them are well-known stockbrokers in this city. They have cast some doubt on the veracity of figures given in the budget and have come up with some rather stunning calculations. The prediction that 1981 will probably be a tighter year financially than 1980 is agreed on by all those people who have commented on the budget. In this regard I quote from The Irish Times if March, 1980:

Goodbody and Wilkinson, stockbrokers, estimated that the final total could drift up to £950 million—not as bad an upwards drift as the £230 million seen in 1979—but an upwards adjustment nevertheless.

They are talking about the borrowing requirements. The comment by J. & E. Davy, stockbrokers, as reported in the same newspaper is even more to the point. They estimated that:

... when account is taken of the £100 million in lost tax revenue in 1979 (to be retrieved this year) the real 1979 borrowing requirement was 12.3% of GNP, rather than the 13.7% actual figure quoted by Mr. O'Kennedy. As a consequence the 1980 EBR would really fall to only 11.6% rather than the 10.4% actual level talked about in the budget. So the real year to year deflationary cut was more like 0.4 percentage points of GNP rather than the 3.3 points suggested by the nominal figures.

These are comments from people who have no axe to grind and who are merely bringing their expertise to bear on figures they find before them. What they have to say makes very stunning reading.

One might ask at this stage what impact, either for good or for evil, the budget will have on the economy. Industrialists have reacted in a mixed way to the provisions of the budget. They point out that the action taken to reverse our borrowing trends may not be sufficient to have the desired effect. One fact that most people might find stunning is that, despite the so-called cut-backs in capital expenditure, Government spending has increased compared with last year. In 1979 there was spent by the Government 53.6 per cent of GNP. That included salaries and so on and was broken down between current and capital expenditure as follows: 39.5 per cent current expenditure and 14.1 per cent capital expenditure. In the current year there is an increase on the 1979 figure from 53.6 to 54.6 per cent of which 41 per cent is current expenditure and 13.6 per cent is capital expenditure. We all know that last year the problems arose on the current expenditure side, that it was on that side that the massive miscalculation of £213 million took place. But it would seem that there has not been any effort made to cut back on the percentage of GNP spent by way of current expenditure while, as has been said already from these benches, an increase in capital expenditure where it would have some beneficial effect in the form of job creation, for instance, might be excused. One must question the mix which this budget throws up in relation to advantages in terms of job creation and in terms of capital input into the country.

On industry in general, the reactions to the increases in oil prices were predictable but the position is that these increases will cost industry in the region of an extra £46 million. It is estimated that the petrol price increases will cost £20 million while heating oil will cost an extra £16 million and that the other oils used will cost about an extra £10 million. Therefore, we are talking about a bill for industry of the order of £46 million and this must be passed on to the consumer.

The Minister of State, Deputy Burke, saw fit to give us a long dissertation on what a barrel of Arabian light oil cost in 1973 and what it costs today. Of course, one would expect massive increases in that time. I had that information at my disposal but when I asked the Minister to tell me what impact the increases had on our inflation figure, he ignored my question. However, I am asking again for this information in the hope of being given an answer. What impact have fuel price increases had in 1979 on the 16 per cent inflation rate experienced by the end of the year? If we had this figure we would know the degree to which there was inflation over which we had control. We are being told constantly by the Government that we cannot control inflation because of our necessity to import all our energy needs, that either we pay the increased prices or we do without the fuel. That is a misleading and naive assertion. A statement in the manifesto asserts that the then Government were responsible for at least 80 per cent of the inflation which took place in 1979. The statement at page 10 of the manifesto is:

Government policy must be directed towards discouraging increased costs and prices in all areas where it has control or influence. This policy has been absent in the last four years.

No doubt that was a reference to the 1973-1977 period. It is conspicuous by its absence at the moment and has been since 1977.

In regard to industry's reaction to the budget, the result of a survey was published in last week's Business and Finance and in turn it was publicised in the daily newspapers. It stated, in the headline, that 75 per cent of businessmen were happy with the budget provisions. It transpired that Irish Market Surveys had done a survey among 92 chief executives, and the survey gave their reaction. I assume they were PAYE people like ourselves in the House, but to get an accurate picture of actual reactions to the budget one would have to know how many of the 92 were factory owners, self-employed people, as against chief executives. If that had been done I am sure the 75 per cent would have been reduced drastically. Two of the reasons given by the people interviewed who were gratified were that the tax bands were favourable and that the indirect nature of the increased taxation also was to their benefit—two things which are anathema to the lower paid workers who either cannot avail of or are the victims of these provisions.

The budget has not tried to break new ground. There is no underlying philosophy in it which is in any way new. It certainly does not contain the stamp of social justice which it is supposed to have according to the Taoiseach. I will give an example of what I would regard as social justice. In 1977 the age for qualification for the old age pension was 66 years. At that time there was a means test which ignored the first £6 of income. That is still £6 and the qualifying age is still 66 years. Not by one day or one penny has it been changed. If we are to judge the budget by its stamp of social justice it fails. It will be seen to be a budget for the rich man and if he is to be a given increased income somebody else must lose. The only category I know who will lose are the poor. Through this budget they are the people who will once again subsidise the rich.

It has been said that never before had a budget been so well predicted as this. I believe that is so because of the open nature of the Government and because of the figures released before the budget on the housekeeping of the Government in 1979, a most difficult year for the economy. Because of the pre-budget estimates made available by the Department of Finance, because Fianna Fáil laid their cards on the table, every thinking person was aware of the nation's financial state and its needs. Consequently, most individuals were able to foresee what must be done to continue the progress begun by Fianna Fáil in 1977. On 27 February the newspapers were able to forecast fairly accurately that there would be cuts in the amount of tax payable by the PAYE workers, that there would be increases in social welfare benefits and that as a result there would be increases in indirect taxation.

However, the predictions of most people outside the House, and of the Opposition within, were far from fully accurate. The fact that the Minister cut PAYE by a much greater margin than Fine Gael or Labour expected or ever dreamed of doing themselves took their breath away.

In the words of the Taoiseach this budget is a landmark on the road to achieving equity in taxation. When Fianna Fáil were in Opposition in 1976 the need to cut income tax, with particular reference to married couples, was outlined in Fianna Fáil's economic document of that year. This was further highlighted in the 1977 manifesto. In 1978 the Government committed themselves to income splitting and in this budget they take another step to affirm Fianna Fáil's commitment on income tax. Therefore, the budget proves that we mean business in that respect. The manifesto promises are being delivered irrespective of what the Opposition say, and they are being delivered on time. As a result of this fair budget and its concessions in regard to income tax, many families are considerably better off.

Debate adjourned.
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