Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 21 Jun 1983

Vol. 343 No. 10

Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the European Communities: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
(1) That a Select Committee consisting of 18 members of Dáil Éireann (none of whom shall be a representative in the Assembly of the European Communities) be appointed to be joined with a Select Committee to be appointed by Seanad Éireann to form the Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the European Communities.
(a) to examine
(i) such programmes and guidelines prepared by the Commission of the European Communities as a basis for possible legislative action and such drafts of regulations, directives, decisions, recommendations and opinions of the Council of Ministers proposed by the Commission.
(ii) such acts of the institutions of those Communities,
(iii) such regulations under the European Communities Act, 1972 (No. 27 of 1972), and
(iv) such other instruments made under statute and necessitated by the obligations of membership of those Communities.
as the Joint Committee may select and to report thereon to both Houses of the Oireachtas; and
(b) to examine the question of dual membership of Dáil Éireann or Seanad Éireann and the European Assembly and to consider the relations between the Irish representatives in the European Assembly and Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann and to report thereon to both Houses of the Oireachtas;
(2) That in the absence from a particular meeting of the Joint Committee of a member who is a member of Dáil Éireann, another member of Dáil Éireann nominated by the Party to which the absent member belongs may take part in the proceedings and vote in his stead: and that members of Dáil Éireann, not being members of the Joint Committee, may attend meetings and take part in the proceedings without having a right to vote;
(3) That members of Dáil Éireann who are representatives in the Assembly of the European Communities be notified of meetings and be allowed to attend and take part in proceedings without having a right to vote;
(4) That the Joint Committee shall, subject to the consent of the Minister for the Public Service, have power to engage the services of persons with specialist or technical knowledge to assist it for the purpose of particular inquiries;
(5) That the Joint Committee, previous to the commencement of business, shall elect one of its members to be Chairman who shall have only one vote;
(6) That all questions in the Joint Committee shall be determined by a majority of votes of the members present and voting and in the event of there being an equality of votes the question shall be decided in the negative;
(7) That every report which the Joint Committee proposes to make shall, on adoption by the Joint Committee, be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas forthwith, whereupon the Joint Committee shall be empowered to print and publish such report together with such related documents as it thinks fit; and
(8) That five members of the Joint Committee shall form a quorum of whom at least one shall be a member of Dáil Éireann and at least one shall be a member of Seanad Éireann.
—(Minister for Industry and Energy).

Like previous speakers, I will be brief. Today marks a very important stage in the process of Dáil reform. We know it is only a step in that direction but it is a step which is long overdue and very great credit is due to the Minister who has managed successfully to combine this task with the effective and vigorous carrying out of his job as Minister for Industry and Energy.

I was puzzled by the somewhat lukewarm approach of the Leader of the Opposition to the whole question. I suspect that on this subject the Leader of the Opposition is at variance with many of his own backbenchers. I know there is great enthusiasm among backbenchers and members of the front bench on all sides for the process which has begun and this came across very clearly in the speech made by Deputy Ahern. Nobody is so naive as to think that what is happening today will radically transform overnight the workings of this House or make us appear to be more relevant or give us any greater degree of control over the areas where we should have control. Nobody inside or outside this House will see what we are doing as the beginning of an assault on the sovereignty of Parliament. This House has, unfortunately, long since lost its sovereign central role. We are not, in any overnight fashion, transforming the workings of Parliament nor are we engaged in some assault on the traditional role of Parliament; rather are we beginning a process which will bring back to politicians and to this House in a belated way the respect and the purpose which they should enjoy and exert.

During the course of the debate on parliamentary reform earlier this year one theme came across very clearly from virtually every speaker — the need for a committee system which would be more effective and more thorough going than any existing already which would cover areas of public policy and areas of parliamentary and Government practice not at present being covered. It is also clear that, while almost everybody wanted committees, they were for the most part fairly vague as to how these committees should function and the powers they should have. Many claims were made during the debate for the introduction of committees. We see today these vague ideas worked out and given a reality and they will serve for the future development of our committee system.

It is clear that the Minister was not carried away by the enthusiasm which came from many of us and he still sees the central role of Parliament resting in this House in full plenary session. Nothing in these proposals attempts in the slightest way to diminish that sovereignty. The Minister has learned from the good ideas expressed in that debate and he has also learned from the experience in other countries where committees are not a luxury or an addition but are essential to the smooth functioning of Parliament. These committees involve Members in detailed scrutiny of Government proposals and Members are allowed to specialise in various areas. Ministers are very often chosen without any specialist preparation for the enormous portfolios they must administer and we can see in this system an amateurish approach. Committees will at least allow Members to specialise so that when they show expertise in a particular area they will be serving their apprenticeship for a Ministry at a later date and will be better prepared than would otherwise be the case. In other countries these committees allow policy proposals to be discussed earlier than is the case here and they allow Members to carry out detailed investigations and to hear evidence, the kind of things they should be hearing, if proper legislation is to be introduced. The Minister has learned from all of these lessons and these aspects are incorporated in his proposals.

The experience universally in those parliamentary systems which have vigorous extensive committee systems is that the work of Parliament is enriched and made more complete while the role and job satisfaction of Members is far greater, as is their impact on the public.

As Deputy Haughey and others pointed out, a committee system in a Parliament such as ours must face up to a number of major obstacles. The first of these is the view, which I suspect is held by Deputies Haughey and Lenihan, that Parliament is there to provide Governments and Governments are there to govern, to be strong and decisive and that the Government should not be hampered in carrying out this decisive role by too great a degree of scrutiny and too great a degree of daily accountability to Parliament on, perhaps, minor matters. This is a view which is very quickly adopted by virtually everybody who becomes a Minister. The present Minister is one of the exceptions and there are other exceptions on both sides of the House. It is strange how quickly Ministers who feel they have vitally important work to do can become very impatient about having to come into the House to answer even to their own back benchers. They have a lukewarm approach to backbench committees of their own party and they have a reluctance to be questioned by a full, wellversed parliamentary committee. Those who become Ministers may feel that they know best and have the best advice and that what they have to do must be done quickly in the interests of the country.

I suspect that the experience of all Governments over the past few years shows many instances where parliamentary scrutiny and detailed questions would have prevented us from embarking on some of the great disasters such as NET, Whitegate, Knock Airport and Irish Steel. Many of these ventures might not have got off the ground had there been detailed scrutiny in Parliament and had wider advice been taken. There is a deep-rooted feeling among many people that lip service is paid to the idea of committees but that essentially they hamper the full working of decisive government. It is a view with which I totally disagree.

A second obstacle which faces the effective working of committees is the work practice which we have inherited and which is part and parcel of being reelected. One need not talk at length about the huge tyranny of constituency work which has an urgency about it and which will prevent many Deputies who would like to take part in committees from doing the background preparation which is an essential part of smooth committee functioning.

No great answer has been found to the dilemma which faces us. I could propose a heresy such as that there be a single mandate, that no TDs should also be members of local councils and that no member of a local council be allowed run for the Dáil. That might involve constitutional change but I know it is not on. However, the burden of council work which TDs are forced to carry in addition to Dáil work distorts their overall parliamentary performance. More realistically, we could have a simplification of the procedures, a better appeals system in local and central Government, the type of reform the Minister, Deputy Boland, is trying to introduce.

The biggest possibility of change would be a change in public attitudes. In many cases there is a public tyranny, a sense in which the public expect Deputies to be at every garden fete and every public event in their constituency. The public expect Deputies to be available for every local meeting, to do a lot of constituency work and, at the same time, to be functioning effectively in the Dáil. In part it is because of unreasonable public demands that we are in this situation. The resolution of this part of our political culture is central to any effective working of a committee system.

I was not clear about the attitude of Deputy Haughey to committees. On the one hand he wanted a limited number of committees working effectively, but on the other hand, instead of allowing the committees mentioned today to go ahead on an experimental basis, he has proposed seven or eight new committees. If adopted those committees would tax the capacity of the House. I accept that many of the committees Deputy Haughey has proposed are worth-while. I hope some type of accommodation is possible and that some of them will be set up before too long.

The Minister has dealt with some of the difficulties. A back-up service is essential but here we need a certain maturity. Before there is detailed questioning and raising of hands in horror at the hiring of outside consultants we should get this question into scale and perspective. If committees have to hire a few outside experts, so be it. The quality of the advice given will greatly outweigh the small cost involved but I am sure that much of the expertise can be supplied from within the public service. That expertise is there and I hope it will be possible for those in the public service who have a contribution to make to do so as part of the back-up service for the committees.

In setting up the committees the Minister avoided one great pitfall. It would have been tempting to set up a whole range of committees over certain policy areas such as health, education and agriculture, areas where those committees would inevitably draw into membership those who had a vested interest in extra spending in those areas. The result might have been a whole series of committees which would become lobbies for extra spending rather than acting in a balanced way or looking at the problems and questions from the point of view of the House. The Minister has carefully avoided that pitfall and avoided setting up extra forces for spending within the new system.

The Minister was correct to have the committees as open as possible, to have as many public hearings as possible and to have them broadcast or televised should the interest arise. We are living in an age where the fullest possible access is essential because without such access rumours and innuendoes thrive. They may well thrive where there is full access but at least we are in an area where open Government is in everybody's interest. I am glad the committees will function for the most part openly, that evidence will be taken openly and that the media will be invited to attend to relay to the public what is happening. That is in everybody's interest.

The Minister is right to be confident that interested parties will give evidence freely to these committees. Many of the groups we all meet in the course of our daily work will be delighted to get an opportunity to put forward their point of view. The process of allowing them put their point of view to those who in some way take the decisions will remove much of the remoteness which surrounds the working of Parliament. It will make the bringing forward of those views a legitimate part of parliamentary activity. In most other countries that is done openly; a lobby makes its point of view openly and it is assessed by all. The committees will open up Parliament to those who have a right and an interest in being heard. I wish the Minister well. I congratulate him on his extremely constructive and well fleshed-out proposals. I assure him that backbenchers on all sides welcome his approach and that we have made the first real step towards strengthening the House.

I welcome the whole idea of a committee system and the decision to establish the various committees, with one exception. I disagree with the setting up of the Committee on Public Expenditure on a strong basis of principle in regard to effective decision-making by the Government and the place in which the Constitution places the Government. We are willing to give that committee a try but there is no point in raising expectations that bear no relation to reality. The reality of the matter in practice, and under the Constitution, is that the central role as far as public administration is concerned rests with the Taoiseach nominated by the Dáil and the Government recommended to the Dáil by the Taoiseach. That is central to our system of Government, and our Ministers, with one exception, have been drawn from membership of this House. In fact, not more than two Members can be drawn from the Seanad. The people make a decision at election time and a majority of the Deputies returned in that election decide on a Taoiseach and a Government. Executive power rests there.

If there is one weakness in the modern democratic system, here and throughout the democratic world, it lies in the growing paralysis of decision-making by the Executive, the growing paralysis of Government power and the inability of Governments to make decisions effectively and get on with their business. That is the central weakness of modern democracy. The challenge facing modern democracy is its inability to cope with serious problems by reason of governments who cannot act in an effective and decisive manner. A Committee on Public Expenditure of its very nature is concerned with examining Government expenditure proposals, looking into those proposals and making a decision on them as a committee before they are implemented. The motion deals with positive policy areas. It states:

(1) That a Select Committee... be appointed to review the justification for and effectiveness of ongoing expenditure of Government Departments and Offices and of State-sponsored Bodies not included in the Schedule to the Order establishing the Joint Committee on Commercial State-sponsored Bodies ... recommending cost effective alternatives and/or the elimination of wasteful or obsolete programmes, where desirable.

That is precisely a policy area which lies with Government. There will be a serious difficulty here. We may run into a situation where if a Committee on Public Expenditure gets bogged down, the Government, in their ordinary process of administration and decision-making, may get bogged down The Constitution is wise in a number of Articles in putting the responsibility for policy-making, raising and expending money fairly and squarely within the realm of Government. Article 17 of the Constitution states:

2. Dáil Éireann shall not pass any vote or resolution, and no law shall be enacted, for the appropriation of revenue or other public moneys unless the purpose of the appropriation shall have been recommended to Dáil Éireann by a message from the Government signed by the Taoiseach.

It is basic and fundamental. The expenditure area is one for recommendation to the Dáil by the Government and the Taoiseach. There is basic power in Article 28 which states:

The executive power of the State shall, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, be exercised by or on the authority of the Government.

There is another provision in Article 28 which states:

The Government shall meet and act as a collective authority, and shall be collectively responsible for the Departments of State administered by the members of the Government.

This Article also states:

The Government shall prepare Estimates of the Receipts of the Expenditure of the State for each financial year, and shall present them to Dáil Éireann for consideration.

It is quite clear under those relevant Articles of the Constitution that the basic policy and financial powers relating to the expenditure of money reside with the Government elected by the people through the Dáil. It is the people's right at election time to elect a Government through the House and to be drawn from this House. From there on policy making, the raising of finances and expenditure relating to policy making and raising of finances resides firmly within the compass of the Government.

I can see a real danger in over-elaborating here what this committee can do. The Committee on Public Expenditure can do no more than advise. That has to be made quite clear at this stage. I can see the Minister nodding his head. Let us have no illusions or expectations, because that is all the committee can do. That reduces the matter to size. Some commentators have fed the illusion that the Dáil in some magic way, by establishing committees, can achieve some executive power and achieve some action beyond the fundamental and central power and effectiveness of Government. Any such notion is not on. I am entering a sceptical caveat at this stage so that people realise the real limitations there are to the work of this particular committee and the very real dangers at this stage of ascribing powers and functions to it that are not in accordance with the practical reality of the situation and are not in accordance either with the constitutional position.

That is the central point I wish to make but, as an ancillary point, I would like to say that I do not believe the hiring of consultants by the committee will help matters. It is a rather trite means by which ailing or failing firms tend to prop themselves up for periods of time. I am not very enamoured of the whole notion of the committee hiring consultants. In such a committee I would prefer the horse sense of the Members of the House on the Committee.

The Deputy is right.

Their common sense will be of far greater value to the committee than any such consultants or outside advisers. This side of the House welcome the establishment of the committees. I have no criticism to offer in relation to the other committees. In fact, I welcome their establishment. I wanted to enter a very positive and definite caveat against overstating the possible powers of the Committee on Public Expenditure. There is a very real danger of a conflict situation starting between such a committee and the Government of the day. I want again to emphasise my firm belief that while parliamentary reform may be very well and excellent in its own way, a far more serious problem facing the democratic world is the provision of effective Government.

The importation of a committee system that works well in the American scene is not the answer. The American parliamentary scene is totally different. The congressional committees meet in public within a Congress framework. The Congress framework does not provide the American executive or the American Government. They are provided by the President. In that system Congress are in an adversary position per se, by reason of the American Constitution, from day one vis-à-vis the Government, who are not drawn from Congress and are not accountable in that way to the Congress.

In our system the Government are drawn from this Parliament and are accountable to this Parliament in relation to daily questioning and the passing of legislation. It is a totally different system. Any analogy between the two can be very misleading. While I welcome the establishment of the committees I would like to say that the Minister has worked very hard in relation to their establishment. I am certain he appreciates the points I have been making in relation to the relevant position vis-á-vis Government and Parliament within the classical system of parliamentary accountability of the Government and election of the Government from the Parliament, which is our particular system and is written into our Constitution. There should not be, without very cautious travelling, an over-zealous or over-optimistic approach towards this committee because any such approach or any elaboration or view of this committee's powers and functions out of proportion to the reality and to the constitutional position can only put such a committee on a collision with whatever executive is there.

I could not leave unrecorded, as one of the newest TDs in the House, my enthusiasm in welcoming the introduction of the first series of committees to the House and also in congratulating the Minister who has had a commitment to Dáil reform and to the more practical and realistic running of the business of the Dáil as long as I have known him. Today's work is medium term so far as the Minister has brought it to the House and now it is up to all of us to put it into practice.

Like the other speakers I will brief because I know many speakers wish to speak on this matter. I take Deputy Lenihan's point that the sovereignty, role and authority of this House should not be undermined in any way. I do not think the committees will allow that. Everybody on this side of the House certainly supports working against anything which would undermine the authority of the House.

Deputy Lenihan mentioned the practical reality of the situation. As I see this, and as a lot of TDs and Ministers see it and, probably more important, as the electorate outside the House see it, there is not a very practical, realistic situation operating in the House at all. I believe we were in danger, without this kind of reform, of losing contact completely with the electorate, particularly our young electorate, who look with total cynicism at an outdated and a traditional way of acting that has no relevance to their way of life and, particularly, has no relevance to the quick day-to-day decisions we have to make in order to cope with the eighties, let alone plan for the nineties.

That is the whole thrust of these committees. Despite the caveats they must be not alone accepted but implemented with realism. Otherwise we can wave goodbye to a great respect for democracy in this House. With the introduction of these committees we now face the moment of truth in this House: that if we do not participate fully in them and make them work we can look out. The young electorate reject totally what has been going on for some years in this House.

I want to comment on the three committees proposed to be established today by way of highlighting some aspects of each. Taking into account all that has been said by the Opposition and others about the Committee on Public Expenditure, apart from using the talents and expertise of Members of this House and, if necessary, experts, even more importantly we shall be attempting a longer term review of spending programmes. This is something that has been neglected to our great tragedy, with our huge unemployment figures and recession. There has been no real deployment of our natural resources. Something not done over the years with regard to public expenditure or even our economic policies and programmes is proposed, as stated here:

The committee will not be directly concerned with the annual estimates process but with the longer term review of spending programmes in any area of public expenditure it so chooses.

This would mean that that committee would be monitoring how public moneys were being spent currently and their effectiveness in the long term. Indeed had we adopted that policy 20 years ago we would not now find ourselves in the situation obtaining. The tragedy was that there was total focus on what were considered to be economic programmes which completely excluded long-term social planning. Therefore, I welcome the integrated thrust of the work of that committee.

The second committee to be established is that on legislation. Nobody on either side of the House could deny that we need a committee to focus on legislation and reform. To our shame let it be said that a great portion of the awareness, changing of attitudes and pressurisation has come not from within this House, with any political will, but from groups outside it. Not alone will this committee recognise and pay tribute to that fact but it will also take oral representations from individuals and interest groups outside this House. In this respect the Minister said:

It will pave the way towards the establishment of a direct link between those formulating and processing legislation and those who will be affected by it when enacted.

That is where a lot of our legislation has fallen down in the past. I put it to Members of the House who questioned — and I shall come to this later — that we should dare to think that the position of women in society was vulnerable, that the vulnerability of the position of women in society and other groups would not be so accentuated had we had that kind of committees and input into committees from these various groups over the years. Therefore, I accept and indeed applaud the present proposal. I would ask Members to give the same commitment to the work of these committees as has the Minister.

Coming now to the Joint Committee on Small Businesses, there is no doubt that, as some of our most heavily-invested industries have gone to the wall, in the future we must look very seriously at the removal of obstacles to people who wish to set up small business or cooperatives. These must be seen as constituting a valid way forward for us to quickly generate employment. One has to look only at the idealism, enthusiasm and training of young people who still remain unemployed. I should like to see this committee focussing all of their attention on devising the most advantageous method of ensuring that young people, people made redundant and undergoing new training get the training, advice and professionalism they need without themselves having to incur the huge costs involved and not knowing where to turn for it. That is the fastest and most effective way I foresee of our generating employment and of giving independence and responsibility to our people and of getting them to rely on their entrepreneurial skills. Rather than putting them down or placing obstacles in their way we should be encouraging them in every way possible. One sentence of the Minister's introductory remarks jumped out at me. It reads as follows:

Management retraining schemes will form a crucial part of any successful development effort in this sector in the coming decade.

This is an area we must look at. Indeed, had it been examined earlier perhaps we might have prevented some of the major breakdowns that have occured; certainly lack of such examination was a contributory factor. Those comments of the Minister are not a reflection on management at present. Rather is it a recognition that in the last 20 years we have experienced an industrial revolution such as had not been encountered in the previous 1,000 years. I read somewhere recently that by the year 2000 60 per cent of the products we will then be using have not yet been discovered. That is the speed with which modern technology is overtaking us. Unless we have the skills, training and management to control it then we shall be unable to take advantage of it.

Such will be the value of these committees. There is no way that overburdened Deputies, either individually or as Ministers, have the time, energy and expertise. Life has become too complex. Therefore the collective talents of this House must be focussed more energetically. People choosing to serve on committees at which they can offer their expertise, energy and commitment surely must constitute the best way of ensuring the most efficient working of this administration. I know — and I am sure other Members listening to me will agree — that one of the most positive things we have been able to promise the electorate during these difficult times has been the setting up of this type of committee system in addition to reforming Dáil procedures. I was delighted to hear from Deputy B. Ahern that that is progressing in the work of these committees being set up and that the Committee on Procedure and Privileges are meeting each week. That is the kind of commitment that will raise respect for politicians and give the public outside an awareness of how hard politicians have been working behind the scenes for years, which work has gone totally unacknowledged. That is why the publicity and immediate coverage of the work of these committees will be a priority, but it will also afford publicity to the people engaged in that work. That is something of which the electorate may need to be reminded.

I must record one disappointment this afternoon amidst my enthusiasm — and I have heard explanations advanced across the House for this — that is, that the Joint Committee on Women's Rights has not been included in this afternoon's business. I would hope it is not an indication of the priority we shall afford that committee, coming in last. I hope also it is not an indication that we are going to encounter such sensitivities within this committee that it will need more——

It will be coming in this day week. There is a consideration between the parties on a few small points — that is all. There is no lack of priority involved.

It is going to be given a special occasion all to itself.

I accept and welcome the Minister's explanation. However, I am always rather wary when women are given special positions. It usually means some kind of token or lip service.

Therefore, I wish it recorded in the House that as women on these committees we do not seek priorities. We do not seek special; we seek equal. That is why I should have welcomed it this afternoon.

The Deputy is very special.

I will leave that remark to be included in what I have just said about the type of patronising women are subjected to in regard to remarks they make in a serious debate.

In case I do not get an opportunity next week, I wish now to welcome the establishment of the Committee on Women's Rights. Deputy Ahern spoke about the vulnerable position of women in society but I do not wish to get into a debate on semantics on this point. I will give a few examples of that vulnerability. They have no economic independence in the home, including no dental or optical benefit. Married women have no right of domicile in their own right. The ICPSA report this week regarding women in employment shows that the odds against promotion for women are 100 to one as compared with promotional opportunities for men. We have had legislation on equal pay since 1976 but still women's earnings are only 60 per cent of men's earnings. Another report has been issued on schooling and sex roles. We shall have to look carefully at our educational and training systems to see why so few women are concentrated in career roles, with very few long-term promotional job opportunities. I cite the above as merely an hors d'oeuvre of what the committee will be considering. I welcome the fact that it will be set up next week but I am disappointed it was not included in the list this afternoon.

I do not know what it will be like when we get to the main course if that was merely an hors d'oeuvre. I am very conscious of the fact that a number of Deputies, almost all of them on this side of the House, have been waiting to make a contribution to this debate. We realise that matters of importance such as dealing with constituents and other matters are being ignored while we are engaged in this debate, but that is the nature of our business. For that reason, I am anxious that those who wish to contribute should be able to do so.

We are concerned to ensure that the Dáil will be relevant and effective. This does not just start with the introduction of committees: it has been an ongoing consideration throughout the existence of this and every other Dáil since it was first established. While I agree that a committee system can make a contribution, I tend to caution against expecting too much, as I believe Deputy Barnes may be, in seeing this as the major breakthrough that will satisfy people outside or enable us to show that at least we are doing what apparently we have not been doing effectively up to now. I hope I have not misunderstood Deputy Barnes on this point. We have the responsibility not only to do a job but to be seen to do that job. To that extent our public relations becomes a matter of importance — not on a party political basis but as the Legislature.

Various people have a role to play in this: the Executive, this Parliament and the press and I should like to make a few comments in respect of each of them. First, I should like to say that the Minister's approach to this matter has been characterised by his own typically objective approach and his research and concern which has been reflected in what has been said in the House. The Minister has acknowledged in relation to the committee to review public expenditure that we should not run away with the idea that somehow we will be engaged in a function that is basically a function for the Executive. Let me go a stage further because the deputy leader of our party has dealt with that already. How money is spent and the priorities for spending that money is not just a matter for the Executive. In many ways it characterises the political approaches of the various parties. Without going into this matter in detail, there are some areas where our party would have different positions from that of Fine Gael or the Labour Party. This is what justifies our presence here on the Opposition benches or in Government, as the case may be. How we present to the public the priorities we have is a matter of some significance. Where does education stand in our priorities? I am not going to engage in that debate now but there is a case for recognising that there is a difference in priorities on that issue. However, I will not trespass into Deputy O'Rourke's area of responsibility which she has been covering very well.

In relation to the capital programme there is a difference between our approach and that of the Government. In relation to, for instance, the National Development Corporation there is a dramatic difference between the Government and ourselves. These differences exist and we should not look to the committee to fudge them. The day we come in with a consensus will be the day we have not fulfilled our political commitments and have lost our sense of direction.

That would be the Last Day — the day of Resurrection.

It would be the day on which Government was no longer needed. To an extent there has been a degree of euphoric expectation about the committees. There has been the attitude that all our differences will no longer exist or else they will pale into insignificance. Differences are no harm provided that in presenting them we test each other on the issues involved. To the extent that the committees will enable us to concentrate on issues as distinct from personalities, I welcome them. There has been an undue concentration on personality politics, not just in the Chamber but outside. I will deal with that briefly in a moment.

The second role, as a subsection of the Executive, is the role of Departments. I am convinced that the responsibility for seeing that every penny collected from the taxpayers is spent properly is basically with the Department concerned. Departments are not just channels of public expenditure and they should not see themselves in that light. They should always ensure that every penny spent is being spent in the most effective way. They should make sure there is no waste — and there has been waste — and they should look for ways and means to improve efficiency.

If we were to think that what we are doing here today will mean the end of all our problems we are deluding ourselves. In The Irish Times of today's date there is a report that the merging of Departments is advocated in a publication of the Public Service Advisory Council. They were dealing with promotional matters that were negotiated between the Department of the Public Service and the Association of Higher Civil Servants. Here we are talking about public expenditure. I will give the quotation:

The Department, in its report to the advisory council said that it was not in a position to force other Departments to bring changes into effect — it could only advise, guide and persuade.

Is the role of the Department of the Public Service merely to advise, guide and persuade and not to implement? We are not here in any way taking away the responsibilities of the Departments to watch and account for every penny they can save to ensure that it is properly done. This consensus does not take from that responsibility of the Departments, which is more onerous now than ever.

I should like to say something about the role of the press. Whatever happens outside, or what is presented outside of what is done inside has to be an abbreviation of the proceedings in the House on the day. A tendency has grown up over the years — it started a number of years back — to have a little cameo on the day, which is very readable, presented by people who have a gift for writing, for turning phrases, but that cameo as often as not confines itself to the Order of Business——

The first half hour.

——to the first half hour, or to part of Question Time. The issues in these committees will be tedious. The committees will not be very entertaining. They will not be the places to go to to enjoy the circus. They will be painstaking and detailed, if we can manage to get them going properly. They will not present themselves very well in terms of escalating public interest, if that is what the press is read for. There will not be much material for sketches coming from these committees. If we are to be relevant — and I suppose the Fourth Estate would like to see that happening — then let us hope that they, too, have a responsibility. Anyone who talks to the men who cover this House from the gallery regularly, those who take "copy", shall we say, will appreciate that there is a limitation on the other side as well. I should like to suggest that perhaps at the end of the week each of our daily newspapers would have one page to present to the people the issues that were decided and which were of particular importance during the week.

They would want us to pay for it, I think.

If we are to be relevant it will be important that the committees will be reported. However, with the number of committees coming up I doubt the capacity of the press to cover them in the way they should be reported. I doubt if they would have the capacity in numbers. Incidentally, if we are to get the benefit of expert opinion it may mean that those who report the committees will need facilities to get extra opinion to enable them to become aware of how we will become better informed by having expert advice than we would otherwise be.

All of this imposes responsibilities on each section involved. In the final analysis this Parliament will be the place where the decisions of the Executive will be tested by the decisions of the Opposition to ensure that the system will be the fairest we have and that whatever is done will be done after it is tested effectively and fully in the full glare and scrutiny of publicity to which the press and the other media have access.

Though I welcome what the Minister is doing there are some examples, even in what we have been doing today, of the Government, any Government, in the existing procedures doing the opposite to what we are trying to achieve today. The best example I can give is in the context of the Finance Act. We spent from morning until night, described by one commentator as being a boring discussion, considering the income-related property tax. That would not have affected the Finance Bill one way or another because the Minister did not know exactly how much that tax would bring in. We mentioned during that debate the proposals the Minister has now brought in and we asked the Minister for Finance if he could possibly take that tax out of the Bill and let us deal with it in select committee so that we could all look at it objectively and calmly. I do not know what happened to the pleas of Deputy Kelly, Deputy G. Mitchell and others because when the gong went we all trooped up into the division lobby. We discussed that new tax in the space of three hours although it did not make any point in the Finance Bill at all — it should have been brought in separately. Even under existing procedures we did not use properly what was available to us.

Therefore, procedures will not answer everything at all times — it is how we use them and the facilities available to us which is much more important. Whatever we do must be seen to be done properly.

That brings me to the penultimate point I want to make. As Deputy Lenihan said, I think we do not need consultants because they only tend to give us confirmation or a sort of ex post facto justification for what we wanted to do ourselves in any event. Every industry has learned to use consultants so that they can always say: “It was not we who imposed this idea. The experts recommended it to us. Therefore it has to be authoritative”.

We can use consultants but we must be conscious that we need more practical assistance, perhaps clerical assistance. Everybody in the House appreciates that we are relying on one secretary to do a bit of typing, to make telephone calls, and I, particularly, am aware of that, having been in various positions, here for a while, away for a while and again here for a while. We have one secretary at the moment to deal with constituency and other matters, facing a whole range of facilities the Government have. Obviously we are therefore limited in the way we can discharge our role. If there are to be people to make these committees effective then there should be extra secretarial facilities. I am not looking for an empire growth, but the longer one spends on a committee the more one is divorcing oneself from the very important matter of relating to one's constituents. Any Deputy who does not relate to his constituents will be reminded very quickly of Deputies who do so.

I do not know why the Minister picked the Small Business Committee out of the clouds. I find myself much in agreement with what the Minister has said, not here today but elsewhere, in relation to enterprise promotion, about investment, base, a climate for small industries. In his absence from the House I said to his colleague, the Minister for Finance, that I wished the Minister for Finance would display the same views on the need to promote enterprise, incentive and investment as the Minister at present in the House has done fairly consistently.

I do not think a committee is necessary for that purpose. The most important thing is to ensure that the Government by their actions will not impose penalties, disincentives, on those engaged in small businesses. We are in the extraordinary position that the level of investment was never lower in the last ten years than it is now. It is about 24 per cent of total national income and it is getting lower. The money is there. There are people prepared to put up funds. The people who are not there are those who are not prepared to take risks and headaches because they find that the tax climate is penal, that the attitude towards business is not very encouraging, and unless the Minister present is prepared to persuade his colleagues to change that, we can come up with all the recommendations we like about small business here but the real crunch will be whether the tax climate can be improved considerably.

By definition about 98 per cent of businesses here come within the European definition of small and medium-sized industries. What we are talking about is applying effectively the funds which are coming from the social fund in growing amounts. Next year it may be of the order of up to £200 million. We should inject that money into management, into strengthening marketing proposals, strategies and so on. In this way we could spare a great deal of the money which is at present being swallowed up by State agencies. I would prefer to see this money going directly to the industries concerned.

I want to mention marine resources. This is one area which must be considered as a priority. This fact illustrates what I mean. Apparently one-third of 1 per cent of what we are providing in our Estimates this year is going to fisheries. That is the place we give fisheries on our list of priorities. This is a matter on which we could reach some degree of consensus in the long term. We should ensure that fisheries is given more than one-sixth of the Estimate for the Department of Labour. The allocation for that section this year is £18,700,000 compared with £19,500,000 last year. In almost every other area the amount provided this year was higher — salaries, wages and allowances were up 13 per cent, post office services were up 96 per cent, and office machinery and supplies were up 24 per cent, but when it comes to developing one of our basic resources the allocation is down. I hope the Government will accede to our request to increase the allocation for fisheries and that they will figure very prominently in our discussions in the committees.

Like other speakers I welcome this debate. The purpose of setting up these committees is to attempt to reform the system which operates in this House. The first reform I would like to see is in the setting up of committees each time a new Dáil is elected. I have been in this House on three opening days and have noticed that the process of reconstituting and setting up existing committees is so unwieldly that in some of the sessions some committees never got off the ground, and others met once to elect a chairman. I hope the first reform will make it simpler to bring these committees into operation as soon as another Dáil is constituted.

I was very pleased to hear the Leader of the Opposition, in a lukewarm manner, accepting that these committees should be set up. I felt very cynical when I saw the number of new committees the Opposition proposed, as well as the list put forward by the Minister, Deputy John Bruton. I thought there would be so many committees that there would not be enough Deputies to service them and that the system would collapse before it started. I was very pleased to hear that the Opposition Party were going to help set up these committees and take part in them. I welcome particularly the commitment that the Committee on Marital Breakdown and the Committee on Women's Affairs would be set up shortly. I was disappointed they were not on today's list but admittedly these are more sensitive subjects than some of the issues mentioned here and I understand agreement on them will be reached shortly.

Deputy Haughey said it would be better if a few committees were set up to get the ball rolling and then to assess what progress was being made, but there is a problem about this method. These other areas which need to be examined will not go away. We cannot say items A, B, C and D are the most important, that we will start with them and if they are successful we will then set up the other committees. Unfortunately all the other problem areas are still there. When setting up committees we should ensure that they are as broad in scope as possible so that they are effective, and have a purpose and achieve the Minister's objective, which is to make the work of this House more relevant and to improve the public's image of this Dáil.

Over the last few months there seems to have been a concerted effort to undermine the democratic process and elected Members. The people who indulge in this exercise are very shortsighted because they are undermining our democracy. It is the general public who elect Members to this House. If they are not satisfied with the way we are working they can get rid of us by electing somebody else in our place. The more sniping is done here the more it will rebound on the snipers at election time and the public have had too many opportunities in the last few years to show their displeasure with elected representatives. The public image of this House is not good.

As I said, I welcome the setting up of these committees. We all know what happens when legislation is introduced and passed. At that stage we start getting letters and submissions from interested bodies. By the time we have read all the correspondence and assessed it, it is too late to put any good ideas which have been brought to our attention into action. I see as one of the main aims of these committees, particularly the Committee on Legislation, allowing interested groups and individuals to make submissions on legislation in the pipeline so that good ideas from people on the ground can be incorporated. Another advantage of the committee system is that it gives the public an opportunity to see that there are many areas where there is no disagreement between the Government and the Opposition Parties. There are many areas of policy where there is no disagreement. At the moment it appears that if the Government say something it behoves the Opposition to oppose it and vice versa. That is not a very realistic way to carry on our business. We all know that a Government Deputy often agrees with a great deal of what is said by an Opposition Deputy and vice versa. The committee system will give us an opportunity to thrash out these areas and to reach a consensus on matters where there is no disagreement. The country will be the better for that. Our legislation will be the better for it, and a number of Departments will be the better for it, if we can work out those areas of consensus, and not fight in here about political differences because we feel we must oppose something since that is the nature of the House. I see that as one of the major advantages of these committees.

Deputy Haughey talked about his fears that these committees would introduce more restrictive measures than already exist for Members. These restrictive measures have been there for a long number of years. There were opportunities to change them. Deputy Haughey and his party should accept that it is time for change, come with us in setting up these committees and take part in the committees with enthusiasm and open heartedness. I agree with Deputy Haughey in his reservations and concern that the committees will find it difficult to get a quorum. I do not think that is a good reason not to institute committees.

It is up to each of us to examine our conscience and, when the committees are set up, to make an effort to take part in them. Over and over again we have protested that we are here as legislators, and to do more than constituency work. The buck has to stop here. We will now be given an opportunity to take part in these committees, to take part in the formulation of legislation, in the examination of public expenditure and the formulation of policy. Once these committees are set up, it is over to us to show we have the way and the heart to take on the job. We must make an effort to make the committees work.

I want to say something to the Minister and to the people who will be arranging the meetings of these committees. It is very important that they should meet on a day which is suitable for all members. It is easy for me to say any day suits me because I live in Dublin. We all know that Deputies who live far from the city have to get back to their constituencies.

It has been agreed that the Minister will get in at 6.50 p.m. and there are two or three other speakers.

I will cut my remarks very short. I hope the committees will meet on days when rural Deputies will be able to attend, and that they will not find themselves caught between trying to get back to their constituencies on Fridays and trying to attend the committees. I hope the Minister will examine carefully the days on which the committees will meet to ensure that all Deputies can play their full part.

I made this point in the debate on Dáil reform. The image of the Dáil needs to be improved. Over the past few months there has been an increase in the number of groups coming into the Dáil. I do not know whether that is because so much is being written about the Dáil and its irrelevancy. I do not know whether that is drawing people in to see what is going on. We should look very carefully at the kind of image we want to project. We could improve the image of the Dáil if we had a proper booklet and a video film showing what goes on at meetings of these committees. It is not possible for people to sit in on all the committees.

A well prepared video film of the history of the House and the working of the House would be of assistance. It would give the public an idea of what goes on at these committee meetings. Deputy O'Kennedy said the general public get a synopsis of what goes on in the Dáil sketch, but that is a very narrow view of the work of the Dáil. I recommended to the Minister that he should improve the image of the Dáil by having a proper video prepared which can be shown at regular intervals to visitors. Then they can be shown into the House and they may go away with a better understanding of the role of this House.

The fact that a backbench Deputy has to sit in the House for three hours and five minutes in order to make a five minute contribution underlines in a very real way the need to give backbenchers some committees into which they can make an input. This point demonstrates the practical difficulties backbenchers have. I welcome these committees, but I want to make a few points which I have trimmed down to size because of the time constraints.

I want to know what happened to the Joint Committee on the European Communities. I see it is proposed to set it up again. Before we embark on the setting up of a plethora of new committees, for all of which I have some excitement — they will do an enormous amount of good — I want to say that the way in which the EEC committee has worked since its foundation has been nothing short of scandalous. That committee is supposed to be the watchdog of this House and a watchdog for the people of Ireland in relation to the enormous amount of EEC legislation which is flung at us week after week. I do not believe that committee is discharging the function it was set up to discharge.

I served on it for a short time after the 1981 election. It was not a postman who arrived at my door every morning but a post office van with bundles of literature from the EEC. Even to read a summary of them would be a mammoth task indeed. In my excitement about these new committees, and having regard to the Minister's enthusiasm about them, I want him to look at what has happened to a committee which was at the core of this House and at the core of EEC legislation. All of the directives coming to the committee were not properly checked and did not come onto the floor of this House. When did we last have a debate on proposals from the Joint Committee on EEC legislation? I cannot remember it in my time, and I have been here two years almost to the date. After three elections it feels like 20 years. We have not debated anything from a joint committee about which we all expressed delight and enthusiasm.

I had great hopes for the committee on semi-State bodies. There was an enormous amount of work for that committee to do. When was a recommendation from that committee accepted by this House? I cannot remember even one and, from my cursory examination of the record, I cannot find any recommendation from that committee which was accepted by the House. We could come to the conclusion that we all meant well; it was a great committee, it was an all-party committee; but all it had to do was to lay a report before the House. It did not have to get it debated in the House. By the time it reports nobody is interested. It gets a small space in the newspapers. A debate will have to be mandatory on the Committee on State-sponsored Bodies if it comes up with a report or an idea. There is no point in sending out the report with all the other bumf every morning in the post. Otherwise it ends up in the Library and we are told that if we want to read it we can read it in the Library.

I do not want these new committees to meet the same pitfalls which have come in the way of our existing committees, and I want us to look at our existing committees and see if we can improve them. They are limping along. They are helpful, but they are not doing anything like the work they were intended to do in terms of speeding up the work of this House. A debate on a report from the Committee on State-sponsored Bodies should be mandatory as soon as possible after it is submitted. There is a problem about printing reports which I can never understand. Printing of these reports seems to take months. Yet Dáil Reports on Question Time can be produced almost overnight. That whole problem has to be sorted our urgently.

The Joint Services Committee is not working either. On the Order Paper there is a reference to regulating and supervising the operation of the research service for Members. What research service for Members? I honestly do not know. In fairness to the staff in the Library, they give you all the books you want; but to put in the Order Paper "to regulate and supervise the operation of the research service for Members" is an exercise in political licence——

They are there as research services.

I hope I have demonstrated that while it is nice to have committees I should prefer them to work better. With regard to the Committee on Developing Countries it says in the absence of a member from a particular meeting of the joint committee, a person who is a Member of the Dáil may vote in his place, and if someone is absent a proxy vote will be allowed. I am not sure I like this new principle being slipped in when it does not apply to any other committee. I do not think it serves any useful purpose.

The Minister said that the Committee on Public Expenditure will not be directly concerned with the annual Estimates but — and this is beautiful ministerial language — with the longer-term review of spending programmes. In other words, we can lock it up and they can spend the next five years in a longer-term review of spending programmes in any area of public expenditure they so choose. If they like something they can report to the House and, if not, it does not matter because we can tell the public we have a Committee on Public Expenditure. Will that include capital expenditure? If so, it is quite useless because the Government can make massive expenditure on any capital project one cares to mention and this committee can look at that project in an academic way but cannot deal specifically with it. This committee sounds nice but this longer-term review of spending programme is precisely what they will spend their life at. The Minister has specifically said it cannot deal with annual Estimates and I wonder if the immediacy of that committee is to be taken out of the political arena. I do not see any point in the committee engaging in a longer-term review of public spending because we were told today that a national planning board and inter-departmental committees will deal with that. I support the Minister in his desire to attack public expenditure but I do not think the longer-term review is the answer. The Minister said that non-commercial State-sponsored bodies will be dealt with by this committee, but that will confuse many issues. The semi-State bodies committee should deal with the non-commercial semi-State bodies. I do not see why the Minister split up the semi-State body between the existing committee on semi-State bodies and another committee, the Committee on Public Expenditure. It is very confusing and all those semi-State bodies should be put together.

Individual Deputies and Senators are appointed because they have expertise in an area and may be very interested in a certain Bill. I do not like the idea of a standing committee which deals with all Bills and which other people can visit if they wish. There should be a different committee for each Bill because the different areas of expertise should be clearly separated. For far too long there have been too many deputations and too many pressure groups at Ministers' doors and too many queues in Merrion Square. All the sectional groups are queuing to see Ministers and some of them proudly boast that they will be on a deputation to see the Minister in three months' time. All this back door approach by pressure groups will be stopped if this committee deals with those people and lets them put their case publicly to a committee on legislation. If they feel strongly about something they should bring their delegation to the committee and state their objections openly. They should not be continually pressurising Ministers of any Government. A ridiculous deputation tradition has built up here and it is a headache for most people. What they say behind closed doors to the Minister and what he says to them is probably not what would be said at a properly convened legislation committee where they have to put their case publicly on the record as we do in this House.

Law reform should not be included in this committee because I see it as another device for delaying reports from the Law Reform Commission. I have been screaming from these benches for a report from the commission on the question of nullity. They have now been studying it for seven years and I should not like this committee to be another filter through which all these reports have to go from the Law Reform Commission.

It is not just reform of this House which is needed. There is also a need for reform of the whole public service. I urge the Minister to expedite his investigations and bring forward his proposals to reform the public service. The Minister has gone some way today in improving the image of elected representatives. I think it was Deputy Gay Mitchell who said that the role of the Deputy is much maligned. The image of politicians has taken a severe battering and I compliment the Minister on going some way towards improving it. However, there is a long way to go before the profession of politician reaches the status which the people deserve. In that regard I ask the Minister to give the Deputies proper research facilities and remuneration. For too long there has been this ridiculously apologetic view of what politicians earn. The official income for a Deputy is £13,800 per annum and I do not think any Deputy should apologise for receiving that, considering the amount of work involved. The expenses of doing the job are never taken into account by the people who criticise them. Average expenses are well over half that figure in terms of doing the job. If a Deputy in this House on £13,000 a year has £5,000 or £6,000 for his family after expenses, I challenge him to get up and show it to the public of Ireland. My contention is that they have not. I do not say this in a sense of Deputies looking for more money, but it is time that the public representatives stood up and fought back. We should have fewer Deputies and more should not be created, Constitution or not. Let us close the door and get on with the work. They should be properly paid and given research facilities and made publicly accountable in a greater sense. They should be given time and the facilities to do committee work and be remunerated. This would give responsibility back to the House.

It is difficult to deal in ten minutes with the subject of this debate as I have attempted to do. In his programme for Government, the Minister says that Estimates will be before the Dáil in September. I wonder what the Minister's intentions are in that regard.

We will have to make our contributions on the committees.

If there is an Order of the House, it should be honoured and rather reluctantly I say that ——

To be candid—I hesitate to say to be truthful—there is no more on this committee than an agreement, but there was a definite agreement that I would call the Minister at 6.50 p.m.

The Chair could ask me how cynical I feel about a situation in which we propose reforming the Dáil and an opportunity has not been given to those who have been elected to this great House to contribute, and further, those who might have practised courtesy and consideration for others have not had that courtesy or consideration reciprocated.

All I shall say is that there was an agreement between the Whips and an Order of the House made without dissent that this debate would conclude at seven o'clock.

If the Deputy wants three or four minutes of my time, I shall give it.

We will join the committees and make our contributions there.

First, I must say how opposed I am to anything which savours of a charade. I have heard people say that they have a guarded welcome for these committees. I applaud the Minister for endeavouring to reform this House, but my own experience of committees was gained in sitting for four years on the Committee of Public Accounts, the most important committee of the House. The secretary of that committee waited for us outside in the mornings with sweets, coaxing us in to make a quorum. That was because at the time there were people who had other interests, business and political—committees of a corporation or county councils or their businesses to attend to—and could not come. Secretaries from Departments—an entourage of officials—were all there to answer any questions which might be put, but which were never put. In circumstances where I do not see any change in the personnel or personalities of representatives of this House since then, I must have a guarded welcome for the proposed committees.

I conclude by saying that the very reason why these committees are being introduced is that we have had a change of personalities in this House. Deputies are very anxious to sit on these committees and get on with the work.

I hope so.

I hope that Deputy Tunney is wrong in what he is saying.

So do I.

I would like to deal first with the points made by Deputy Haughey. It is not the intention of the Government that these committees will be used in any way as a means of the Government hiding from the necessity of taking decisions. There has been little experience in the past of committees of the Dáil being used for that purpose. Governments very often have tended to use inter-Departmental committees or outside committees established by them as an excuse, but have never used committees of this House. There are people from the other parties on those committees who can expose any attempt by the Government to use them for that purpose. That is not the case with expert committees established outside this House. Therefore, I do not have the worry that Deputy Haughey has.

Other deputies—Deputy Mitchell, in particular—have dealt with the need to make a distinction between the Committee on Public Expenditure and the Committee of Public Accounts. I do not think that I need add to what Deputy Mitchell has said in answer to Deputy Haughey in that regard.

With regard to the Committee on Small Businesses, it should be recognised in this House that the Small Firms' Association of the Confederation of Irish Industry, an important and influential body, have been calling for the appointment of a Minister for Small Firms. A committee of this House is probably a better response to that call for a special initiative to recognise their problems, more important is that it does not involve the massive staff that a new Ministry would involve and that it will involve Deputies on all sides. If we get a consensus on all sides on what needs to be done about small firms, a continuity despite changes of Government that might occur, we can create an environment which will make small firms feel at home in the economy and deal with the problems which Deputy Haughey mentioned as facing small firms. We all know what should be done here and now to solve the problems of small firms, and it is hoped that the Government will have the courage and ability to do this. Those problems have grown up over time, decisions taken individually by Government which added more and more of a burden to small firms. Even if we do succeed in solving the problems this time, to avoid the same problems coming up again the existence of a committee on small firms in this House would prevent any measures being adopted which were injurious to the interests of these small firms.

I agree with the Deputies who suggested that we should perhaps have a time limit in debates such as this, including one which might apply to myself. I am sorry that there have been Deputies who could not contribute.

I would like to return to the point made by Deputy Lenihan, who suggested that in some way the Committee on Public Expenditure were taking from the ultimate responsibility of the Government and the Dáil itself for public expenditure. That is not the case. The Committee on Public Expenditure will not interfere with the normal Estimates process, which will be the responsibility of the Government to propose and of the House to dispose. It will be looking at trends in public spending, at particular programmes in the long-term way which Deputy Brennan mentions—not long-term in the sense that it will not produce any report for five years; it would take individual programmes—for example, education— and produce a report on educational expenditure within a year of being set up. Then it would go on to deal with, perhaps, fisheries expenditure, produce a report within six months and go through the cycle of various programmes in that way.

It will deal with a point mentioned by Deputy Brennan, in that the Government will be required to provide time for debates on reports of the Committee on Public Expenditure. Deputy Brennan made an eloquent case for extending that provision to other committees as well. Let us see how it works with the Committee on Public Expenditure. If it proves to be a valuable and practical asset to the work of that committee, then we have a standard procedure which will enable it to be extended to other committees as well.

To deal with a further point made by Deputy Lenihan, we should not see the introduction of these committees as in some way an imitation of the American model. I agree that the American model of government, with the separation of Houses, is entirely different from ours. What this is attempting is to bring our system a little closer to the continental system where there are, as a regular course of action, committees operating in most continental legislatures. Unfortunately, we have imitated the British system far too much, to our disadvantage over the last sixty years, and this is a small movement away from that model.

I agree with Deputy O'Kennedy that the committee work may get away from personality politics, which have been the bane of political life here. I am sorry to hear what Deputy Brennan has to say about the Joint EEC Committee and the Committee on State-Sponsored Bodies. To a great extent, that is the fault of the committee members themselves. They have not been coming into the House insisting that their reports be debated. In addition to attending the committee meetings, they should be demanding time for discussion.

The Joint Services Committee will provide for dealing with the research service. We have such a service in the library. It is not being used adequately and is not perhaps staffed adequately. This new committee will give it a profile which will, it is hoped, make it improve in both regards.

This reform will be accompanied by a reform of the public service. It is, I understand, the intention of the Minister for the Public Service to bring forward proposals which will be considered by the Dáil some time later this year or early next year. I thank all Members who contributed to this debate and also the Opposition Deputies and Deputies on the Government backbench who assisted me and Deputy Barrett in preparing these proposals. I hope the confidence the House places in these proposals will prove to be justified in the light of experience.

Question put and agreed to.

A message will be sent to the Seanad acquainting it accordingly.

Barr
Roinn