Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 26 Mar 1980

Vol. 319 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Transport Policy: Motion (Resumed).

The following motion was moved by Deputy Quinn on Tuesday, 25 March 1979:
"That Dáil Éireann takes note of the NESC Report No. 48—Transport Policy, conscious of the damage being done to industry and tourism as a result of the disastrous state of our road system and the serious inconvenience and cost to the general public, recognises the social importance of the public rail and bus transport system in providing equality of mobility for the community, calls upon the Government to ensure that it will not authorise the reduction of the public transport services, as provided by CIE, and requests the Government as a matter of urgency to reform the present duplication of transportation administration and to establish without delay a Transport Authority for the Dublin Region."
Debate resumed on amendment No. 1:
To delete all words after "Policy" and substitute the following:—
"and welcomes the Report as a useful contribution to the examination of various aspects of transport policy at present being made by the Minister for Transport."
—(Minister for Transport).

I wish to correct the statement I made last night when I said that the 1977 CIE annual report was not available. The report to which I was referring was the 1978 report which is published but which apparently is not available generally. At least, I do not think that Deputies have received copies of it. It was only today that I was able to get a copy in the Library.

I think everybody here will agree that the railways should continue in operation. From the public also I have had a unanimous feedback in that regard. Despite the losses sustained on this operation in recent years, losses that have been accelerating rapidly since 1970, the public consider the railways to be an essential part of our transport network. That is not to say that we should retain the railways at a prohibitive cost, but it is time that the Department of Transport defined the role of CIE in such a way as to let us know what is in store for the future and what financial outlay is anticipated for them in the years ahead so that economies can be effected and that there is a reasonable return to the taxpayer for the money involved. In this context the feeling generally is that the financial affairs of CIE in terms of expenditure have got out of control and that, consequently, we must examine specific policies of the company.

Last evening I was questioning the wisdom of the electrification of the suburban rail system in the Dublin area. Already, the Government have allocated £46 million for the electrification of the Howth-Bray line, but if the whole rapid rail transit system in the Dublin area is to be electrified I understand that the figure involved will be in excess of £200 million. It would be necessary to have a fair amount of public debate on this issue with a view to ascertaining whether the expenditure would be justified and whether the increase in the number of passengers using such a system would justify expenditure of that extent. In that regard, the figures are a little off putting. For instance, the latest figures at my disposal—these are for 1977—indicate that in Dublin 200 million people used the bus services whereas a mere seven million people used the Dublin suburban railways. I understand that the latter figure has increased by about two million in the intervening years but it is still a minute portion of the total traffic. Economists tell me that in their opinion the increase in traffic using the rail system after it had been electrified completely would not justify the extra expenditure involved and that expenditure would be in the region of £120 million but in terms of present-day costs the amount involved in the electrification of the whole system would be in the region of £200 million, whereas the use of buses run on diesel by way of augmenting the system would cost merely something in the region of £80 million. Therefore, there are major financial considerations involved.

Obviously, if the whole system is to be electrified the taxpayer will be sub-venting CIE to a far greater extent than is the case now. In 1979 the company's losses were estimated at £57 million though the initial estimate was of the order of £36 million. In these circumstances one must question the way in which the Department allocate money to CIE. It is evident from reading the report on CIE of the Joint Committee of the Oireachtas on State Sponsored Bodies and from what the chairman of the company says that he is not the one who decides on what moneys are to be made available. Perhaps that is as it should be, but the accounting system is particularly false and should be remedied. As the chairman of the company pointed out to the committee, both he and his officials are aware that the estimate given at the beginning of a year in terms of the needs of CIE will not meet the needs of the company for that year. Obviously, then, what is needed is a more realistic accounting system. I understand that the loss of £57 million to which I referred could be broken down as follows: £39 million on the rail service, £12 million on the Dublin suburban buses and £3 million on rural bus services. If we add to this loss the payments to CIE as a result of the social welfare scheme of free travel for pensioners and also the amount involved in respect of the school transport scheme as well as the capital allocations to the company, the cost to the taxpayer would be much closer to the staggering figure of £100 million.

However, there is one bright spot in this area of the operations of CIE and that is the road freight system which in 1975 was inclined to show a less than break-even situation. But it was pointed out to CIE then that this section would have to pull its weight. Strangely enough, the road freight section has not been losing money since then. I am convinced that management in that area is largely responsible for this improvement. It shows what can be done with the right effort and if there is present the organisation and the will to improve a situation.

Last evening I criticised the lack of planning in CIE and I referred to their omission in terms of projecting what they are capable of doing in future and of what the cost would be. The figures I quoted are justified and I should like the Minister to ensure that there is planning in CIE on a much more rational basis. What can be expected from planning that is undertaken on the basis of a survey which, for instance, in the case of road freight, was conducted in 1964? Such a situation is totally unrealistic in the business world.

Something I object to in relation to transport is the restriction on private enterprise in regard to their entering into the field of bus operations and of the haulage business. Restrictions and the licensing of private hauliers should be eliminated and free enterprise given a fair crack of the whip. I have seen private bus operators down the country operating on what could be regarded as the very poorest runs, runs in which CIE would not be involved but which proved to be quite profitable for the private operators concerned. I am confident that if the £3 million which was lost on the rural bus services last year were to be put into the hands of private operators these services would be run at a hefty profit. According to the NPC, the prices being charged by private operators are less than those being charged by CIE in almost every case. Why should we tolerate a situation in which private operators are prohibited from engaging either in the haulage or the bus services business?

It is time that we had a specific Department for Transport, that we had a Minister for Transport to co-ordinate all road and rail services and not have the divisions we have at present which represent part of the reason for the chaos in our transport system. I should like to see some of the recommendations, especially that for a transport system for Dublin itself, as recommended by Professor Foster, implemented. I should like to see more co-ordination. Above all, I should like to see the eventual foundation of such a Department to co-ordinate all of the services which are in quite a mess at present due to lack of proper consultation and co-operation.

Transport policy is a very comprehensive subject spreading across a number of major areas of our economy. It is indeed opportune that this report should have come forward from the National Economic and Social Council. We should also compliment Deputy Quinn on having put down the motion because it affords the House an opportunity to discuss transport policy at the right time.

The Minister has recognised already, in a very broad address delivered to the Institute of Transport, the major areas for consideration in regard to transport policy. The Transport Consultative Commission is at an advanced stage of reporting, possibly has reported. There is also a lot of discussion taking place with the two local authorities in Dublin, and no doubt in other parts of the country, on transport, its complications, the need for policy change and to improve the infrastructure associated with it. I should like to think also that out of our discussion and the reports becoming available to the Minister we will see major changes and initiatives in this area.

The very appointment by the Taoiseach of a Minister for Communications, the very title, demonstrated a recognition of the upgrading of transport as a key aspect of communications. It is appropriate also that Posts and Telegraphs should have been allied to the Minister's responsibilities, with a Minister of State, because in the Joint Oireachtas Committee report we touched on that area of cross-involvement between those two Departments. No doubt that report will be studied in detail, in which we suggest that in some aspects common ground might be found in regard to transport policy and the operations of the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. We suggested also that rural areas might foresee the possibility of utilisation of postal deliveries with rural transport. In our deliberations in the Joint Oireachtas Committee we discussed with some UK advisers the feasibility of such integration of transport and mail delivery. This has been experimented with in some remote parts of the United Kingdom and the general consensus to date shows that it has been operating reasonably successfully. Under the umbrella of communications there is the possibility of some improvement in transport policy as well as some economies which might be effected.

Dealing with transport policy one comes automatically to CIE and the major debate on CIE's subvention, finances, loss-making, and social service role. One always has to form very definite opinions for or against CIE's role, how efficiently they are functioning, or in regard to what changes might be introduced. In our deliberations in the Joint Oireachtas Committee with the board of directors and senior management we discussed this aspect of their operations at length, their method of reporting, their public image, and how they might improve on that aspect of their operations. In the discussions and exchanges we had with Mr. St. John Devlin and his senior management I came to the conclusion that there was need within CIE for some major new thinking in the management structure at senior level. I would suggest that the Minister examine in some detail the situation obtaining and possibly consider making some major changes in that area.

We found at the Joint Committee that the appointment of a chairman on a part-time basis—I should say that this was my personal observation—coupled with the workings of a general manager and the remainder of senior management meant that the everyday decision-making was not responding to the needs of such a complex transport authority. That is an area in which there is possibly a need for a new national transport supremo responsible for everyday decision-making and for responding and reporting to the Minister and his officials. At present an arms-length semi-State organisation, operating not on a profit-making basis, and which cannot be based on the desirability of providing a social service only, creates a situation in which their operations and method of reporting gives them—unfairly—an image in the public mind that they are losing vast sums of money. On that point we asked the management of CIE at the time whether they felt their method of communicating the actual results of their financial year was in their opinion giving their organisation the image it deserved. They replied that, yes, they probably had this image of losing money, an image which was not justified.

In regard to the rail sector perhaps the Minister would examine the possibility of making that part of the subvention above rather than below the line, as an actual subvention to cover loss, because I do not think that is quite what it is, although it is very often written up as being a loss. Indeed the chairman of CIE reflected on that point in his review of their 1978 report when he referred to most of our EEC partners and their difficulties in operating a rail service contending that, without exception throughout Europe, the operation of a rail service is not a financial proposition, if one is to consider it in the normal, commercial, profit-making sense. Therefore, in that area of transport policy there is need for a fundamental shift in financial reporting and management.

It is worth mentioning a couple of aspects of the Minister's speech to the Institute of Transport because he has very rapidly put his finger on a number of main areas and shown great awareness of those warranting attention. On that occasion, 7 February last, very soon after the Minister had taken up office, he said that at that stage he had an open mind on the issues involved and that he was not excluding any options. That is probably the type of approach we should have to transport policy at present. I think there would be an agreement on all sides of the House that transport policy and infrastructural requirements for the present decade will be something completely different from the demands of the past. I do not think the old way of organising a transport policy of co-ordinating development with our infrastructure will suffice for the challenge ahead. I suggest that in evolving a transport policy instant action is needed, plus the formulation of a medium to longer term policy.

When considering immediate action we can all dwell at great length on the transport demands of Dublin city and county. I represent a County Dublin constituency with tremendous growth and the development of two satellite towns, each of which is estimated to have a population of over 100,000 by the end of the eighties. One realises that the demand for an efficient transport system will be more demanding in these areas than ever before.

In the NESC report Professor Foster said he was not in favour of the toll road system. The report argues against the introduction of toll roads, noting that the proportion of national income spent on road development has fallen over the past decade. The report said that, while increased spending on the road network was justified, it should not be undertaken too quickly since this could lead to supply shortages and sharp increases in construction costs. That paragraph was also quoted in The Irish Times.

I cannot see how any Government can provide the funds necessary and at the pace needed to improve the infrastructure in my constituency without seriously considering the need for a toll road system. The toll system has been implemented in some of the wealthiest countries of the world and has proved effective. That system means that the people making the maximum use of the roads contribute to their maintenance.

Three major national roads pass through west County Dublin—the Naas Road, the Western Road and the Navan Road. A great deal of money will be needed to develop these roads and the surrounding areas. They will demand an imbalance in investment compared with similar sections of roadway throughout the country. I suggest that the Minister, in consulation with the Minister for the Environment who recently charted his intentions for a national road network for the end of the eighties, should discuss the possibility of accumulating funds and of voting them directly into infrastructural improvements.

In Dublin the demands for massive investment in a transport policy and in the immediate requirements of CIE are considerable. If we do not make vast sums available we will not be able to make the necessary improvements.

I have to disagree with Deputy Deasy's remarks about the rapid rail system. The time for further consideration and discussion is long gone. We should be beyond the point of deciding whether to have an electric or diesel rail system. I am glad to note CIE have gone beyond that point. The Coalition were in Government when CIE's recommendations were made known. It was a very difficult decision to arrive at because it involved a commitment of over £200 million to have the scheme fully implemented. The decision has now been taken and I hope the work will soon be under way.

We should consider having the new rail system operated by an organisation other than CIE. This is another aspect of the discussions we had at the Joint Oireachtas Committee. CIE are the body providing the actual transport but they tend to get involved in other work—developing the rail system, building buses and so on when they should be buying these services, equipment or transport vehicles. When they co-operate in a manufacturing facility to assemble buses straightaway there is a drain of key management personnel. If CIE take over the new rail system the cream of their engineering staff will be sucked into the new capital development programme and the other aspects of transport policy—operating the equipment and the rail system—will deteriorate.

In their annual report and in their submission to the Oireachtas Committee they said they were curtailing staff recruitment. They will probably recruit staff for these capital projects, but I suggest the new system would develop more quickly if CIE did not get too involved in providing the facilities needed to improve the transport facilities available to the community. That is possibly an over-simplification of a complex issue, but it should be looked at. I have no doubt that the Minister will look at that aspect of the transport policy and see what can be done to improve the service being provided by CIE.

I should like to mention one recommendation in the report which has already been superseded by the Minister. The report said that action might be facilitated if responsibility for transport in general were centred in a single Department of State. It went on to say that in relation to Dublin transport, pending a decision as to whether a transport authority should be established, a desirable first step would be the establishment of a co-ordinating committee to direct the implementation of transport improvements and to supervise planning, such as was recommended eight years ago by the Dublin Transportation Study.

In Dublin there is a need for a consultative group to pull together all the strands under the guidance of the Minister in order to ensure that we make a start in Dublin, because transport policy will have to evolve out of Dublin nationwide. The biggest difficulties and problems are in Dublin and if they are tackled first a lot of very advantageous benefits will spin off in improved transport policies throughout the country. Therefore, I compliment Deputy Quinn on introducing the motion, which is to note the report. I have no doubt that the Minister will do that and we are looking forward to some new major emphasis on transport policy from the Minister.

In the report of the NESC on transport policy, which I suspect will be known henceforth as the Foster report, we are told in the introduction on page 10 that:

The transport problem in Ireland is no longer one of information, so much as of decisive action.

Surely all of us here, no matter on which side of the House we are, will find ourselves in agreement with that comment. After the wave of reports, studies and consultations that we have had about the transport situation in Ireland generally and in Dublin in particular, we must admit that there is now sufficient information available on the basis of which we might determine a national transportation policy. What is required and what, with the best will in the world from our new Minister, we have not yet quite seen is the political will to make the decisions and the commitment to make available the financial resources required to implement such a policy.

Nobody will disagree with me when I argue that the transportation problem in Ireland has now reached crisis proportions. This problem has several main aspects. In the first place the CIE rail system, in particular the Dublin com muter system, is on the verge of collapse, if that is not too strong a word, because of the rundown of rolling stock and general under-investment. When I am talking about CIE in this context it would be unrealistic of me to blame this Government for some of the problems which CIE face and which they have inherited not just from this Government but from the preceding Government and the Government preceding the preceding Government. Be that as it may, we are now faced with the present situation.

Secondly, there are traffic chaos and endless delays in movement in our larger cities and towns. Thirdly, some of our national road networks are grossly inferior in terms of carrying the transport load they are expected to carry. Fourthly, a particular responsibility of the present Government—road maintenance—appears to have ground to a halt in recent months. I do not know how many Members of the House listen to the early morning programmes on RTE. The state of our roads has now become a national joke on the national radio station, and much as the Minister and Government Deputies may wince when they hear the "Potholers' Club" referred to once again on RTE in the morning, there is not a comeback because the state of affairs is pretty much as it is described.

Fifthly, the absence of any fair policy in relation to public transport fares now makes it prohibitive for low income families to travel at all except where necessary for work or other essential reasons. Sixthly, in many parts of the country people who are without private transport face great difficulty in travelling outside the national rail and bus network because of continuing cut-backs in localised public transport. Seventh, workers in most rural areas face a real cut in their living standards this year due to petrol price rises including the massive increased tax on petrol announced in the budget. The absence of effective public transport in most areas of the country means that they must continue to use private transport.

I remember arguing on the budget last year with Deputy Callanan on the other side of the House, who has plenty of experience of the degree to which the private car is perforce used as an essential method of getting to work in many rural areas. He was defending the decision to take off tax on private cars in relation to this need for people to use private transport to get themselves to work. I wonder how he and other Government Deputies feel this year with the so-called registration fee doubled and with the massive increase in the price of petrol. They can hardly justify it on the same grounds as they justified the taking off of the car tax last year.

The year before.

The year before. In relation to CIE, while there may be some room for efficiency—though not as much as is generally thought—at certain levels, it could be argued that the subsidy to the company is too low by international standards. We have yet to face up to the fact that if we are going to have an effective public transport system we have to pay for it. The allocation to the company this year is the same as for last year at around £56 million. At a time of almost runaway inflation clearly this means higher fares or a reduction in services and possibly both.

The Foster Report makes it clear—and here again there is perhaps all-party agreement—that one of the greatest single difficulties in relation to transport policy is that it is too fragmented. No one Minister or body is responsible for it. The Minister for Transport, the Minister for the Environment, local authorities and CIE all share responsibility in one degree or another. It can hardly be wondered that we do not have a national transportation policy if we have not some form of centralised, if not control, at least direction and oversight of all the myriad problems that are to be faced in the elaboration of such a policy.

For these reasons we in the Labour Party favour the re-allocation of responsibility for transport policy to one Department of State. If it has to be under a Fianna Fáil Minister I would be as happy to have it in the hands of the present Minister as of any other. In addition we favour in each of our larger urban areas the creation of a single transportation authority under the Department of State concerned. This is the only approach which will bring order into decision-making in this vital area. If order and efficiency are to be created in a transport area we need early decisions from the Government on other matters in addition to those already mentioned, and I stress early decisions. The casual observer might be misled by the Government amendment to our motion here this evening into the belief that the Government do intend to take urgent decisions. With due respect to the Minister and the Government, the terms of their amendment amount to no such indication of intent. The amendment is designed simply to try to soften the cutting edge of the motion, but I am afraid it does not succeed in doing that.

In relation to the areas in which decisions are necessary we need a clear decision by the Government first of all on the role which they envisage for public transport in the future, the extent to which it will be available to meet the reasonable demands of the population and the degree to which public transport should be subsidised in the future. As far as the Labour Party are concerned, we favour the improvement of public transport services, not their cutback. We favour their improvement on grounds of social equity and not least of energy conservation. We also need a clear decision on the respective roles of rail and road transport in the future, not only in relation to the movement of passengers but also in relation to the movement of goods. Our present rail and road national links are inadequate. The question now is: how much can each be improved and what weighting should be given to both in the future? Finally, we need urgent and early decision on traffic management in our larger cities. The traffic crisis in Dublin and Cork in particular is a scandal. All the information on which to make decisions in these cities is now available, yet the decisions are not being made.

I wish now to expand in a little more detail on the role of CIE which carries a major responsibility in this area. It is only fair to remark, in defence of an organisation which is often the butt end of many of our more bitter jokes, that it does not come out of the Foster Report at all badly. Page 136, paragraph 1114 of the report notes quite categorically "We believe CIE have a far from inefficient organisation". The double negative is not exactly flattering. On the other hand, the general thrust of the paragraph is clear. These consultants, who on the basis of some other animad versions in their report are not as favourable to the idea of public transport as we in the Labour Party might like them to be, at least acknowledged that considerable efforts have been made within CIE to improve the efficiency and that these efforts have by and large borne fruit.

In relation to the more detailed aspects of CIE operations, it must be borne in mind that many of the problems for which CIE are blamed have their origin in other places. The buck does not necessarily stop on the desk of the chairman of CIE, although there are a few which do, and should, stop there. In many cases, they ought to stop elsewhere, and, in particular, they ought to stop on the desk of responsible Government Ministers. Here again I want to make a non-party point. I believe that all politicians are to some extent to blame for the absence over the years of a coherent and consistent policy in relation to the provision of public transport facilities in our country. TDs and Senators on both sids of either House will rant and rave about the increased size of the subsidy being demanded by CIE yet again this year. If they are on the Government side, and more particularly if they are in Cabinet and if they do not hold with the Ministry of Tourism and Transport, they will be even more opposed to the cries for further subsidies which they perceive as coming from an organisation which does not deserve further subsidy. Yet if there is any one thing which will make a public representative squeal more loudly than an increase in subsidy being allocated to CIE, it is a decision by CIE, on grounds of essential cuts or efficiency, to remove or curtail a transport service within their constituency. We must all as public representatives, face the fact that we cannot have it both ways. We cannot look to CIE to provide a national transport service, more especially within our own constituency area and this will apply with special force to rural Deputies—and at the same time complain, gripe, groan and moan that it takes public money to keep them running.

We should not forget the origins of CIE. CIE, in their origins, were not part of a great socialist take-over of a highly profitable enterprise—far from it. The origins of CIE are to be found in a crumbling private enterprise system of transport which was plainly not delivering the goods because it could not afford, on ordinary, commercial, capitalist grounds to provide the social services which were needed. As one sector after another of this private transport system began to crumble the need for a national transportation authority became evident and CIE was born. The irony is that, having created a national transportation agency in CIE, we stopped at that. We did not see the need to integrate the work of a national transportation agency with a national transportation policy. We assumed that one would do duty for the other and are now reaping the fruits of this neglect.

In passing I should like to say a very small word, as someone who drives around the city of Dublin most days and has driven through many other of our cities as well—in favour of the Dublin bus driver. Again, the Dublin bus driver is the butt of many jokes, some of them unkind. I do not know which of us in this House has ever had to pilot one of these enormous vehicles through the chaos, through the snarling mass of vehicles that goes by the name of commuter traffic in Dublin these days. Bus drivers have to do it many hours a day, often during unsocial hours and in my experience, as the driver of an ordinary car, you are ten times as likely to receive courtesy from the drivers of many private vehicles on the road today. That point should be made in fairness to the bus drivers.

My final point in relation to CIE is really a culmination of the points I have been making up to now. We cannot allow it to be said that public transport should be provided solely on the basis of the ethics of a market place. If we decided that a long time ago, we would have an entirely different kind of transport service and one which would not go even as far towards meeting our needs as the present CIE system does. We have long since acknowledged, however grudgingly, that the needs of essential social services, such as health, education and similar matters, are of such overall public concern that they cannot be left to private whim and to the length of the individual's pocket. We look now to the Government, despite their idealogical bias in other directions, to establish the same claim for a national transportation policy.

I turn now to the question of roads. Towards the beginning of my speech I drew attention to the fact that the road maintenance programme is severely at risk in view of the cutbacks of the present administration. I urge on that administration that even at this late stage they should take some heart from the report and put at least some substantial amount of money into the business of maintaining our road network and, if at all possible, into improving it. I take the point in the report that even if one had all the money in the EEC or wherever one could not lump it all into the provisions of new roads or the maintenance of existing ones because one might have a squeeze on the supply side as a result in that private enterprises who repair and build roads would be able to squeeze prices up. Some of the things that happened in relation to house building over the past few years make that point even more dramatically. However something must be done.

I do not know if many Members travel the main road to Limerick or Cork very often but if they do they will have occasion to pass through the town of Naas and will know that if one leaves Dublin travelling towards the south or south-west anytime after 8 a.m. and before 7 p.m. one can add anything from 30 to 90 minutes on to the time of the journey. This will be accounted for solely by the length of time it takes to get through Naas. That is a dramatic example. One would assume that such a town being on a major road would have had urgent attention, but it has not. I should like to see it getting more attention from the Government in terms of capital expenditure than it has had up to now.

Another thing the Government ought to be doing which, with all due respect when I look at the road programme I do not see much evidence of, is identifying those areas where the minimum of expenditure would produce the maximum social benefit in terms of road expenditure. Naas is an obvious example. I hope I shall not be accused of undue parochialism if I single out a project which is in my own constituency. It is the Dundrum by-pass. It could be argued that it is quicker these days to commute into Dublin from Drogheda than it is from Dundrum. One can get a train from Drogheda to the centre of the town in less time than it takes at rush hour to come from Dublin 14 into the centre of the city. I shall not deal with the saga of the famous Dundrum line which was closed down under a previous administration. This road improvement, relatively inexpensive in itself, falls into the category of road improvements which, while not hugely expensive, would have a disproportionately large beneficial social effect.

Another matter which concerns not just my constituency but neighbouring ones is the Southern Cross Route. Before the last general election we had a commitment from the Government——

Soon to be known as the Southern Crucifixion.

——that it would be supported by them. There has been a lot of foot dragging on this and it is usually justified on the grounds that they have to wait for proposals to come from Dublin County Council. There is a certain degree of truth in this and Dublin County Council have their own problems in relation to the Southern Cross Route. The irony is that the Minister for the Environment has sanctioned a CPO for an alternative road to the Southern Cross Route, known as the Green Route, which was explicitly rejected by Dublin County Council because it would direct too much heavy traffic into high density urban areas. I ask the Government to make sense of the conjunction of a commitment to the Southern Cross Route and the endorsement of a CPO for a road that is designed to do something entirely different.

I sympathise with some of the things the Minister said recently about car parking in Dublin. I made a suggestion to him in a letter by way of a postscript, not entirely seriously but not entirely jocosely either. There is one sure and simple way to solve the problem of illegal parking in Dublin and that is to allow anybody who finds a car parked on a double yellow line to keep it. That would put a sharp stop to some of the problems we have.

It might produce a lot of free cars.

People are doing that at present and it is called larceny.

We will have to use bicycles.

That is hardly the advice that should be given in the House.

The transport authority that must eventually be established for Dublin must take into account that Dublin is no longer just a city with a periphery. It is a city with a centre and a number of growth centres dotted around its rim. We must look at the provision of transport services not only in the light of providing a public transport service between the periphery and the centre but between different parts of the periphery. If one wants to go from one part of the periphery to another one must first go into town and out again. One of the exceptions is the famous No. 18 bus route which runs around the edge of the city and whose run is extended in the summer in order to bring residents of the working class suburbs on the western side of the city to the sea to swim. Otherwise they would have to go all the way into town and all the way out again. Any policy, whether related to roads, CIE or the planning of bus routes, should take this factor into account.

In the Labour Party we believe in public transport and that the major reason why it is not doing its job properly is that it is not being allowed to do so. There is no sense in saying that private transport would do the job better. There is no way in which a privately owned bus will get from Dundrum to O'Connell Bridge any quicker than a publicly owned bus. The reason one does not travel any faster than the other is not related to ownership but to traffic controls, management systems and overall Government policy in relation to roads and public transport.

I make the plea to people to consider the role of CIE as an essential public service which is under-subsidised by comparison with many other European cities and which, given half a chance, will do the job extremely well. There is a contradiction in the Foster report which notes that the motor car is the dominant method of transport at present and simultaneously notes that probably less than half the households in the country actually have a car. This is a dilemma they did not face up to themselves. If they and the Government were to face up to it properly we would come to the conclusion that public transport is the better bet for a speedy and satisfactory urban transport system for the majority of the population.

As Deputy Lawlor said, Deputy Quinn must be complimented for putting down this motion and having such a wide-ranging debate on road transport, transport policy and specifically on the NESC report. As outlined by the Minister last night, it is but one report and one opinion of many being sought to clarify the points of importance in moving towards a feasible transport policy. Deputy Horgan used the words that this Minister had no commitment towards a positive and clear policy.

I did not say that. I said we have not seen it yet.

I will instance it for the Deputy and I am sure that he is not so naive as not to have listened to it before on several occasions. The increase in the capital allocation to CIE has gone from £15 million in 1979 to £25 million in 1980. Of that amount £10 million is for the railway electrification programme and £15 for the modernisation of the other sections of CIE. On top of that £25 million there is a subvention of £56 million towards the running costs of CIE. I should like to ask Deputies Horgan and Deasy if they feel that the Government should continuously offer an open cheque to CIE. Do they believe that this subvention should go on forever? Can we justify paying out of this year's budget £71 million? We have heard a lot about the PAYE sector and it is their taxes we are talking about in regard to this subvention. I should like to know if Deputies would agree that that should continue indefinitely as if money was growing on apple trees? We must stop and reorganise. That is what we are doing. That is the difference between the contribution of Deputy Quinn and other Members. Deputy Quinn looked at the problem in a fair manner. Members cannot say, on the one hand, that CIE cannot be stopped and, on the other hand, ask "Where do we stop".

The capital budget indicated the Government's commitment to the Department as a whole. Last year £38 million was allocated for capital purposes and this was increased to £58.46 million this year. That should quench the argument put forward by Opposition Deputies forever. Deputy Horgan spoke eloquently about the problem of the Dublin bus drivers. I agree that their job is very frustrating and that it is getting worse daily but the Department cannot solve their problem.

A transportation authority could.

It took two years for Dublin Corporation to make a decision in relation to bus lanes in Dublin and they gave us less than half a mile. We must consider the political aspects of that delay. Who controls Dublin Corporation?

The Minister for the Environment.

He does not have anything to do with the decision of the corporation to introduce bus lanes in the city. Opposition Deputies should turn their attention to their own political parties who control the corporation and then spread their wings to their friends on the county council. Deputy Horgan spent some time talking about the Dundrum route and made some valid points, but he is wasting the time of the House bringing up that problem here. The solution to the problem of the Dublin bus driver rests with Fine Gael, Labour and the other political parties who have joined together to keep Fianna Fáil out of power on those bodies.

Will the Minister give us the money to do the job?

Give us the space and we will try. Deputy Horgan made a ludicrous statement about car parking facilities. The corporation should turn their attention to providing proper car parking facilities in the centre of the city. That would give tremendous relief to motorists who must be frustrated at having to circle around for a long time in an effort to park their cars before they commence their shopping. Opposition Deputies should have a word with their political cohorts and have a positive policy in relation to car parks in the centre of the city introduced.

They do not have the money.

They can borrow it for that.

It would be a profitable proposition for the corporation and the county council to provide proper car parking facilities because they would be filled regularly. Many Deputies, in mentioning potholes on roads throughout the country, referred to the joke on the radio every morning about this. Deputy Horgan has a misconception about the "Pothole Club". I believe he is mixing that up with citizen band radio. We filled that pothole in our own positive way.

Some years ago the corporation and the county council spent weeks considering the striking of a rate. Following protests and walk-outs they refused to strike a rate on the basis that central Government should subsidise the rate. This year those authorities have been permitted to strike a rate which is 10 per cent in excess of last year's figure. Would Opposition Deputies strike a rate in excess of 10 per cent this year? In spite of what those Deputies have said, there are no potholes on rural roads. In my county we are proud of the fine roadways we have. We spent our money in our time wisely and well. The roads in Galway are unique. When travelling from my constituency to Dublin one passes through Athlone to Kinnegad, a fine main arterial road and one does not run into a problem until Lucan. A few years ago Deputies Horgan, Quinn and Deasy, when Members of another House, argued consistently with me about a gentleman, a member of the Labour Party, who, as Minister for Local Government, took away the capital allocation to the county council to complete that portion of the road. Since 1977 between 12 and 14 miles of that road has been completed. Dublin County Council should exercise pressure on the Department of the Environment to complete that portion of the road.

Last night the Minister gave an in-depth report which clearly and unequivocally pronounced the Government's road and transport policies on this intricate problem. The question of establishing a Dublin transport authority will be dealt with in the commission's report to which I referred earlier.

I should like to say that I did not regard Deputy Quinn's comparison of transport and health service policies as a good analogy. The health services truly can be regarded as a necessity of life. Apart from that the Deputy's contribution was quite good. The Minister has said that the Government appreciate the need to review transport policy from time to time in the light of changing circumstances. It was for that reason that the commission were set up. It was appreciated that there was a need to review the ituation in view of CIE's position. It must be remembered that the Dublin city bus service in 1969 made a profit of £61,000 but in 1979 lost £12.8 million.

I had intended to deal with many other points, but the time is not available.

I thank the House for the debate. When opening it I said I hoped the debate would be constructive because what we are looking for are decisions. In fairness to all who have contributed, the debate has been constructive, but keeping to the spirit of the debate I must say there has not been a decision nor have we had an indication of the kind of decisions we may be getting.

The motion was specific. It asked the House to take note of the report and went on to request the Minister to announce a commitment to eliminate duplication of transport administration and to establish a Dublin transportation authority. We did not try to set out the form that authority would take and we did not attempt to tell the Minister how duplication should be eliminated. We appreciate that that is a job for the Minister. Frankly, I am disappointed that the new Minister, whose political skill and courage I have no reason to doubt, was not able to indicate that he personally recognises there is duplication and that he would like to eliminate it.

I have gone through the Minister's speech on the motion but I cannot find any indication in it of any proposed action to eliminate duplication. In fairness to the House, I should say that the Minister expressed recognition of the duplication. As I said, the Minister's personal commitment to do something about it is not there. Where does that leave us? The report in question is a substantial one. There are many parts of it on which fundamentally we disagree but it poses a question about decisions that have to be made. Like all such reports, including that produced by the Joint Committee of the Oireachtas and many others going back to 1971, we find the same kind of recommendations in principle.

We had hoped something more would be achieved this time. The motion is in the names of all of my colleagues in this party and none of us can see why the Minister could not have given us that commitment last night. Such a commitment would have been particularly useful for Dublin City Council and Dublin County Council who have refused to buy a pig in a poke, who rightly refuse to make decisions about road planning for transport until they have seen the colour of Fianna Fáil's money. Both Dublin councils have refused to commit themselves to major road plans without commitment from the Government and I refer to successive Governments. There are historical reasons for that.

I hope the absence of a transport policy can be remedied as soon as possible so that the local authorities' reservations can be removed. I draw the attention of the House to pieces of property in this city which have been made derelict by the presence of a yellow line on a map brought about by a decision of city and county councillors. These sites have remained blighted ever since because the necessary funds to implement the decision which they courageously took in their innocence in those days did not come through from central government, Governments of different complexions. For that reason they are rightly refusing to commit themselves and the property of the city and the people around it until such time as they get a clear commitment.

Is the Deputy afraid to make a commitment?

Deputy Briscoe always had difficulty in understanding the way we came across on the Dublin City Council.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Briscoe will get an opportunity at some other stage.

There are two points I want to clarify, and one of them certainly is for the benefit of the Minister of State. First is the ideological question about the philosophical approach to transport policy. Deputy Killilea, in reply to our submission, stated that because Fianna Fáil had made extra funds available to CIE, therefore this was evidence of their commitment to the public transport system and evidence of their commitment to some of their capital programme.

The Government had made a decision.

I have about ten minutes left and I would not mind getting a clear run on that, if it is all the same to the Minister.

(Interruptions.)

The Minister should not interrupt.

The belief that any problem can be solved by throwing sufficient sums of money at it is peculiarly a capitalist one, and it is not one that we share. Some problems cannot be solved by simply throwing money at them. To simply argue in defence that because extra funds are being made available therefore the philosophical basis is the same does not meet the case. We have argued that it was the labour movement that took health care out of the market place, so that people do not die because they do not have the money as they did in the past. Fianna Fáil in return argue that that was a basic fundamental human right and because people could die one could not possibly argue on that score. But the same argument applies in relation to education, where people do not die from the lack of it: it also has been taken out of the market place. The Minister attempted to reply to the statement I made and he said that the idea that there is no social conscience in the Government in relation to public transport is not borne out by the fact that £56 million was given to CIE last year and that surely there was an obvious recognition of a social commitment there. He said that the suggestion put forward by a right wing banker or economist that the whole thing be put into a social context is wrong. He said that there is another side of the argument and asked how long the taxpayer would continue to pay.

No matter what money is spent, whether it is £1 million or £56 million, it should be spent as efficiently as possible, whether it is on health care, education or transport. So I am with him on that. We recognise that the money that will go for a public transport system will come out of every one of our pockets. That is not at issue. But we are saying that in the absence of clear transport policy local authorities will be forced into making premature decisions about road programmes for which there is no commitment in finance and that consequently when the Minister is at the Cabinet table and the Minister for the Environment is looking for his funds and the Minister for Transport is looking for funds to meet his own various Department Estimates there will be a conflict.

That conflict will not be constructive to the transport of people here if there is no clear transport policy. I regret to state that we have had no indication that there will be a clear transportation policy. I hope there will be a clear transportation policy, because it is our view that there are two attitudes to transport competing for scarce funds at the moment. One is the substantial roads lobby, not represented in this House by the relevant Minister; the other is the public transport lobby. The funds are limited, and they are limited in any administration. How is that going to be resolved around the Cabinet table at the moment? Is it determined by size or by argument or by political intrigue or all the other things which, in the absence of a clear policy, inevitably become the resource to which one applies in order to resolve these difficulties.

There has got to be a clear transport policy. We would argue that one more report—let us call it the McCormack Report—is not going to throw that much light on the matter so that everything will become illuminated in a way that it is not illuminated now.

There is nothing to stop the Minister saying here and now in this House that Fianna Fáil believe in a system of transport that would provide equality of access for all of the people of this country and particularly for all of the people of this city irrespective of what age they are, irrespective of what money they have and irrespective of what disability they have in relation to being able to drive or not. It is sad, but perhaps not inevitable, that no such statement has been made in this House by someone who had the opportunity to do so. The Minister could have indicated, without pre-empting the conclusions of the McCormack Report, without pre-empting the valuable work that the commission is doing, that on the basis of what is there today there seems to be a substantial case for a transportation authority, that in principle he is in favour of it, that there are issues in relation to contracting services with CIE or running them oneself—Deputy Lawlor referred to the rapid rail—and so on.

I do not wish to be argumentative and I do not wish to score political points, because all of us here suffer from the lack of such a policy. Getting such a policy through is not easy because a lot of the argument that has got to be made must be made in private, and argument in private against forces and against people who frequently do not appear above the trenches can itself be very difficult and very lonely. If the Government had behind them a motion in the House passed by all parties, if they had behind them a statement in the House stating that they are committed in principle, the Government would have been that much further down the road. Regrettably they are not. The Minister could have spoken in favour of the motion tonight and that would resolve his problems immediately. It would give him a fair stick to do what I think he must do and what, hopefully, Labour participation in any subsequent Government would be able to do. I use those words advisedly because we have no illusions about the difficulty. Until such time as roads and transport are under the same political umbrella we are not going to get the sort of transport policy that we need.

There was a certain phrase used by a former Taoiseach who was rather unceremoniously retired before Christmas who talked about grasping nettles and difficult nettles. This is, I would suggest, a difficult nettle. I would like to think the Government have the courage to grasp it.

It will be grasped whether it stings or not.

The Minister could have got a great pair of gloves here tonight if he had put himself on record as being in favour of it. He still has the opportunity, and they will be sting proof gloves if he votes for this motion tonight. They will even protect the hands of the Minister of State and I am sure he has had many stings in his time.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Quinn has two minutes to conclude.

The other reason a decision of this nature is critically important is because the Dublin City Council are being hi-jacked into trying to make decisions in relation to a road system. They are doing so in the absence of a national transport policy. They are doing so in the context of the most rapidly developing capital city in the whole of western Europe, where urban transport is a critical component for urban development. Foster states, indeed, that the city planning department are responsible for land use planning and were involved in the Dublin Transportation Study and have produced a long-term plan for the development of new satellite communities. He says it is crucial that adequate transport-facilities be provided for these new developments. He says that the city planning department have recently prepared a revised city plan but that its publication has been delayed because of the lack of agreement on the transport component of the plan. One cannot expect responsible local authority members to make decisions in the absence of a clear policy.

In conclusion we are not asking the Government, in accepting this motion, to commit themselves to something very precise, to box the Minister into something that is very restrictive in terms of the negotiations that must take place. We are simply asking for a political commitment to tidy up the duplication of administration that exists and, secondly, to establish—and we will let the Government design the form and shape of it——

In my time I will do it.

The Minister of State may have time and I may have time but the poor devil who is waiting for the bus never does or perhaps he has far too much of it because the bus never comes. By supporting this motion the House could give to itself a degree of commitment to the establishment in political terms of a transport policy that is needed and will be needed increasingly in the years to come.

Amendment put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 63; Níl, 41.

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Andrews, Niall.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Cogan, Barry.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Cowen, Bernard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Doherty, Seán.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joe.
  • Filgate, Eddie.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Murphy, Ciarán P.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy C.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom. (Dublin South-Central).
  • Fitzsimons, James N.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Fox, Christopher J.
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Dennis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, Jim.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Killeen, Tim.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lemass, Eileen.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Smith, Michael.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Woods, Michael J.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Barry, Myra.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Boland, John.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Cosgrave, Michael J.
  • Deasy, Martin A.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John F.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Horgan, John.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kelly, John.
  • L'Estrange, Gerry.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Mannion, John M.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, William.
  • O'Keeffe, Jim.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Quinn, Ruairi.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Treacy, Seán.
  • White, James.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Moore and Briscoe; Nil, Deputies B. Desmond and L'Estrange.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, agreed to.
Barr
Roinn