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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 May 1983

Vol. 342 No. 8

Return to Writ: Donegal South West. - EEC Agricultural Price Negotiations: Statement by Minister for Agriculture.

I would like to inform the House of the outcome of the meeting of the Council of Agriculture Ministers, which concluded in the early hours of yesterday morning. I shall deal mainly with the aspects of particular concern to us.

As Deputies will remember, the Commission's proposals on agricultural prices for 1983-84 and on related measures were put forward in December last. They were discussed by the Council of Ministers at seven meetings, during the course of which certain modifications and adjustments were made. The most important of these were in the agri-monetary sector and arose primarily from the realignment on 21 March of currencies within the European Monetary System.

Yesterday morning agreement was reached on an overall package consisting mainly of price increases, agri-monetary adjustments and various related measures. The most significant of the changes so far as Ireland is concerned will come into force next week-end.

The overall result for Ireland is most satisfactory. The green rate for the Irish pound has been devalued to give a price increase of 3.8 per cent now and a further devaluation of 1.2 per cent is in prospect after next month's Council of Agriculture Ministers meeting because of an adjustment in the ECU to take account of the recent upward trend in the value of the £ sterling. These devaluations coupled with the increases in product support prices will result in an average price increase for the 1983-84 marketing years of some 9½ per cent for Irish agriculture. The increases for our main products will be milk 7.5 per cent, beef 10.8 per cent, sheepmeat 13.7 per cent, cereals 8.2 per cent, pigmeat 10.8 per cent and sugar 9.2 per cent. I might say that, pending the further green pound devaluation of 1.2 per cent next month, the 1.2 per cent will be available to Irish exporters as a trading advantage.

In the case of beef the price increase of 9.5 per cent will apply from next week-end with the effect of the further 1.2 per cent devaluation coming along next month. This contrasts with the two-stage basic increase in some previous years when part of the increase was postponed until the end of the calendar year. The buying-in co-efficients for intervention beef here are being increased by 3.3 per cent which means that the effective intervention support price will go up by over 14 per cent, a very substantial boost indeed for our beef industry.

The calf premium and the special additional FEOGA financing for suckler cows, which were due to expire, are being continued for us despite some opposition during the negotiations. Together these are worth about £47 million.

As regards the UK variable premium for beef, I pressed for the introduction of a clawback of the premium on exports of beef from the UK. While the Commission were not prepared to take this action, they are to review all premiums in the beef sector and to report to the Council. I shall be continuing to follow up this matter and there are to be further contacts with the UK about it. I had a meeting on Monday afternoon with the British Minister and we are to arrange some talks to see if we can reach a reasonable and just solution to the problems which exist.

As regards milk, the price increase is below the standard level because of the operation of the production threshold arrangement provided for in last year's price settlement. Nevertheless it represents an extra 5.3p per gallon for the dairying industry with a further penny per gallon next month. I should like to say here that the production threshold arrangements have serious implications for future price changes. The existing arrangements for the milk co-responsibility levy and the special aid for small milk producers continue unchanged. There is to be increased FEOGA financing for school milk and for the consumer subsidy on butter. These latter changes will benefit this country by some £2½ million.

Our special AI and ground limestone subsidies were also due to expire and these too are being continued. In addition, to meet requests by me, the Commission have agreed to examine the problems of the Cheddar cheese market and to give special consideration to pig processing projects in allocating certain FEOGA grants which this country obtains for marketing and processing activities. Also, at my request, the Commission have undertaken to examine the arrangements whereby FEOGA contribute towards the interest charges incurred by member states in financing intervention purchases. At present these arrangements involve a substantial cost for the Exchequer.

In a full year the price increases themselves represent some £190 million extra for the Irish farm sector while the other measures account for a further £65 million. These are very significant advantages for the agricultural industry and should give a definite boost to farm production. The balance of payments benefit is estimated at about £180 million. These cannot but be reflected throughout the economy generally and especially in rural areas.

The effect of the price increases on the consumer price index is estimated at about 1 per cent in a full year. I have seen reports which contradict this and say that the figure is closer to 2 per cent. However, we calculate the figure on the basis that a 1 per cent increase in prices affects the CPI by .1 per cent. That basis has been used for many years past and has proved to be reliable and accurate. On the basis of that figure the CPI should increase by .95 per cent, not actually 1 per cent. Therefore, I do not see why there should be such a divergence of opinion when the system has proven to be correct in the past.

This is a modest impact for a deal which is of such substantial advantage to the agricultural industry and the country as a whole. Here I would like to stress again the favourable overall effects of the settlement. The additional money that will be brought into the country will have a most useful stimulating effect on the entire economy in terms of trade, output and employment.

Just as Ireland secured special measures for dealing with particular problems here, some other member states have obtained some special arrangements for dealing with their particular problems. In this respect we have fared at least as well as, and probably better than, the others. Indeed, when account is taken of the real value of the price increases we certainly fare better than all the others. In fact, for Irish farmers the price settlement is the best in real terms since 1978 and puts their price rise very close to our projected inflation, even without taking the special measures into account.

The delay in reaching agreement on the prices this year is regrettable but a combination of factors beyond our control resulted in that delay. I assume that Members of the House are aware of the reasons. Initially it was due to the German general election and more recently it was due to the dispute between the Germans and the French over their MCAs. Fortunately these difficulties were resolved before Monday's meeting. I should like to point out that the value to Ireland of the special improvements that arose from this week's negotiations — in particular, the further devaluation of the green rate and the rise in buying-in co-efficients for intervention beef, which together are worth about £25 million — offset the impact of the delay on farmers' incomes. Also, the date of settlement this year was in fact the second earliest of the past six years. Believe it or not, it was earlier than last year's. Several other Ministers and myself stressed the need for the Council to ensure that in future the price settlement is arrived at in time for the start of the marketing year for milk and beef at the beginning of April. One of those Ministers, the German Minister, Herr Kiechle, was President of the Council. I hope that as a result of our objections on this occasion a new mechanism which will lead to an earlier settlement will be arrived at.

In conclusion, I should like to reiterate that this is a very satisfactory outcome for Irish farmers, for those engaged in the various sectors of the agricultural industry, and for the economy as a whole. The results far exceed what very many people expected three or four months ago, particularly against the background of large surpluses of certain products and the Community's difficult financial position.

In supporting the whole package, and in particular in their immediate acceptance of the devaluation of the green rate for the Irish £ to the full extent warranted by the 21 March realignment of EMS currencies and the latest adjustment of the ECU, the Government have demonstrated their absolute commitment to Irish agriculture and their determination to ensure the continued development of the industry. Coupled with the Government's success in tackling the problem of inflation, which has had such an adverse impact on our agriculture, the arrangements agreed upon yesterday will make a significant contribution to raising farm incomes and to achieving renewed progress and expansion in the agricultural sector.

Finally, I would like to thank Members from all sides of the House for their kind, gracious words of congratulation on the result which was achieved in Brussels yesterday. It was a magnanimous gesture on the part of all of them.

(Limerick West): The belated agreement on farm prices by the EEC Agriculture Ministers is welcome in so far as it has reached its completion. To point out that this is the best price increase since 1978 is a distortion of the truth and I hope to show that during the next few minutes.

The long process of negotiations was severely damaging to our agricultural economy. The Minister failed to outline that the £.5 million loss per day to Irish farmers — due to the protraction of the negotiations — now amounts to a total, which is irrecoverable, of something in the region of £25 million. This is in a year when farmers' real incomes are already substantially down due to the recession, the cutbacks introduced by the Minister for Finance, Deputy Dukes, in his budget which has cost Irish farmers £146 million, and also, of course, the unprecedented weather conditions — for which I will not blame the Minister.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): Welcome though this price package is to this country and to the Government, I must make the point forcefully that this was the first agricultural price package ever that was bought in its entirety by an Irish Government at a loss.

It is bigger than last year's.

Deputy Noonan without interruption, please.

(Limerick West): As I was trying to say before I was rudely interrupted, this agricultural price package was bought in its entirety by an Irish Government at a loss. I am referring to the devaluation of IR£ in mid-March which occurred because the Minister for Agriculture was getting nowhere in Brussels. The estimates are that in a full year the total price package will be worth £255 million to Irish farmers. The cost of devaluation this year, and I am using the Minister's own figures which he gave to this House on 3 May last, are that the increase in total foreign currency debt this year will be £276 million. He stated that increases in foreign interest payments is £17 million, that increases in debt of semi-State bodies is £77.9 million and that increases in foreign interest payments are in the region of £4.7 million, which is a total of £375.6 million. In other words, an agricultural price increase of about 9½ per cent, which is worth about £255 million to Irish agriculture, has cost us approximately £376 million in order to save the political face of the Minister for Agriculture, the Minister for Finance and the Taoiseach. A massive increase in foreign borrowing has been resorted to in order to get a reasonable increase for Irish farmers. The public should understand that what has been achieved in Brussels is not a triumph but a defeat for the Government.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Noonan without interruption, please.

(Limerick West): I did not interrupt the two Ministers. If one removes the effects of the green £ devaluation resulting from the devaluation of the Irish £ from the farm price increases, one is left with the result that the Minister for Agriculture has negotiated only a 5.7 per cent increase in farm prices. This is anything but an impressive result compared with an average increase of nearly 11 per cent in 1982 and over 13 per cent in 1981 negotiated by Fianna Fáil Ministers for Agriculture. Where is the Minister's greatest increase since 1978 coming from?

What was the inflation rate?

(Limerick West): The extra 3.8 per cent which pushes up the price achieved to a respectable figure was bought at an increase of £376 million in foreign borrowing, a cost greater than the entire increase. It would have been better economics if the Government had spent or even borrowed £100 million for domestic measures instead of resorting to a prohibitive method of topping up the EEC price increases. Irish farmers should not be deceived by the increases now achieved. The result can give no confidence in the negotiating ability of the Minister, Deputy Deasy, and they cannot rely on the Government resorting to expensive devaluation each time the annual price fixing comes up for consideration. They do not have an effective Minister for Agriculture——

Did the Deputy ask Jim Gibbons for his opinion?

(Limerick West):——whose lack of negotiating ability has to be expensively covered up. A close examination of the package reveals that more than half of the monetary advantage to Irish agriculture arises from the devaluation of the green £ and not from increases in prices.

That is forward planning.

(Limerick West): The actual increase for milk is as low as 2.3 per cent. This price increase is determined by reference to a threshold fixed for production of milk by the community as a whole. Apparently this principle of production thresholds is to continue while Ireland's milk output is less than 5 per cent of that of the ten member states. Our dairy farmers will be penalised as a result of higher production in the much larger nations.

Does the Deputy know who fixed the price?

(Limerick West): This is unjust because the original six have an advantage as a result of earlier membership and our average yield per cow, while increasing, is still relatively low. The disturbing conclusion is that the Irish dairy farmer will have to rely not on common price increases but on inflation guaranteed green £ devaluation with all the damaging consequences to the national economy which I have just outlined. The latest common price increase of 2.3 per cent would probably have meant a fall in the actual price of milk to the creamery milk supplier.

Is that what the Deputy wants?

(Limerick West): Dairymen have already lost over £28 million due to the delay in reaching agreement and it is disappointing that no compensation has been made for this loss to farmers. It is also disappointing that our Minister failed to secure a special deal, as the Italians did.

I should like to ask the Minister how confident he is that our farmers will get the benefit in actual price of the further devaluation of 1.2 per cent in the green £ next month. I should also like to know if there is a commitment to continuation of the existing special measures beyond another year. I am referring to calf premiums, suckler beef cow subsidy and the ground limestone subsidy. If so, I urge the Minister, in the interest of stability and of the future development of the cattle industry, to secure agreement to a continuation of these measures for at least another four or five years for good planning in agriculture.

It is humiliating, notwithstanding what the Minister stated, that the British should get away with the variable premium, which is contrary to EEC rules. It gives an unfair advantage to British beef exporters and is well on the way to wrecking our beef export trade. Surely the time has now come for positive action. Instead of talking to the British Minister, this issue should be submitted to the European Court of Justice without delay and no more time should be wasted on useless discussions with the British. The delay in fixing these price increases has caused unnecessary damage to the farmers. It would seem far more appropriate if in future the Community would arrange for negotiations to be started and finished long before the 1 April deadline. It would be appropriate for the Community to examine the feasibility of long-term price agreements, say, over a period of two to three years.

During a time of recession it is good to see any section of the community getting some benefit, because very little is coming to anybody in these times. Like others in the House I congratulate the Minister on getting something from the EEC. This must be put in context. All these benefits to farmers are seen as coming from the EEC when, in fact, most of them are coming from the Irish consumers. In this case most of the benefits to the farmers have to come out of the pockets of the Irish consumers.

The point must also be made that this type of across the board arrangement affects a relatively small number of farmers and cannot be seen as being of benefit to all farmers. Last year out of approximately 180,000 farmers, about 40,000 farmers came within what is referred to as the taxable income. These 40,000 farmers make all the major decisions. They control the IFA. They control the farming lobby in Brussels. They will benefit mainly from this bonanza, as it was called. As the Minister said, it will mean £190 million extra to the Irish farming sector this year from the price increases, and a further £65 million from other measures. Does anybody really think this £255 million will be divided equally amongst all farmers, large farmers, small farmers, and so on? Some are doing very well and developing their farms very well. Because of increased income they are able to invest more in their farms, whereas the vast majority, well over 100,000 farmers, will gain little benefit and are in fact sliding further downhill. We in The Workers' Party are regarded as attacking farmers, but we are attacking the larger farmers who are making the major decisions in Ireland and in the EEC. They are also refusing to pay any taxes, and they are the ones we will continue to attack.

A major point which was referred to last year and was referred to on a few occasions in this House since I came in here is that farm incomes must be related to increased productivity in the future, just as workers' increases in wages are related to increased productivity. This should also be the case in relation to farmers. In future they will have to do that because the good times are over. There is tremendous scope for increased productivity in Irish farming, in the dairy industry, and in the cattle and tillage sectors. This has not been forthcoming. In our ten years in the EEC the level of productivity in Irish farming has not increased significantly, if at all. We have the lowest productivity of any farming community in the EEC. Productivity has not been developed by our Department of Agriculture who have produced no plan for agriculture.

Only two weeks ago the Labour Court granted an increase of 11 per cent over a period of 15 months to the co-op workers. Donal Cashman of the IFA condemned this and called on co-ops to refuse to pay their workers the amount decided on by the Labour Court. This figure works out at around 7½ per cent in annual terms. The farmers have now got an increase of 9.5 per cent. I ask Donal Cashman to withdraw that call to farmers who control the co-ops to refuse to pay that increase to their workers, and to ensure that the workers are paid the amount the Labour Court decided on.

It is time the farming community shouldered their responsibilities as employers in the meat industry. The meat factory in Midleton has closed down and the one in Leixlip is on short time. The farmers have a responsibility, as employers who operate these factories and as suppliers of meat, to ensure that these factories are brought back into production. That is the least they can do, having got the largest increase of any group this year. The least they can do is to shoulder their responsibility to the workers in the processing industry.

In view of the grave impact on consumers and workers — and I do not accept the Minister's 1 per cent in a full year; the exact amount will probably be revealed within the next week or two — I ask the Taoiseach to see to it that the Government withdraw their call for a pay pause and allow workers to try to maintain their standards by getting at least an increase which will cover the cost of living increase. This agreement will affect the price of the staple diet, bread, butter and milk, of more and more people, more and more unemployed. The Minister should look at the need to increase welfare benefits particularly for the elderly and large families, and enable people to maintain their families and pay the increased food prices which will result. That is the very minimum the Government can do. I hope they will remove from the Cabinet for all time the suggestion that food subsidies should be reduced. Any reference to food subsidies should be in the context of increasing them.

That concludes the debate on the statement. Item No. 7.

Do we not get an opportunity to comment?

You have no opportunity to comment under Standing Order No. 38.

This is a particularly serious matter.

Deputy Byrne, will you be seated please?

I appeal to you to give me some time on this serious issue.

Under Standing Order No. 38:

A member of the Government who has given prior notice to the Ceann Comhairle may make a statement in the House on any matter. No debate shall be permitted on any such statement but further statements may be allowed at the discretion of the Ceann Comhairle from a spokesman nominated by a Party in Opposition.

Deputy Noonan has spoken on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party and Deputy Mac Giolla has spoken on behalf of The Workers' Party.

I am asking for your discretion.

There is no discretion on Standing Orders. The statement has been concluded and I am moving back to Item No. 7.

An accusation has been made——

I have already made a ruling. Deputy O'Keeffe is becoming disorderly.

Surely you will give me an opportunity to contradict something.

I will give you no opportunity.

You are being grossly unfair.

Deputy O'Donnell is in possession.

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