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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 30 Oct 1980

Vol. 323 No. 7

Reports on Developments in the European Communities: Motion .

: I move:

That Dáil Éireann takes note of the Reports:

Developments in the European Communities—Thirteenth, Fourteenth, Fifteenth and Sixteenth Reports.

When preparations were being made for Ireland to join the European Communities it was decided that it would be appropriate if reports on developments in the Communities were published every six months. Accordingly, section 5 of the European Communities Act, 1972, provides that the Government shall make such a report twice yearly to each House of the Oireachtas.

The reports which are the subject of the motion we are taking today cover the period from July 1978 to July 1980 and, since the Fifteenth Report deals with developments in the period of Ireland's Presidency of the Council and of European Political Co-operation, it is I think of special interest.

It is a matter of some regret to me that it has not been possible to find time for debates on these reports at an earlier stage. Ideally these debates should, in my opinion, be held as soon as possible after the date of publication of each report. Deputies may have noted that recently arrangements have been made to have the reports published within approximately two months of the end of the period of review. It is important that we should consider the developments outlined in the reports as soon as possible after they have occurred and therefore I would wish to see debates on motions such as we are considering today taken on a regular basis.

I would like to refer briefly to some of the major developments in the various areas of Community activity during the period of the reports.

However, since many of the events reported have now been superseded by more recent developments, I will concentrate on the current situation in the Community. Deputies may wish to advert to other matters not covered in my introduction to this debate and I will be happy to deal with these matters in my reply.

The established format has been followed in these reports; reviews of meetings of the European Council held during the period are included, lists of ministerial regulations made under the European Communities Act, 1972, are given as annexes as are tables showing subsidies, grants and loans received by Ireland.

At the outset I would like to mention the fact that during the period under review the negotiations for the accession of Greece to the European Communities were concluded. Deputies will be aware that Ireland ratified the Treaty of Accession last December and now that all member states and Greece have completed their ratification procedures, Greece will become the tenth member state of the Community on 1 January 1981. In regard to Portugal and Spain, accession negotiations are continuing.

I would like to make clear our position in regard to the general question of enlargement and to the particular concerns which Ireland has expressed in the context of the accession of Greece, Portugal and Spain. I wish to reiterate that Ireland has at all times expressed support for enlargement, but we have insisted that enlargement must not adversely affect present common policies or the future development of the Community. We have received the support of our partners for this view of enlargement. I might in this regard mention in particular the position adopted by the Council at the time of the opening of accession negotiations in 1976, namely, that appropriate provision would be made for the needs of an enlarged Community; that the nature and future development of the Community would not be adversely affected by enlargement, and that institutional reform would be undertaken to enable the Community to act effectively after the accession of new member states.

It was and remains our understanding that the Community is committed to ensuring that enlargement does not result in a weaker and less cohesive Community. In the course of the internal debate in the Community on enlargement we stressed the necessity of implementing measures aimed at reducing the regional disparities which exist within the Community as at present constituted. Both in direct relation to the prospective enlargement and in the context of other developments, such as the establishment of the European Monetary System, we have achieved a certain degree of success. I would mention in particular the measures for infrastructural aid for the West of Ireland which have recently been agreed and in the area of institutional reform Deputies will know that the Committee of Wise Men have submitted their report to the Council and it is at present under active consideration.

I would like to emphasise that our concerns are in no way aimed at the applicant states. They are matters which must be resolved by the existing Community and indeed they would have to be tackled regardless of the enlargement context. In particular the provision of adequate resources for the Community as at present constituted is a matter of pressing concern. Deputies will be aware that agreement was reached last May on the concerns of the UK in regard to her net contribution to the Community budget. This enabled the Community to come to an agreement on agricultural prices and related measures which, while far from ideal, contrasted very favourably with what was originally proposed by the Commission. The text on fisheries, too, which was agreed at the same time by the Council of Foreign Ministers, is a cause of satisfaction. I will return to developments in the agricultural and fisheries sectors later.

These agreements on the budgetary and related problems have shown that the European Community continues to have the ability to resolve serious and substantial differences of opinion among its member states. At the same time it would be idle to pretend that the accommodation reached last May leaves us free from worry for the future.

Part of the agreement reached by the Council at that time was that a general examination of Community policies and their financial implications would be undertaken by the Commission with a view to preventing the recurrence of unacceptable situations for any member state. It was agreed that the examination would not call into question the common financial responsibility for those policies which are financed from the Community's own resources nor the basic principle of the common agricultural policy. The Commission's findings will be presented to the Council before 30 June next. It is unfortunate, to say the least, that this examination of policies is taking place at a time when Community expenditure is on the point of reaching its present fixed limit of 1 per cent of value-added tax. Given, on the one hand, the important share of agriculture in Community expenditure and, on the other hand, the importance to the Irish economy and to Irish society generally of a strong and prosperous farming community, it is clear that we shall have to be on our guard to ensure that no so-called "solution" to future budgetary problems creates for us that unacceptable situation for a member state which the Council is pledged to avoid. We shall be on our guard. Let there be no doubt about that.

As far as we here in Ireland are concerned, what is wrong is not that we receive too much from the Community budget; no responsible body of opinion in Europe believes that. What is wrong is that the regional and social funds are inadequately funded to make a significant contribution to one of the Treaties' fundamental objectives, namely, the convergence of member states' economies. The fact of the matter is that in 1979, for example, Ireland received over £400 million under the common agricultural policy. Important as our receipts from the regional and social funds are—amounts approved in 1979 were £38.7 million and £41.7 million respectively—it is clear that they are far from adequate to make a really significant contribution to closing the prosperity gap between Ireland and the better off members of the Community. We hear much nowadays about restructuring the Community budget. For too many people in Europe this has come to mean the spending of less money on agriculture. We may be forgiven here for believing that it should mean increased expenditure in the weaker areas of the Community. The debate on these questions for many people in our partner states is constrained by the 1 per cent VAT limit to Community revenues. It is totally unreasonable that this should be so, not merely because the EEC is facing enlargement from nine to 12 members—though that in itself is a powerful reason—but because within that limit the Community cannot adequately finance in the years to come the agricultural policy which is one of its main achievements, and for us its main attraction, and at the same time hope to bring the economies of its members closer together in mutual prosperity.

The present limit to revenues is archaic. It was fixed at a time when economic conditions were very different from what they are today and when the demands of financial solidarity were lower. It is natural in an organic, developing Community that the requirements of the common purse should grow and develop with the Community itself. It would be a denial of the Community's raison d'être to refuse to accept this and to insist on maintaining an increasingly unreal and artificial limit to the Community's possibilities.

The period under review saw the European Council, at its meeting of 4-5 December 1978, adopt the formal resolution on the adoption of the European Monetary System. This decision marked a significant step forward in the development of the Community. That it was possible to successfully embark on such a progressive venture as the EMS, in an economic climate which was less than favourable to common action of such magnitude, must augur well for the future unity and development of the Community.

The EMS continues to function satisfactorily and, although some limited realignments were necessary in September and November of last year, exchange rates have remained fairly stable overall. The performance of the punt within the system has been good—we have been in the upper part of the band of currencies for some time now—and the subsidised loans being provided within the EMS are being used to good effect to strengthen this country's economy. Unfortunately, much public attention has been focussed on the performance of the punt vis-à-vis the pound sterling rather than the punt's performance within the EMS. The change in the relationship with the pound sterling has been due, not to the weakness of the punt, but rather to the relative strength of the pound sterling against all the EMS currencies.

The European Council, held here in Dublin last November, reaffirmed the objective of moving to the next stage by establishing the European Monetary Fund and requested the Economic and Finance Council to pursue agreement on the details of the fund. Discussions are continuing on the complex technical details of the fund in the Monetary Committee and in the Committee of Central Bank Governors.

In the context of its development co-operation policy the Community has continued to introduce greater coherence into its overall policies in trade, agriculture and other fields.

The first ACP-EEC Convention of Lomé, which expired on 29 February 1980, was a unique model of relations between developed and developing countries and represented the most comprehensive expression of the Community's co-operation policy so far. A successor to this convention was signed in October 1979 during the Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Communities, and is expected to enter into force later this year.

The new convention consolidates and improves upon its predecessor. The funds available for expenditure on ACP-EEC co-operation have been increased by 62 per cent and amount to nearly £3.8 billion of which Ireland's share will be £18.6 million, payable over a period of eight years.

I might add that during the period under review the Community's relations with Turkey, Yugoslavia, the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and others have been developed significantly.

The most significant development in the field of regional policy during the period under review was the establishment in the regional fund of a non-quota section, representing 5 per cent of the commitment appropriations from the fund, which will finance specific Community regional development measures. In October 1979 the Commission submitted proposals for use of the non-quota section to the Council for assistance to five areas in the Community including Irish border areas. I am glad to state that, although adoption of the regulations was held up pending resolution of the British budgetary problem, they were adopted at Council on 7 October 1980. The measures for the border regions concern five counties directly adjoining the Border on the southern side and eight district councils adjoining on the northern side and are aimed at economic activities in the fields of tourist accommodation, tourist-linked infrastructure, communications and artisan enterprises. The financial allocation will be £10.7 million for the southern side and £5.3 million for northern areas over the period 1980-84. With regard to approvals from the fund during the period under review, Ireland received a total of £23.62 million in approvals in 1978 and this increased to £41.73 million in 1979. It is expected that approvals for 1980 will amount to approximately £48 million.

As regards the social fund, approvals for Ireland amounted to £29 million in 1978 and £38.7 million in 1979. It is expected that approvals for 1980 will amount to £56 million approximately.

In the agricultural sector the major developments in the period covered by the reports concerned the changes necessary to take account of the European Monetary System and the agreement on agricultural prices for the 1979-80 and 1980-81 marketing years. In December 1978 the Council had considered a proposal aimed at neutralising the impact of the European Monetary System on the common agricultural policy. France linked their agreement to this proposal with progress on elimination of monetary compensatory amounts. Following lengthy discussion on these issues during which the entry into force of the EMS was delayed, the member states, with the exception of the UK, finally agreed in March on the elimination of new MCAs arising during the first two years of the operation of the EMS. At the same time the Council declared its determination to reduce progressively existing MCAs.

The Commission submitted its proposals on agricultural prices for the 1979-80 marketing year to the Council in February 1979 and agreement on an overall increase of 1.5 per cent for all products other than milk—for which there was a price freeze—was eventually reached in June 1979. While the price increase was relatively modest the agreement also included a number of measures of benefit to Ireland which added up to a satisfactory package for us.

During the period of the Irish Presidency of the EEC—the second half of 1979—progress was made in a number of areas in agriculture. Most notable was the agreement on important changes in the wine sector designed to bring about a better balance between production and consumption of wine in the Community.

The major development in agriculture during the first half of 1980 from the Community viewpoint was, of course, the prices agreement for 1980-81. Considering the tight budgetary situation and the pressures which are being exerted against the common agricultural policy, this price package was quite favourable to Ireland and represented a substantial advance on what was first proposed. The overall price increase of 5 per cent was twice the original proposed and, as I mentioned earlier, of major significance for us was the agreement on a set of structural measures for the west of Ireland which will mean investment of £300 million over a ten year period; 50 per cent of the money for these measures will come from Community funds. Other positive elements in the package of importance to Ireland were the agreement on a common sheepmeat policy which came into operation on 20 October and Community subsidies for beef suckler herds.

Of major significance to Ireland also was the fact that none of the main antisurplus measures proposed by the Commission will apply this year. This means no super levy, no cuts in sugar quotas and no suspension of beef intervention.

The reports outline the difficulties in reaching agreement on a common fisheries policy which would govern fishing in the 200-mile zone which the member states established as from 1 January 1977. It has proved very difficult to reconcile the positions of the member states on the basic question of quotas, conservation policy and access. However, during the periods covered by the reports several important measures designed to help the development of the Irish fishing industry were adopted. A sum of 46 million units of account—approximately IR£30 million—was allocated to Ireland for the five-year period, 1977 to 1982 to build up our fishery protection and surveillance capability. The Council also adopted a regulation providing for investment aid amounting to five million EUA's in the period under review for restructuring the inshore fishing industry. This measure especially assists Ireland by a grant of up to 50 per cent of the cost of new fishing vessels of specified length and aid also for mariculture projects.

At the Council in December 1979 a significant breakthrough was achieved when Ministers undertook to decide early in the New Year on Community measures for conservation and management of fishery resources for 1980. Agreement in principle on total allowable catches and a common system of recording and notification of catches was reached on 29 January and progress was also made in regard to agreements with third countries.

A major impetus towards settlement of the fisheries question was given by the declaration of the Council of Foreign Ministers on 29 May 1980 which laid down guidelines for the establishment of a common fisheries policy before 1 January 1981. Since then significant progress has been achieved with agreement on a Community conservation policy. Discussions are taking place at present on the allocation of national quotas and other elements such as structural policy, marketing proposals, and control measures, which will form part of a revised common fisheries policy with the aim of meeting the 1 January deadline set by Ministers.

In the period under review the most significant development in relation to the institutions of the Communities was the holding of direct elections to the European Parliament in June 1979.

There was a general feeling that this democratisation of the Community was a major step and that it would alter the relations between the institutions to some extent and, in particular, relations between the Parliament and the Council. Direct elections were invested with differing degrees of significance by various observers. It is probably premature to make a judgment but perhaps it is fair to say that the results have not fulfilled either the most optimistic or pessimistic forecasts. Finding a role for itself within the competences conferred on it by the Treaties is bound to be a gradual process as far as the Parliament is concerned and one which must emerge through a highly political process.

It is clear, however, that a directly elected Parliament to be meaningful must have enhanced influence in the Community decision-making process. There is probably a need to adapt existing procedures to ensure such an enhanced influence in particular in relations between the Parliament and the Council. We are open to suggestions on how this could best be done. In the coming months there will be discussions on this matter at all levels in the Community and the new Commission will no doubt look at the matter also.

Institutions which function efficiently are essential to progress towards European Union particularly in the period just ahead when the Community faces serious economic problems.

While recognising that political will and cohesion in the face of immediate difficulties are the most vital elements in progress towards European Union we have always advocated that strong institutions maintaining the competences and balances laid down in the Treaties can make a major contribution to decision-making. Within these parameters we can look at the performance of the institutions and support reform or adaptation where necessary.

The system of European political co-operation, whereby member states consult together on world political issues and where possible and desirable work out common positions and policies, is a significant aspect of our Community membership.

Through the activities of political co-operation and also through the Community's external relations activities, the Europe of the nine is increasingly regarded by the external world as a coherent entity in world affairs.

At the United Nations the nine's practice of seeking to concert their views on matters before the Assembly and of adopting common voting positions whenever possible is now well established. As the country holding the Presidency during this period, Ireland had the task of ensuring co-ordination among the nine, both in New York and among the capitals of the nine, on issues before the General Assembly and of presenting agreed nine views to the Assembly, whether in plenary session or in one of the seven main committees. I might add that following our recent election to the Security Council, Ireland will be involved in a special way in the work of the United Nations over the next two years.

The second review meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is scheduled to begin in Madrid on 11 November. A preparatory meeting is currently taking place. The nine are continuing their detailed preparations for the Madrid meeting and are consulting closely on all developments in the CSCE process.

The Nine have on many occasions, most recently in the Venice Declaration of 13 June 1980, stated the principles which in their view are fundamental to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. These are, in particular, the right to existence and security of all states in the region, including Israel, and justice for all its peoples, which implies recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people who must be allowed to exercise fully their right to self-determination. The Nine have made clear that the achievement of these objectives requires the involvement and support of all the parties concerned and that the principles set down apply to all and thus to the Palestinian people and to the PLO, who must be associated with the negotiations.

The situation in Lebanon is of continuing concern to the Nine. Following the tragic death of three Irish soldiers serving with the UNIFIL force in Southern Lebanon last April, both the Nine Foreign Ministers and the European Council denounced the acts of violence committed against UNIFIL and demanded that the force be permitted to carry out its mandate in full.

Since the taking hostage of the American Embassy personnel in Tehran on 4 November 1979, the Nine have condemned this flagrant breach of international law and have made repeated calls for the immediate release of the hostages.

As regards the outbreak of hostilities between Iran and Iraq, the Nine have expressed their support for the efforts of the Islamic Conference and of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to secure a peaceful settlement.

In Africa the Nine have reiterated their condemnation of apartheid in South Africa and indicated their determination to exert every pressure which would bring the South African Government to abandon that system.

The Nine supported the new plan for the independence of Namibia and reject unreservedly efforts to impose a so-called internal settlement. The lack of progress in implementing the United Nations plan is of concern and the Nine have requested the South African Government to accept fully its implementation without any furthere delay.

As regards Afghanistan, the Nine believe that an acceptable solution must be found which will provide for a withdrawal of foreign troops and an opportunity for the people of Afghanistan to determine their own future.

Also in Asia, the Nine have over the past year intensified their consultations on the problems of Indo China particularly in relation to the Vietnamese refugees and the famine in Cambodia. While in recent months the situation in Cambodia has improved, the Nine are continuing to monitor the situation closely and the Community is continuing to contribute to the relief effort. However, we believe that a permanent solution to Cambodia's crisis can only be achieved in the context of an overall political settlement in the country.

In this introduction to the debate I have done no more than draw attention to some of the important developments in Community affairs in recent years. I will be happy to respond to all points made by Deputies when I come to reply.

: The first very disturbing feature of our discussion here this morning is that we are dealing with reports on developments in the European Community dating back to July 1978. In many ways, on re-reading these earlier reports—the 13th and 14th reports in particular—one gets the feeling that one is reading history and the relevance of a discussion on matters in these reports at this stage is very much open to doubt.

Not having had an opportunity of contributing to such a debate in the past since my changing over to Foreign Affairs from another portfolio, it struck me that I should look at the background, which I did. I checked the European Communities Act of 1972, section 5 of which provides that the Government shall make a report twice yearly to each House of the Oireachtas on developments in the European Communities. It is important for us to decide what is meant by this section. Are we, in fact, complying with the statutory functions at all, in lumping together four of these reports and having, in effect, a bienniel discussion on developments within the European Communities, when the Act specifically states that the Government should report to the Houses twice yearly?

Since my appointment to this portfolio in mid 1979, I certainly have not had any such discussion. It appears, indeed, that the last such debate took place some time early in 1978, or perhaps even earlier. I do not wish to split legal hairs but it is relevant to question what is meant by the obligation placed on the Government by section 5 of the 1972 Act to report twice yearly to each House. Perhaps the letter of the law is being followed by merely producing a booklet and distributing it to Members of the Oireachtas twice a year. Certainly, in my opinion the spirit of the law is not being implemented by not having a debate on those reports, except every couple of years. I strongly urge the Government, if only to comply with their statutory duties, to ensure that in future we have biannual discussions in this House on developments in the European Communities.

It is not just the lawyer in me which causes me to urge this course of action on the part of the Government. Naturally, I feel that the Government must be the first to comply with both the letter and the spirit of the law, though it may be that the Minister, in his reply, may be able to suggest that he and his Government are discharging their obligation under section 5 of the Act merely by circulating reports. Quite frankly, that does not appear to me to be reporting twice yearly to each House of the Oireachtas.

Leaving the legalities aside, our involvement in the European Community is now so important and so relevant to our entire development for many years that surely it must be in our interests to have regular discussion on developments within the European Communities. From that point of view alone, from the point of view of the huge funds which accrue to this country through our involvement, and more so from the point of view of the difficulties and the complexities now appearing or which have been on the horizon for some time past in regard to future development of the Community, I strongly urge that in future we have debates in this House twice yearly.

As the Minister rather frankly indicated in his speech, the present situation is that it is hardly worth while considering these reports, these pieces of history, in detail, that instead we should have a general look at the situation in the EEC. I would go further by suggesting that we should be looking to the problems which are there, and I hope that the Minister in his reply will be more specific in his suggestions as to how to cope with these problems.

In looking at the efforts of the Government and their performance in EEC matters over the last couple of years one of the most important developments was the question of the UK budget contribution. It was important in the context that a chance was missed by this country to inject into the negotiations the issue which is the most important issue to us, that is the limit on Community resources. It is pretty well known and has been known for a considerable time that the Community will run out of funds in the not too distant future unless a change is made in the own resources limit. Earlier this year discussions took place on the UK demand. I am convinced that the UK and a number of other major countries will not be in favour of increasing Community resources, but at the same time, the UK and particularly the two big powers, France and Germany, were keen to achieve a settlement of Britain's budget contribution problem. This problem arose despite the fact that they had earlier had their first renegotiation about five years ago. It does not say much for their negotiating ability or their vision as to what problems might arise in the future to have had to come back again with the serious situation they had.

However, in the context of the British budget problem we should have put on the table and insisted that the question of the Community's own resources limit should be resolved at the same time. Without an increase in the 1 per cent VAT limit the financing of the EEC will be strangled. This has been obvious for at least 12 months, and Ireland, as a substantial net beneficiary will suffer enormously unless a change is made. I know that the problems of making a change are enormous in that not alone must we get an agreement through the EEC institutions but it will have to be ratified by the separate national parliaments and that will be the crunch issue. It is in that context, knowing the anti-EEC feeling amongst many of the British, that I say that, when they were getting a substantial refund of their budget contribution, that was the opportunity to tie in the question of getting agreement from them on lifting the VAT limit. I am afraid that that opportunity having been let pass, it may be virtually impossible to get the House of Commons to agree on such a move in the future apart altogether from the difficulties in some other EEC countries. When replying will the Minister deal with why that opportunity was let pass? This is the most important issue in the Community today.

I should also raise with the Minister the difficulties he and his Party may or may not have in securing allies for such a move. We in Fine Gael are associated in Europe with the Christian Democrats and we have been able to obtain an absolute commitment from our colleagues, one of the major parties in the European Parliament, that there must be an increase in the Community's own resources. I would ask the Minister to let me know the situation and the outlook of the Fianna Fáil allies in Europe, what is the outlook of the De Gaullists, because certainly the French have not shown any great inclination to increase the powers of the European Communities. An increase in their financial limits and in their opportunity to spend more money is something that would get a very mixed reception in France. I am concerned that the Fianna Fáil colleagues in Europe have not put themselves on record as being in favour of an increase in the Community resources.

The second major issue which concerns me is that the Community budget now proposed for 1981 does not make adequate provision particularly in the regional and social funds for the accession of Greece. This country becomes a full member next January and will be sharing in these funds. When the question of the accession of Greece was first discussed in the middle seventies our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy FitzGerald, with the vision that is typical of the man, solved the problem that could arise on their accession and secured a commitment from the Council of Ministers that the necessary further resources to meet the cost of Greek accession would be provided. This is referred to in the Seventh Report of Developments in the European Communities at paragraph 1.18 where it says:

Ireland fully supported the Greek application for accession but urged that the Community must resolve to make available the necessary further resources to meet the financial requirements which the application of existing common policies to Greece would entail.

What is important is that a statement to that effect was agreed by the Council at their meeting in July 1976. My concern is heightened by the fact that the budget proposed by the Commission for 1981, the first year of Greek membership, and the amendments made to it to date by the Council do not appear to be in conformity with the solemn agreement in the Council upon which the Irish decision to support Greek membership was made. Thus the budget proposed by the Commission for the social fund in 1981, £670 million, is only 10 per cent greater than the 1980 figure which clearly allows no additional provision for Greek requirements from the fund if even minimal provision were to be made for inflation. The actual sum proposed by the Council for the social fund namely, £600 million, makes complete nonsense of the solemn agreement of July 1976. A similar situation arises in regard to the regional fund and again the Irish share proposed for 1981 is £52 million, only £4 million higher than the 1980 figure. That will mean a reduction in real terms, taking inflation into account, as a result of the inadequacy of the total sum proposed and the size of the share required by Greece.

I am gravely concerned that the Government did not make a stand on the decision of the Council of July 1976 when those figures were discussed but I am more gravely concerned about another matter. When I raised this issue with the Minister for Foreign Affairs at Question Time last week Deputy Lenihan told me that proposals for a revision of the regional fund had not yet been discussed by the Council. The Minister was not even aware that the figures had been discussed by the budget Council. That is one of the most serious worries I have in discussing our situation in Europe. The Government have, apparently, accepted in the budget Council figures of that order and yet the Minister for Foreign Affairs tells the House that they have not been discussed. It is not my policy in politics to attack any Member on either side personally but I must record my grave concern that such a situation should arise. For the Minister's information that matter was discussed at a crucial session of the budget Council in September and, in fact, the Government thought so little of the problem that they did not dispatch a Minister to that meeting. A junior Minister, Deputy Calleary, attended that meeting on the occasion of his first visit to Brussels. I am not blaming Deputy Calleary but I must level the blame at the Government who permitted such a crucial meeting of the Council to proceed without heavyweight representation. Of course, that is apart from the fact that the Minister with main responsibility for EEC affairs did not appear to know that the meeting had taken place at all.

The situation now is that the budget figures proposed by the Commission, having gone through the budget Council, will be referred to the European Parliament next week. It is the view of Fine Gael members of the European Parliament — I expect this view will be fully supported by other Christian Democrat colleagues — that the cuts should be restored and adequate figures produced. I should like to stress the importance of the Government, when the matter returns to the Council, ensuring that the 1976 decision at a minimum be adhered to. The Government should ensure that we do not suffer in our allocation from those funds because of the accession of Greece. I made that statement without an anti-Greek outlook. I welcomed the accession of that country when we discussed a motion to approve Greek accession but I feel that the small and weak nations in the EEC must protect their own situation. We are reinforced in doing so by the decision in July 1976 when the matter was first considered.

The other major issue that has surfaced in recent times in the EEC is the rise in the tide of hostility in Europe against the CAP. To a large degree that hostility has been met by a helpless response from the Government. The CAP represents our biggest single national interest in the Community and is worth aproximately £400 million per year to us. In the context of our budget and our economy that is an enormous sum and it is apart altogether from the benefits that accrue to our farmers who have had such a long history of the tie to the cheap food policy of Britain. Only in this decade have our farmers been able to develop their land and get reasonably adequate incomes. As a result of the many circumstances in the last 12 months the take-off in development has been halted in its tracks and there has been a fall in farm income but, at the same time, the CAP over the last decade has been of enormous benefit to our farmers and our economy as a whole.

I am concerned at the lack of success on the part of our Administration in coping with this tide of hostility against the CAP. I recall that when we joined the EEC the existence of the CAP was regarded economically as one of the major reasons why we should join. We knew there were difficulties in other areas but on balance we decided that in economic terms we were better off to join the Community. We have suffered as a result of the difficulties of which we were aware at the time and we lost over a period roughly 75,000 industrial jobs. We paid the price of entry and it is altogether unreasonable that countries who gained as a result of Ireland paying the price should now decide that the continued funding of the CAP at a proper level is not appropriate for the future development of the Community. That issue has to be fought all day, every day. It is the major economic reason why we joined the Community. We paid the penalty in other areas and we must insist at all times that the CAP is properly expanded and developed in the future. That has not happened. Dairy farmers are aware that the price for a gallon of milk in 1980 is approximately the same as it was in 1977 when Fianna Fáil returned to power, about 50p per gallon. That situation exists in spite of increases in inputs of almost 100 per cent.

I am concerned that our negotiators in this instance do not appear to be up to the tactics of those in the Commission who would like to restrict the CAP. There was huge publicity about the proposed super levy last year and our negotiators appeared to fall for that in a big way. They concentrated on developing a huge campaign against the super levy but forgot that it seemed to be a blind so that the increases which should have been granted were not even fully discussed. The major success of our Ministers in dealing with this aspect of EEC affairs was that they were able to ensure that the super levy was not imposed in the current year. Apart from that they came back with a couple of percentage points which would not even be a fraction of the inflationary cost added to farmers' incomes. I greatly fear that we shall face the same situation next year because the super levy, having served the anti-CAP people so well last year will be hauled out of retirement and produced again for the current year's budget. As far as they are concerned it will again serve its purpose if the whole fight is concentrated on the super levy as a result of which they can slip through either a nominal or low increase in prices otherwise.

I do not say that the super levy, if hauled out of retirement this season, must not be fought tooth and nail: my point is that while such a fight is going on the real issue must not be forgotten this year as it was last year and that is the entitlement of farmers to an increase which will at least offset their extra costs. It is probably not even realistic at this stage that we should be looking for increases for farmers of the order achieved during the term when Deputy Clinton was negotiating in Brussels when there were circumstances involving transitional provisions and so on which applied then. I recollect that apart from such transitional provisions he was still getting the normal increases for them and there was certainly never any question that the increases were not adequate considering the inflation level at that time. Over the past couple of years this has not been so and I must put the situation fairly and squarely to our negotiators, while fully realising the problems in Europe.

One must also bear in mind that the surpluses that are spoken about in Europe in the context of the overall amounts produced are quite small. Even more important is the fact that the contribution made by this country to such surpluses is in many cases non-existent or at most very minimal. We produce only 4 per cent of the dairy produce coming into the Community. In those circumstances we must certainly resist the attempts being made to penalise our farmers and prevent them at least getting a fair deal under CAP.

The Minister earlier in his speech referred to the reports covering a certain period and said that since the 15th report dealt with developments in the period of Ireland's Presidency it was of special interest. I was particularly taken by the efforts made by Ireland in the agricultural area at that time and wondering to what extent they would be of special interest. I thought it rather amusing that the most notable achievement in the area of agriculture during Ireland's Presidency was important changes in the wine sector. It made me wonder whether Irish negotiators or Ministers dealing with European matters had their priorities right.

The other major matter referred to in the Minister's speech and in the reports is the question of fisheries. It is scarcely fair to refer to that infamous document of 1977 regarding fisheries but it is no harm to remind ourselves of the past in considering results and achievements in the present. Even prior to 1977 I recall a special Bill being introduced in this House, of which I was not a Member at the time, but I had a great interest in fisheries. I think it was introduced by the present Taoiseach as a Private Members' Bill on behalf of the then Fianna Fáil Opposition. If my recollection is correct it was entitled the Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill and it insisted on the 50-mile limit. The 50-mile limit question was again included in that infamous 1977 document but in the Minister's report to date we are not talking about the exclusive limit which, let me record, would have been obtained if the Government then had stayed in power. I accept that the exclusive limit would not have been the full demand but it would have been virtually the full amount of the claim and the mess that our fishing industry is in at present would not have developed if the former Government had remained in office to enable it to conclude its negotiations.

However, that is history and it is unfortunate for our fishermen that a change of Government took place. We are now talking about quotas and TACs. As regards fisheries there appears to be no comprehension on the Government's part of the problems and difficulties suffered by the fishermen from the closure of the Celtic Sea. In recent times I spoke to many of them and it is quite clear that many of them having invested huge sums in modern trawlers are on the verge of bankruptcy because of the restrictions placed on them. I wish our present Minister every success in concluding the best deal possible in the present negotiations. Although a Member of the Government Party at the time when the exclusive limit was jettisoned within weeks of Fianna Fáil resuming office, he was not directly responsible for it. I must say, however, that unless a reasonable deal emerges from the present negotiations many of our fishermen will be fishermen no longer because they will be unable to continue making the huge repayments on their boats and meeting large fuel costs and so on.

The Minister referred to European political co-operation which raises a number of issues which were mentioned in the previous debate and which I thought would be more appropriate in the debate on developments in the European Communities. This raises the question how far we can travel in the context of European political co-operation bearing in mind the huge size of the heavyweights in the EEC, and poses the question of our neutrality considering that the other EEC members are also members of a military alliance.

This is an area in which I can see Ireland treading on thin ice from time to time. Recalling the debate we had on the Middle East and the Minister's wild Bahrein statement, one advantage of European co-operation as far as we are concerned is that it imposes a certain amount of restraint on our Minister. The Community's declaration in regard to that troubled and tangled area seemed to have been more sensibly based than the wild Bahrein speech of the Minister.

This is a matter we will have to look at so that we can realise where there are problems and decide what type of perspective we should have so that we will be aware of the difficulties we might get into in the future from the point of view of our military neutrality. It is only by having an adequate debate on these matters that we will be able to identify problems and come up with solutions. At the moment there is a danger that willy-nilly we may wander into problems because we cannot see the signposts on the road before us.

I could go on for a long time dealing with the performance of the Government in the EEC but the period being covered in this debate is too long to allow for anything more than merely to touch on the main issue. However, we should try to establish a vision as to what Ireland's role in the EEC should be in the future. The first question should be how serious are we in our approach to the Community? In economic terms I have no doubt we take the Community seriously, naturally because we are a large net beneficiary from Community expenditure. In political terms, how seriously is the Community being taken in Ireland? Our role in that sense will be more important in the future. In the past there was no vivid pattern in regard to Community expenditure. Neither was there a challenge to the institutional pattern of the Community.

Now, however, we are facing an enlarged Community and one questions if in political terms we are prepared for that. There were many reasons why we joined the Community in the first place. Economically we were under the domination of our larger neighbour and I suppose we wanted to escape from that and participate in a wider political and economic grouping, but have we made use of the political aspects of this grouping? Have we examined them and do we consequently see where we are going in that context?

What I am trying to point to is the question of alliances within the Community. I am satisfied that in the hard bargaining leading to Community decisions one needs to have allies. At the moment there is a Franco-German hegemony in the Community and it appears to me it would be very difficult to resist decisions taken jointly by the two. I was disturbed by an article in The Economist last month in which there was acceptance of that and a suggestion that it is in Britain's interest that it should be extended to a three-way grouping. Now that Britain's re-negotiation problem is out of the way and bearing in mind that certain aspects of the conflict between the French and the British have been resolved, it is not inconceivable that we will be facing in Europe a three-way line up, not formalised, which could impose on us, if we are to have any support at all for the type of policies that are in our interests, the need to see where we can get support.

In the past, particularly in regard to harmonisation of legislation and that sort of thing, our approach has coincided with that of the British, perhaps because we share a common legislative base. I said earlier that I thought our part in the British EEC budget secondary negotiations was much too soft and I do not think we will gain in the future from that approach. In the first place it will cost us £16 million. We tend to have a common approach with the French on agricultural matters and we could look for support from them on certain issues. However, as far as they are concerned we are very small fry and I cannot imagine them being very concerned about an Irish link. They demonstrated that when the Taoiseach attempted to raise the question of Northern Ireland at a meeting with the French President. It was obvious that he was not going to become involved in that area. While I see advantages in having a common approach to certain problems where we have a mutuality of interests I do not think the French will be greatly concerned about our position in the Community. In expressing that view we must bear in mind that the French outlook has been in favour of the restriction of Community competence and the maintenance and expansion of national control. They have not a communitaire approach and their approach would not be in our interests.

What can we do in that situation? We can look to the efforts made by the Coalition Minister for Foreign Affairs. There is no doubt that in 1975-76 an attempt was made to ensure that we had allies in regard to matters of special interest in the Community. I am sure it was not by coincidence that there appeared to be a co-ordinated approach between Ireland, Denmark and the Benelux countries on matters of common vital interest. It seems to have been discontinued since 1977. It is not in Ireland's interest that discussions on matters of common interest should be dropped.

As regards Italy there are matters which would be of common interest and we could be allies on certain matters. However, with the rapid succession of Italian Governments it might be difficult to co-ordinate anything with them. There are certain issues on which an Italian Irish contact could be fruitful.

There is no single or uniquely valid alliance in Community affairs for Ireland. In the nature of things even the most carefully defined and balanced approach would require a shifting and changing attitude and shifting and changing alliances. I do not believe all the possible combinations have been tried by us. It will be important in the years and battles ahead not to attempt to make our case in Europe on our own depending on what we see as the rightness and justice of it, without getting support for it. That will involve establishing alliances.

We must be clear on what our approach should be in the Community. Are we in favour of the French approach of reducing Community confidence and extending the area of national authority? To me that does not appear to be the correct approach. We must defend the Community approach and seek an expansion of it if such can be obtained. What should our approach be in regard to Community policies which do not directly affect us? We should have a standard policy and in the context of forming alliances which might be useful to us we must take an interest in these policies and ensure that we make an input to them because any question of alliances or common approach cannot be on the basis of all take and no give.

In many ways it is much easier for us to give in areas which are not of great importance to us. We are seeking a Community which conforms more closely to the Treaty objectives and allows Ireland to realise the aims with which it joined the Community. It is important that because the economic return from membership has been on the scale we have witnessed since 1973 we should not blind ourselves to the fact that the political returns have been considerably below our expectations. This aspect will be more important in the future. We will be faced with major decisions on how big the Community budget should be. Apart from the limit on our own resources, even at its present level it is not of sufficient size to have a proper redistributive function.

There was at all times argument that there would be a convergence of economies and those in weaker areas would be brought up to the level of richer areas. On the basis of the present budget, apart from the problem of the ceilings, there is no hope whatever of that happening even with the continuation of present policies. It has been argued by many commentators that the budget should be multiplied by two and a half or three times to have any kind of major effect on the level of economic activities in the Community. In the present situation it would be difficult to achieve anything like that.

When one approaches the problems in the EEC it is important to know not so much where one is going but where one would like to go. We must not forget that. When one goes to meetings in Europe there is a danger that the view one has of the problems will, because one sees the difficulties of other countries, affect the basic commitment to one's own case. That highlights the importance of being clear as to what our policies and aims are. If we have plotted out the road we want to travel we will know if we are being pushed too much into a by-road as a result of negotiations trying to reach a settlement on different issues.

Having missed an opportunity last year we must mobilise what support can be obtained for an increase in the 1 per cent VAT limit. This year it may be more difficult to achieve than last year but, unless it is, the Community's finances will be strangled. We have no carrot to offer to the British so they will be reluctant and the Germans will be reluctant, but somehow or other we will have to make a stand on this before either the Community budget comes to a complete standstill or certain policy areas of the Community have to be shelved altogether.

I do not believe that one can cover all the issues in regard to the EEC in one debate. In my contribution I have made remarks which the Minister may feel are somewhat critical but I believe it is in the interest of everybody on this island that future developments in the European Communities are such that the allocation to this country will not be reduced. There are difficulties and problems. It is important that these be realised and that a clear plan of campaign be established to ensure that, in so far as those problems can be surmounted, they will be.

Finally, I end as I began by saying that it is important that we have more discussions on developments in the European Communities and I urge the Minister to ensure that in future both the letter and the spirit of section 5 of the European Communities Act, 1972, will be observed.

: I also am glad that the House has an opportunity to discuss in detail the developments as listed in the 13th, 14th, 15th and 16th reports. I agree with the Minister that ideally these debates should be held as soon as possible and I am glad that arrangements have been made that they be published approximately two months from the end of the period reviewed.

In the period 1978-80 we had difficulties at the latter end, but I find satisfaction in the Minister's speech where he referred to the regional policy, the social fund and the structural measures for the west of Ireland. I would like to pay tribute to the people who negotiated that deal in a very difficult year under difficult circumstances. Referring to EEC Regulation 1820 of 80, not even the most optimistic in this House or outside could forsee that we would get approval of that full package, which was secured. When we are examining the regional policy and the social fund it is important to take into account those various developments. The structural measures for the west of Ireland include Ulster, Connaught and part of Munster, while the non-quota section of the regional fund deals in some cases with agricultural development, forestry and so on. At a time of stringency and tight budgets the funding allocation for this regional policy has increased by more than double during the period under review, or from £23.62 million to £48 million. Admittedly it still is not enough for this area which needs funding very badly. In any border area within a country—and there are other such border regions in Europe—there is need for development. A genuine practical effort has been made in regard to the provision of this money. Between now and 1984 this £16 million from the non-quota section will have to be spent in the field of tourism development and craft industries.

There is also the Derry-Donegal cross-Border communications study, which was carried out by consultants appointed by the British and Irish Governments. This study investigated all forms of communication in the light of the existing situation in order to make recommendations for future development. The study covered areas such as road development, freight transport, public passenger transport and airports for the region of Derry-Donegal, the Erne catchment area. This study has been referred to the EEC for a decision. There was a proposal to spend £68 million on development of agriculture, tourism and arterial drainage. The study was commenced in early 1979 and launched publicly in June of this year. The mandate of the consultants was to assess and report on the development potential of the Erne catchment area with reference to tourism amenities and requirements and to the development of land resources through arterial drainage. The report put forward a wide range of recommendations in relation to such matters as improvement of the quality of tourist accommodation, improvement of accessibility and of transport services and the provision of the necessary infrastructure to sustain an increased flow of tourists, and it recommends extensive arterial drainage.

A number of Departments will be involved here. Certain problems exist in that region which embraces the hydroelectric scheme at Ballyshannon where there are statutory levels and limitations on water level at, for instance, Enniskillen. I hope that the various Departments can come together to try to work out a policy in which there would be no holdup in the implementation of this programme. Finally on the Border is the Louth-Monaghan-Armagh-Down region where again a study is being carried out and a river is involved here also. There is urgency in this region also involving not alone arterial drainage but also the supply of water to group water schemes. The river here is low down on the list for minor schemes and it should be taken out of that list and attended to as a cross-Border economic development project. With the funding available and the multiplicity of projects suggested some type of development board should be set up.

Debate adjourned.
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