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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 8 Nov 1983

Vol. 345 No. 8

International Development Association (Amendment) Bill, 1983: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The purpose of the Bill is to authorise a special contribution of £2,076,667 by the Irish Government to the International Development Association.

The association, which is an affiliate of the World Bank, was founded in 1960 has over 130 member countries. Its role is to provide loans on highly concessionary terms to member governments in the poorest of the developing countries to help them to develop their economies. The loans made by the World Bank itself, which also go to public sector entities, are on commercial terms. The other affiliate of the bank, the International Finance Corporation, concentrates on private sector firms and makes equity investments as well as providing loan funds.

Some 90 per cent of the association's lending goes to countries with a per capita income of US$475 or less. The lending terms reflect the extreme difficulties that the poorest countries face in meeting any loan obligations. They provide for interest-free loans for 50 years, with capital repayments starting after ten years. There is a small service charge of 0.75 per cent a year and a fee of 0.5 per cent a year on loan amounts committed but awaiting disbursement.

Most of the projects financed by the association are aimed directly at improving the conditions of the poorest groups in the populations of the countries concerned. The projects must be financially and economically viable. They must meet the same standards of viability as are required by the World Bank whose own lending, as I have indicated, is undertaken on commercial terms.

The association at present commits some $3½ billion annually in loans. It is one of the largest providers of concessional aid to the poorest countries. Its role is particularly important at present because of the hardship these countries have been undergoing as a result of the world recession. The stagnation in world trade, combined with commodity prices which fell for a long period, has hit their external earnings and increased further their dependence on concessional external aid of the kind provided by the association.

Lending by the association is largely in Africa south of the Sahara and in South Asia. The demand for loans has, so far, always exceeded the supply of available resources. The association has had, therefore, to ration its money carefully. In doing so, it takes four main criteria into consideration: the poverty level in member countries; the creditworthiness of the prospective borrower; the economic performance of the prospective borrower; the availability of projects suitable for IDA financing.

The pattern of the sectors within countries favoured for association loans has changed over time, in response to the needs of borrowers and changes in development thinking. In the association's early years it was assumed that growth would follow once an economy's basic infrastructure was in place. Thus, the association concentrated largely on activities ranging from investments in railways and roads to investment in ports and power plants. It was assumed also that poverty would be reduced and income disparities narrowed as an automatic consequence of industrialisation. Both these sets of assumptions proved to be simplistic.

Early efforts at industrialisation failed to generate sufficient employment and resulted in a neglect of agriculture. As food deficits increased and payments imbalances mounted, it became clear that agricultural production was indeed a key development priority. In response, the association increased its lending in the agricultural and rural development sectors. At present over 40 per cent of the association's total lending is in these sectors compared to a figure of only about 20 per cent in earlier years. Basic infrastructure must, of course continue to receive substantial support and accounts for some 30 per cent of total lending. Most of the balance of lending is spread over such sectors as industry, education and health. The association also devotes about 7 per cent of total lending to loans that are not related to specific projects but that are designed to assist countries in carrying out more general adjustment of their economies.

The association's resources are obtained in a number of ways. By far the most important way is by periodic replenishments in which additional resources are provided mainly by the richer member countries, known as Part I members. A small number of its other members, the poorer member states — Part II members — also participate in the replenishments. The total number of donor countries at present is 33. The funds are provided by these donors on a grant basis and are not repayable. The total financial resources of the association, as at June 1983, comprised, in round figures, initial subscriptions amounting to $1 billion, transfers from the World Bank of $2 billion and proceeds of replenishments amounting to $26 billion.

As indicated in the explanatory memorandum circulated with the Bill, Ireland joined the association on its foundation in 1960, and subscribed $3 million to the initial capital. We did not contribute to the first or second of the three-yearly replenishments, but we made a contribution of $4 million to the third replenishment. This was on a voluntary basis, as Ireland was still a Part II member at that time. When Ireland became a Part I member in 1973, it was accepted that this would involve a continuing commitment to contribute towards the association's financing. As a Part I member Ireland agreed to contribute £3.1 million to the fourth replenishment in 1973, £5.8 million to the fifth replenishment in 1977 and £6.2 million to the latest sixth replenishment in 1980.

The sixth replenishment was negotiated on the basis that it would meet the association's funding requirements for the three-year period from mid-1980 to mid-1983. However, the USA — the largest donor, which had agreed to contribute 27 per cent of the replenishment total of $12 billion over the three years — later indicated that as a result of action taken by Congress it would have to phase its contribution to the replenishment over a four-year period.

When the USA refused despite pressure from other donor countries to revert to three years, most of the other donors decided that, as an exceptional measure in order to ensure that the association's activity could be maintained at a worthwhile level, they would adhere to the originally agreed three-year phasing of their contributions.

The non-USA donors also decided that they would make additional special contributions in the fourth year, that is the year from mid-1983 to mid-1984. In the absence of the special contributions the association's funding for the year would consist only of the remaining part of the USA's contribution — which would imply a drastic reduction below the association's normal annual level of activity. The special contributions will have the effect of extending the sixth replenishment to a fourth year without any additional contribution from the USA. This procedure was accepted reluctantly by donors as being the option least detrimental to the association's operations. It is hoped that after this fourth year the seventh replenishment — currently being negotiated — will come into effect. This would mean that the usual three-year replenishment cycle would be resumed.

Agreement was reached on the conditions to apply to the special contributions and on the amount to be borne by each donor country participating in the arrangement. The results were incorporated in a draft report and resolution approved by the executive board of the association. It is expected that all the non-USA donors will participate and that the special contributions will enable the association to maintain its activities in 1983/84 at about the level of recent years.

In general, each participating donor's share consists of one-third of its total contribution to the sixth replenishment. In Ireland's case this gives a contribution of £2,076,667. The other donor countries contributing to this operation comprise basically all our fellow EEC member states, the other main western developed countries, except the USA, some of the richer Middle East states and some of the more advanced of the developing countries such as Argentina, Brazil and Mexico.

Under the agreed arrangements, the special contributions will be made available through either one of two mechanisms: a Fiscal Year 84 Account or a Special Fund. A donor may choose whichever mechanism it prefers. The association has been informed that Ireland would propose to participate in the Fiscal Year 84 Account. Contributions to that account will add to the general resources of the association, and the account is considered by the majority of donors to provide the best means of preserving continuity in funding. The contributions to the Special Fund, on the other hand, will not be part of the general resources of the association. The fund will be a more limited operation parallel to, though administered by, the association and involving initially only seven donors.

As is the case for normal replenishments, donor countries have the right initially to substitute non-interest-bearing demand notes for the amount of their special contribution. The notes, denominated in the member's currency, are to be deposited in one instalment during the year to mid-1984. Cash payments on foot of the notes will arise over the years 1984 to 1992. The rate at which cash payments are called depends on the progress made in implementing the projects financed by the special contributions. Calls in the first two years will be small. I expect the bulk of these payments in fact will not fall to be made until the years 1986-1990. Calls on contributors to make payments will be broadly in proportion to their shares in the special contributions.

It is of interest to note in this context that Ireland is making actual cash payments of nearly £2 million to the association in the present year. These payments are on foot of commitments which we entered into in earlier years in respect of the third, fourth, fifth and sixth replenishments. Cash payments will continue to grow in future years. These payments count, as will the payments under the special contribution arrangements, as part of our national offical development assistance programme. It is evident that the payments currently are a significant element in that programme.

Ireland traditionally has been a strong supporter of the association which has been widely recongnised as one of the most effective development agencies, providing not only financial resources but also technical know-how and advice for recipient countries. The special contributions meet the particular circumstance of a one-year hiatus in the association's funding in 1983/84. In the ordinary course of events, if this hiatus had not arisen, we would be making a contribution this year in any case under the seventh replenishment.

I should add that at this year's annual meetings of the IMF and World Bank, which I attended in Washington in September, a great deal of concern was expressed about the recent difficulties in the financing of the Association. It is to be hoped that the USA, which has played a big part in building up the association as an effective aid instrument, will be able to agree on an adequate and speedy seventh replenishment, so as to remove uncertainties about the association's future. The negotiations will be resumed at a meeting in Washington on 8/9 December.

It is essential, at a time of recession and of debt problems which have and a particularly serious adverse effect on the developing countries, that the future financing of the association should be placed on a sound footing. The various multilateral financing institutions, especially the World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund, have a vital role to play in promoting financial stability and in helping to foster economic growth, in the interests not only of the developing countries but also of the developed countries. There is increasing recognition of the interdependence between all our economies.

Ireland's basic membership of the association is covered by the International Development Association Act, 1960. As in the case of normal replenishments, the legislation to authorise our special contribution takes the form of an amendment to that Act.

I recommend the Bill for the approval of the House.

Ireland has played an honourable part as a donor country to the association since 1960 and we will continue to play that part, which represents a substantial portion of our assistance to countries requiring it. This is a contribution which we have never welched on and which we will continue to pay.

The Bill arises because of a temporary hiccup in the actual funding until next year, caused by the US seeking to change the cycle from three years to four years. I share the Minister's concern that though this temporary measure is essential to bridge the funding until 30 June next, this sort of ad hoc approach will be abandoned at the meeting of the association scheduled for next month. Obviously it is important that the cyclical replenishment by donor countries should be resumed so that we will not have this differentiation or separation in the cycle of a number of donor countries and the US.

I appreciate that the US is the major contributor, to the extent of 27 per cent, by far the largest donor, but it is greatly in the interest of everybody in the developing world, from the US down, to ensure that developed countries, particularly those mainly involved as recipients from this fund in the southern part of Africa and Asia, would also contribute. That is the main theme that runs through the Brandt Report which, understandably, tends to be forgotten in a period of recession, when developed countries have their own exchequer and budgetary problems. However, the basic message of that report should not be forgotten. It would be a mistake if we in the developed world forgot the need there is in the developing world and that there must be a realistic transfer of resources to the developing world, particularly in the southern hemisphere. Unless there is a very real and meaningful transfer of resources there, divergences will grow. Those divergences can only give rise to very serious trouble on two fronts.

It can give serious rise to trouble on the economic and financial front as there will be countries in the Southern Hemisphere deteriorating in regard to purchasing power and capacity to develop and thereby will not be in a fit position to be markets for the developed world. That is putting it on a strict economic basis. It is of great economic value to the developed world to have the developing world developing substantially so that by reason of investment inputs into the Southern Hemisphere that part of the globe can develop an infrastructure, an agricultural arm, an industrial arm, social development and a gradual raising of the standard of living which can make it a market place in the future for higher technological exports which inevitably will flow from the Northern Hemisphere to the Southern Hemisphere.

On the market place argument alone, which is mentioned in the Brandt Report, there is an overwhelming argument, looking at it in medium and long term, to provide for a substantially greater transfer of resources than is envisaged. It is very short thinking to go at this whole problem in an ad hoc manner. It is disappointing to see that this sort of ad hoc approach has arisen in the current year. I know the difficulties involved, which I hope will be resolved at the conference next month. I hope we can renew adequate replenishments through the National Development Association on a regular organised cyclical basis of three years, four years or whatever. I hope that there can be positive expectations so that constructive planning can take place to ensure that the transfer of resources can be done on a reasonably medium term or long term basis.

It is highly unsatisfactory that an agency such as this should be subjected — I know this is necessary — to this burden of having to have legislation of this kind passed in our Parliament and I am sure it is being passed in the parliaments of all the donor countries — to deal with this situation merely to get over a hump for the purpose of enabling funds to flow only until 30 June next. I know it is important to do it in order to achieve just that, but it is not good enough for a situation involving an association which has done such magnificent work over the past few years and that is participating in a very practical way in the sort of transfer of resources from the northern part of the globe to the southern part of the globe, which is a central theme of the Brandt Report.

Apart from the economics involved in the transfer of resources the other more important aspect which makes it imperative for the developed world to continue this transfer of resources is on the social and political side. If divergences in regard to standards of living are allowed to develop further, if the poor in the Southern Hemisphere are allowed to become poorer and if development does not take place and population continues to expand like it is in those areas, we are creating a classical revolutionary situation. We are leading to world unrest, political unrest and the sort of ideological struggle between sections of the world which can only be aggravated unless there is a real and meaningful co-relationship of progress to some degree between all parts of the world. Any reluctance or fall back by the developed world in regard to its aid programmes can lead to the disadvantage in practical economic terms of the developed world by depriving itself of a market and, looking at it at its bleakest, the gradual overwhelming of the Third World by a huge deprived population emanating from the southern part of this world who will not live indefinitely in that sort of deprived situation, making for enormous political and ideological upheavals in the years ahead.

That is why we have played an honourable part in our contributions over the years to the association. I welcome our efforts, along with those of the other donor countries who have come together, in ensuring that the replenishment is maintained at last year's level, although I do not think that is good enough, but at least it gets over the hump. I wish the Minister and the other donor countries well in reaching some agreement on the matter at the conference next month. I hope that the United States, as the major donor country, which cannot be forgotten, will participate with the other donor countries in ensuring some rational cyclical funding arrangements that can continue for a predictable period ahead and guarantee the sort of transfer of resources that will meet the very important and fundamental objectives involved in ensuring such a transfer of resources to the southern half of this globe and thereby meet the requirements I have just referred to and avoid the type of dangers which inevitably will arise unless there is the type of real transfer of resources envisaged in the Brandt Report.

I want to say initially that I appreciate the words of support for this Bill given by Deputy Lenihan on behalf of the Opposition and even more so his expressions of support for our efforts in the whole area of development co-operation.

I take it the Minister of State is not concluding.

No. I am just making a few preliminary remarks before I get into my speech. I am reacting to what Deputy Lenihan said. He supported our efforts in development co-operation generally. In fact, when I originally mooted the idea of establishing an all-party Joint Oireachtas Committee to deal with this whole area, that was one of my fundamental reasons, because I felt the best way of making progress in the area of development co-operation was to establish an all-party consensus. The views expressed by Deputy Lenihan and the underlying philosophy in his speech are very much in accord with our outlook. I believe that through the all-party committee we will have an opportunity of developing this underlying philosophy and that we will have an Irish approach in relation to development co-operation — not a Fine Gael approach, a Labour approach or a Fianna Fáil approach, but an Irish approach.

Mention has been made of the humanitarian approach in our development co-operation efforts but Deputy Lenihan has rightly broadened the scope and referred to the other issues. Of course there is the issue of the economic approach and the question of interdependence figures largely. I would agree also with the remarks that were made in the political context. It is clear that unless the developed world takes fully its responsibility towards the Third World, there will be a situation of further destabilisation in that area, a situation of revolution and of coup in various countries. There would possibly be a general destabilisation in the Third World.

Small nations such as ours who have such interest in international peace and stability cannot but be affected by such a prospect. If one looks at the history of the past ten or 20 years, one finds that a huge proportion of the various conflicts that have been experienced in that time, have been in the Third World. Undoubtedly, the state of underdevelopment in those countries and the problems resulting from that situation have contributed in large measure to that political instability.

I speak in favour of the Bill and I endorse the statement of the Minister for Finance. As Minister of State with specific responsibility for Irish relations with the developing countries, I have a special interest in the adoption of the Bill which is designed to enable the International Development Association to continue their activities during their fiscal year, I July 1983 to 30 June 1984.

The Minister for Finance has outlined the technical circumstances which have made the Bill necessary and also the financial problems facing the International Development Association and which have led us, together with most other donors, to make this additional extraordinary contribution to the organisation. Those less familiar with the international development organisations may ask, and not unreasonably, why we should give more money to any international organisation at a time of severe financial restraint at home. This raises fundamental questions for giving assistance to developing countries, questions which go perhaps beyond the scope of this debate.

At the outset I mentioned that there are other factors but I wish to deal here with the humanitarian aspect of the help. If we consider those countries that are being helped by the international development associations, we cannot deny that their problems are much worse than ours, that we are so much better off than they and that at the very least we have a moral obligation to help them. Sometimes statistics pass over people's heads but there are times when it is necessary to keep repeating figures in the hope that they will penetrate. In the Third World today there are 800 million people living in absolute poverty. In the context of my responsibility, I am asked from time to time why we would not mend the potholes at home before giving thought to problem abroad. It is essential always that we continue to make the effort so that people will put the position in perspective and realise the difference between not being able to travel comfortably along a by-road as opposed to a situation in which people do not have enough food. The other statistic which is very relevant is the question of relative prosperity. I am not denying that we have problems but let us not forget that in the global community of almost 160 nations, we are the 25th richest. That must be borne in mind and continually impressed on people if for nothing else than to show cause and justification for making our effort in the development co-operation area.

It is worth noting that we have a great tradition of caring for and helping people in developing countries. For decades Irish missionaries and voluntary organisations have been providing assistance that was much needed and much appreciated by the countries in which they work. More recently the Government have extended their involvement in this area and in the last decade Ireland's official programme of assistance to developing countries has expanded rapidly. Much of the public interest in Ireland centres on our programme of bilateral assistance which is concentrated in four countries in Africa. Three of these countries are classified as least developed which means that they are among the poorest countries in the World and that consequently their need of outside assistance is greatest. The International Development Association concentrate on helping the poorest countries and so we have a very special interest in their work. The Bill provides us with a useful opportunity to look at the International Development Association and their work and see how they relate to our overall programme of assistance to developing countries.

As I have said, the International Development Association concentrate on the poorer among the developing countries, what are known as the low-income countries. Of their total lending, 80 per cent goes to those countries who have a per capita GNP of less than $410. To put the figure in perspective, a corresponding figure for GNP per capita in Ireland is approximately $4,800. That is more than 11 times greater than that of the low income countries. We are experiencing difficult economic conditions at home and rightly we are concerned with the protection of our living standards but as we do so it is worth remembering the enormous gap that separates us from the least developed countries and that what for us would be a very small drop in living standards would be for them a major catastrophe. If, with other countries, some of which may be richer than ours and some of which may be poorer, we can help in raising the living standards of the developing countries, there will be a return from that in economic terms. We are developing areas which not only will be markets for our goods but which will provide a return even in economic terms. However, the present gap is huge and unfortunately the situation is becoming worse rather than better.

Although the gap separating the richest and the poorest countries — is already very great unfortunately, it is getting worse instead of better. The economic recession which we have all experienced in recent years has affected the poorest countries much more severely than it has the developed countries. This is partly explained by the low level of development of these countries when the recession began, the scarcity of natural resources in most cases and their weak capacities to withstand the pressures imposed by the recession. Another factor was the high increase in the price of oil and oil-based products. Most of the poorest countries rely very heavily on imported energy supplies and the steep increases in these costs have been a severe drain on their scarce reserves of foreign exchange. We must also recognise that the policies adopted in developed countries to combat the recession exacerbated its effects on the poorest countries. The anti-inflationary strategies, with the consequent high interest rates and stagnation in demand and consumption, resulted in depressed commodity prices, higher import prices and higher borrowing costs for the poorest countries. All of this led to huge indebtedness and a sharp deterioration in their terms of trade. We can see the effects of this in low income countries by looking at the average annual growth in per capita GDP in the last decade. From 1973 to 1980, annual growth averaged 3.2 per cent. Over the last two years, however, this has declined to less than 2 per cent per annum. Since 1970 exports from low income countries have risen at an annual rate of 11 per cent but imports have risen even faster, at an annual rate of 16 per cent. This has led to a substantial increase in the current account deficits which rose from 1.7 billion dollars in 1970 to 12 billion dollars in 1980. These countries rely heavily on external aid to finance these deficits. Official aid finances almost two-thirds of the current account deficits of the low income countries and the International Development Association alone accounts for 10 per cent of this total. The International Development Association has also been an important source of investment financing for low income countries and now accounts for 9 per cent of all official aid to developing countries.

Over the last 22 years the International Development Association has committed 27 billion dollars in aid. A total of 15 billion dollars has been disbursed on over 1,300 projects in 78 developing countries. The International Development Association uses three principal criteria in assessing whether a country is eligible for assistance. The first is the relative poverty of the country concerned; secondly, its credit-worthiness, in other words, the extent to which it is able or, more importantly, unable to raise loans from other, more commercial sources; thirdly, the capacity of the country to use external aid effectively and the extent to which there are suitable projects available for assistance.

In 1980 the upper limit for eligibility was a per capita income of 730 dollars. In fact, as noted earlier, 80 per cent of the International Development Association's lending goes to countries with a per capita income of less than 410 dollars.

Clearly, as developing countries improve their situation they grow beyond the income level which makes them eligible for assistance from the International Development Association. Of the 78 countries that have received assistance, 27 have graduated and are no longer eligible for the highly concessionary terms offered by the International Development Association. In some ways this is a measure of the success of this International Development Association — the fact that it has been effective in helping countries to, as it were, leave the school and get on to another level. That is something worth noting.

The countries which have graduated from the IDA have become clients of the World Bank whose terms are less concessionary than those of the IDA although still much more favourable than commercial loans. The IDA is, of course, an integral part of the World Bank and the same criteria for assessing and approving projects are used by both organisations. They also complement each other in their spread of assistance. During the period 1979 to 1982 83 per cent of IDA loans went to low income countries and 1 per cent to middle income countries while, for the World Bank, the corresponding proportions were 8 per cent to low income countries and 66 per cent to middle income countries.

The largest concentration of IDA activity has been in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa which, between them, account for 84 per cent of total commitments in the period 1961 to 1982. The major beneficiary was South Asia which received 59 per cent of total commitments compared with 25 per cent for Sub-Saharan Africa. The largest single client has been India with 39 per cent of total commitments.

Just as the geographical distribution of the IDA's assistance has changed over the years, so also has the pattern of lending. This reflects the changing needs of developing countries and also changes in developmental thinking. In the early years of the IDA's operation, the main objective was to accelerate economic growth. The assumption was that once the basic infrastructure was installed, growth would follow and this in turn would lead to a reduction of poverty and higher living standards. In line with this approach, there was a heavy concentration on infrastructural projects in the earlier years, chiefly railways, roads, ports and power plants. These projects received 40 per cent of total commitments during the first decade of the IDA's operation.

The theory however, proved simplistic and inadequate. Efforts to industrialise did not generate enough employment and the neglect of agriculture led to food deficits and balance of payment imbalances. It became clear that agriculture was a key priority in development and the emphasis in the IDA's lending changed accordingly. From 1961 to 1970 agriculture and rural development received 23 per cent of total allocations, a figure that almost doubled to 42 per cent in the period 1977 to 1982.

Over the last 22 years the International Development Association has played a major role in the development of the agricultural sector in developing countries. It has achieved particular success in South Asia where the reliance on agriculture has been reduced from 50 per cent of GDP in 1960 to 35 per cent in 1980. Many of us know of the green revolution which began in the sixties with the introduction of higher yielding seeds and fertilisers. We sometimes forget that proper irrigation systems were essential for the success of these new techniques. It was in this area in particular that the IDA played a major role. The IDA also provided assistance for improved drainage and flood control which, in countries where 90 per cent of the rice grown depends on the monsoons, is of crucial importance.

The green revolution was not entirely successful. Its critics argue that it took no account of local conditions or the traditional approaches of local farmers. Some of these criticisms are undoubtedly valid. There is no doubt that, for this approach to be successful, it requires very close co-ordination and also investment in other areas such as transport, storage and pricing policies. It is clearly difficult to get all of these factors right at the same time and it has not always been possible to do so. What the green revolution has done, however, is to show that half-heartened, amateurish approaches are quite inadequate. We need sustained, professional strategies in order to gain the maximum benefit from the resources available. We know this from our experience here in Ireland. We are very much aware of the difficulties involved in the transition from old to new methods. So we can appreciate the complexities and pitfalls inherent in the green revolution approach.

Despite all this, the effects of IDA assistance in India, for example, has been dramatic and 25 million hectares of land were brought to irrigation in the period 1960 to 1980. In the same period there was a six fold increase in fertiliser consumption to over five million tonnes per year. Grain production increased at a rate of 3 per cent per annum during the Seventies, which led to India becoming self-sufficient in grain production for the first time.

This example is very often quoted and one would wish that the successful operations which have been carried on in India could be repeated elsewhere and that the same results could be achieved. There is no doubt that the effects of the IDA programmes in India are a dramatic example of what can be done in this area. They also indicate the opportunities that can be lost unless countries like ours contribute to the continuation of the IDA work.

The same progress, unfortunately, has not been recorded in Sub-Saharan Africa, the other major area of concentration for the International Development Association. In fact, the food supply situation there is getting worse. During the seventies food production increased at less than half the rate of population growth. This led to growing food deficits and greater reliance on food imports and food aid. The poor performance in Africa has been influenced by several factors: sharp rises in the price of oil and oil based products, frequent droughts, wars and civil disturbances and, not least, poor pricing policies; and economic infrastructures.

The question of food security is becoming one of the major issues in the North-South dialogue and one in which we, as an agricultural country, have a special interest. As Deputies will be aware, the four countries in which Ireland's Bilateral Aid Programme is concentrated are in Sub-Saharan Africa and a substantial part of our assistance to these countries is devoted to the agricultural sector. In addition, within the EEC framework, we are considering new approaches, on the basis of EEC Commission proposals, for tackling the food deficit situation in Sub-Saharan Africa. The most important of these proposals is called the food strategy approach which seeks to develop a comprehensive and coherent programme for each developing country which will lead ultimately to self-sufficiency in food production. We cannot emphasise too strongly the importance of finding a solution to the food production problem. Until we remove the scourge of hunger and under-nourishment, we cannot hope to tackle effectively the longer term development problems.

Ireland has strongly supported the food strategy approach by the EEC. A number of countries have been selected and there are some indications that the food strategy is the correct one because it marries, as it were, the aid operation to the policies in the country itself and the result of this marriage will, I believe, have a great chance of success. If the early indications of success in these countries such as Mali and Ruanda and others continue, they will set an example for an extension of this policy and I hope that in the coming years most countries with food production supply problems will be involved in this food strategy approach.

The second largest area of IDA lending is basic infrastructure. Over the last 22 years, one-third of total commitments have been allocated to this sector, chiefly to the areas of transport, energy, and telecommunications.

The heaviest concentration has been on transport, mainly roads and railways. These are obviously essential for the development of the economic infrastructure in developing countries. Because they are so capital-intensive, however, they are usually beyond the scope of most bilateral donors. In general, it falls to the multilateral institutions such as the International Development Association or the World Bank to provide funds on the scale required to finance these projects.

The same applies to the energy sector, where, in most cases, the enormous investment required for power generation and transmission systems this can only be provided by multilateral organisations. By contrast, in the field of telecommunications, financing is often available from the equipment suppliers and the role of the International Development Association has been mainly to provide technical advice and financial planning. Again, we know from our own experience the importance of adequate telecomunications services for industrial and economic development.

Another area where the International Development Association have provided assistance is water and sewerage systems. Deputies may recall that during the recent visit to Ireland of the Executive Director of UNICEF, Mr. James P. Grant, he stressed that water borne diseases are the leading cause of infant mortality in developing countries. It is no harm to give statistics here for the record. These statistics show that the rate of infant mortality from hunger, disease, malnutrition and related diseases is 40,000 children every day. It is such an enormous figure it is hard to comprehend, but it cannot be repeated too often in an effort to get through to people the enormity of the problem. For example, the city of Cork has a population of about 130,000. It is hard to imagine that in three days the entire population would be wiped out if the same conditions applied there. Possibly this will bring home to people the significance of the statistics.

It is vital, therefore, to provide clean water supplies and there is an obvious spin-off in terms of better health from doing so. The International Development Association have also invested directly in social services, including health and education activities and also urban development. This latter area is one which is posing ever increasing and ever more pressing problems in developing countries as the number of people drifting to the cities from the rural areas grows. The IDA have done valuable work in addressing the problems of urban poverty and have pioneered programmes to find solutions to urban shelter problems.

Industry is another sector which has received substantial assistance from the International Development Association, more than two billion dollars since 1961. In the early years of the association much of the assistance in this area was devoted to large scale projects specialising in import substitution, for example fertilisers in India and textile plants in Egypt. Increasingly, however, the emphasis has been placed on small and medium scale firms which tend to create more jobs. Once again, we can see the parallels with our own situation here in Ireland and the approach of our own Industrial Development Authority is now placing a higher priority on this sector also.

More than one tenth of the International Development Association total commitments have not been tied to particular projects. This form of assistance is called programme assistance. It is intended to ease foreign exchange constraints and is usually accompanied by policy advice to help a country's overall performance. The IDA's assistance in this area has been concentrated mainly in South Asia with India receiving half the total. Initially the programme assistance to India was used to help private industries with necessary imports. More recently it has been used to help bridge chronic current account deficits. This sort of assistance is extremely useful for developing countries especially for overall policy reform and economic management. At times it can be more urgently required than project assistance. Generally speaking, programme assistance is beyond the capacity of most bilateral donors and so there is an important role for international organisations such as the International Development Asociation. Indeed, there may be justification for increasing the IDA's activities in this area and shifting their operations more in the direction of programme assistance.

The International Development Association are not only involved in providing financial assistance but also in providing assistance to governments in developing countries on a broad range of policy issues. When the IDA assess projects, they carry out a detailed analysis of all the factors affecting the project including the constraints on development, whether they be financial, infrastructural, or political. These analyses form the basis for a policy dialogue with the recipient country in which the IDA advise on policy reform and on creating viable development institutions so that the maximum benefit can be derived from the financial assistance provided.

Institutional support and technical assistance are also central factors of our bilateral aid programme. We are unable to provide large sums of capital aid and we see our primary role as helping developing countries to set up the necessary administrative, managerial and technical systems to direct their own development efforts. We can see the effects of this in our priority countries where the assistance we are providing has helped these countries to use more effectively the aid they receive from other sources. A good example of this is Lesotho where extensive assistance from the International Development Association for the extension of the rural educational infrastructure was implemented by Irish technical assistance which was provided to the Lesotho Ministry of Works. This institutional approach, where we aim to build up the development structures, goes to the very heart of our development policy. In our view the primary responsibility for developing the Third World rests with these countries themselves. We can help them to develop the proper policies and structures but it is up to them to take overall charge of and responsibility for their own development.

The objectives of the IDA are, of course, shared by a number of other aid institutions and programmes which have recognised that certain areas of the world and certain types of development call for special and original aid instruments. The European Community's policy for development co-operation is comprised of several aid instruments, the best known of which is the Lomé Convention. However, the programme of financial and technical assistance which the Community draws up each year for non-associated developing countries is of considerable importance to those countries which the Lomé Convention does not cover. Over the period 1976 to 1983, total commitment credits of IR£735 million have been made available under this programme to assist some 30 countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa with a total population of some 1,350 million and an average per capita income of $310. The major recipient of aid in the period has been India which accounted for over 40 per cent of the total commitments. The other major beneficiaries were Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan and Thailand. It remains one of the policy guidelines of this programme that aid shall be directed to the poorest developing countries and the poorest groups in their populations and shall be aimed essentially at developing the rural sector, with particular emphasis on improving food supplies. Indeed, the 1982 programme of financial and technical assistance to non-associates, as in previous years, was almost entirely concentrated on the rural sector. The particular emphasis on food production and agricultural services involving the support of projects on rural development, rural credit, irrigation, drainage and water supplies is reflected in the fact that this sector accounted for almost 82 per cent of total commitments. We can see here a very close connection between the patterns of assistance provided by the EEC and the IDA.

Provision is made for the co-financing of projects with member states and other aid agencies under the EEC's programme and, while the overall share of co-financing in total programme commitments in 1982 at 35 per cent was slightly lower than in previous years, it still continues to play an important part in the programme.

Within the framework of the Lomé Convention the Community has singled out the least developed countries for special treatment not least in taking a broader definition of the term "least developed". Whereas the UN list is based on criteria such as per capita gross domestic product, share of manufacturing and rates of illiteracy, the Community's definition takes into account liability to natural disasters, lack of material resources, disfavour by geography, landlocked states and island states, and low productive potential. Under the 5th EDF the programmable resources for the LDCs amount to IR£1,243 million. Therefore, on a per capita basis the LDCs receive on average double of what was received by the other ACPs. These financial resources consist essentially of grants and/or special loans or risk capital. Similarly, access of the ACP LDCs to EIB risk capital is facilitated as a matter of priority.

Looking at the experience of the International Development Association over the last 22 years a number of points emerge. The first is that small scale projects are often more effective than large scale projects. The association have recognised this and in several areas, including agriculture and infrastructure, they are now tending to support smaller scale projects which have a greater chance of helping the poorest people. The second point, as noted earlier, is that the effective use of IDA funds requires adequate implementation capacity on the part of the recipient country. This means having the right policies, the right structures and properly trained people to run them. As I have already said, this is the area in which we feel that our bilateral assistance to developing countries can be of most use, but it is equally important that other donors also recognise the importance of structural and policy reform in developing countries. This is an area in which developing countries themselves have a very great responsibility for only they can effect the necessary changes that are needed.

A further point is that there is a vital need in the poorer regions of the world to increase food production in order to combat famine and poverty and to obviate the need for food imports and the growing dependency on food aid. In order to achieve this, there is a clear need for research which will help to overcome these food shortages. The spectacular gains which have been achieved in wheat, maize and rice production since the late sixties through the application of new varieties and improved technology have been pioneered in international centres of research of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), a co-operative research system which is administered through the World Bank, and of which the World Bank, FAO, United Nations Development Programme and donor governments are the financial sponsors. Ireland has been a contributor to the CGIAR system for the last three years, our contribution being directed to research on the improvement of livestock production in Africa, potato, wheat and maize production, and support for national research capabilities in the developing countries themselves. There is no doubt that moneys spent on research, such as the rice, wheat and maize improvements which have eliminated huge deficits in parts of Asia and Latin America, can have a very high rate of return, not only in financial and economic terms, but in the human terms of saving millions of lives which would otherwise be lost through hunger. While there have been some very important gains in recent years in the production of food grains, especially in Asia, as a result of scientific and technological breakthroughs, some 300 million people in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America subsist on roots, tubers and coarse grains which have not shared the production increases of these cereals. We must, therefore, continue to support research in this area so that the latest advances in science and technology are applied to the most fundamental and urgent problem of all, namely the elimination of hunger.

I have outlined the activities and the experience of the International Development Association over the last 22 years at some length because the organisation is experiencing a difficult time at present. Each replenishment of the IDA has always been more difficult than the previous one, but the present one, the sixth replenishment, has proved especially difficult and indeed the purpose of the Bill before us today is to help preserve order in the financing of the IDA. In many quarters today multilateral development organisations have become unfashionable. They are criticised, often justifiably, for being over-bureaucratic, for being too slow and for being insufficiently responsive to local needs and circumstances. There is a general preference nowadays for bilateral aid, often — it must be said — because this form of aid can be tied to the procurement of goods and services from the donor countries, although I am happy to say that this is not a feature of Irish assistance. Despite shortcomings, multilateral organisations have an important role to play in the development process. Developing countries prefer to deal with them because multilateral aid is predictable and usually untied. We also need the positive and constructive influence that they can bring to bear on policy making in developing countries.

The history of the International Development Association over the last two decades shows that, on the whole, they have been a valuable and important instrument for development and have been a major support for the low income countries which are so reliant on external aid for their very survival. We in Ireland have always seen the poorest countries as the major priority for our bilateral aid. We share a lot in common with the approach and the philosophy of the International Development Association. The association is a significant part of our aid to developing countries, accounting for almost 10 per cent of the total last year and it will continue to be an important part of our overall assistance to developing countries in the future.

I would urge Deputies to support this Bill and, in doing so, to reaffirm their support, not only for the International Development Association but for the work of all those, and especially those Irish people engaged in helping developing countries in their development efforts.

It is important that we in this House remember the work of our people abroad. Indeed, many do not realise how many are working in developing countries, trying to assist them. Through the programmes in my Department and through the APSO agency there must be 500 or 600 people officially involved in the aid efforts, but we cannot forget the approximate 5,000 missionaries scattered over the globe, most of whom are involved to a greater or lesser degree in helping the peoples of the countries in which they reside at present. It is important that in the Parliament of their own country they should be remembered and that we place on record our appreciation of their work, be they missionaries, members — as a large number are — of voluntary organisations, or people who are abroad in an official capacity. I am very glad, as Minister of State with special responsibility in this area, to put on the record of this House my appreciation of the work that they are doing and, if nothing else, to let them know that even though they are very far away — in many cases many thousands of miles — they are not forgotten. They are appreciated as ambassadors of this country.

In the light of our efforts at official and voluntary level and the support we have given in the past to the International Development Agency, and particularly so because of its present difficulties, it is very important indeed that we make this additional contribution and join with the other countries which are making a similar special contribution to enable them to continue their work.

I am particularly happy to be present here today to welcome this Bill. It had been my intention to commence where the Minister of State had concluded, by paying tribute to the many working through Congood in the Third World Countries for the wonderful work they have done. I am already on the record of the House as paying tribute to these great ambassadors for our country of whom we are very proud. We do appreciate what they are doing and share their frustrations at there not being more money available to them to give to the Third World. We are giving to the maximum of our ability. It is important to stress that no matter how difficult our own situation may be, there are people throughout the world who are living in extreme deprivation.

Some time ago I watched a television programme dealing with Ethiopia or some other African state, which showed starving women and children. It was so devastating that I was unable to continue watching the programme. I felt, not a sense of guilt, but was extremely moved. I wondered if those people at whom we were looking had been white, would the amount of aid pouring in from the west have been greater? I thought many times since about that. Perhaps the sight of starving people is bearable to some but my reaction was that, if they were white, we would have reacted in a very different way, a more urgent way. That is why I sometimes feel the message is not going home. People are used to seeing black people or people of the yellow races hungry. They have almost become inured to that sight. I wonder what would it take to shock people out of their complacency and make them realise that there is so much we should be doing for these people.

The problem of an increasing world population is extremely serious. In 1979 Deputy Timmins and I went to Sri Lanka to a conference under the auspices of the United Nations and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. We listened to talks about the problem the world will be facing around the year 2020. By then the world population will have virtually doubled. There is a great need to spend money on digging wells and on irrigation schemes. Sadly the developed world associations are behind target in developing these resources. The reality is that famine will be with us for some time. We are fighting a terrible uphill battle against poverty and starvation throughout the world.

I believe the figures in Sri Lanka showed that families had one egg per family per month. When you see people in these countries you realise that they are eating to survive. We are used to eating to enjoy. We are used to looking at a menu and making a choice of what we will have for dinner, and whether we will eat this, that, or the other. Other people eat to survive. They do not question what they have to eat. It may be a handful of rice with saffron and they have been eating rice every day for God knows how long. Many of these people would not know what a steak is. I know that in India Hindus would not eat steak anyway.

With all our difficulties here, we do not realise how fortunate we are. We have not got a famine in the land. We had one in 1847 and following years, and I do not think the Irish people will ever forget that. That has given us a willingness and urgency to do something to the best of our ability to solve the problem of hunger in other countries. It is such an uphill battle.

The amount of money taken up in administrative costs causes me anxiety at times. Through their agencies Governments should endeavour to keep administrative costs to a minimum and to channel as much as possible of the money donated into self-help schemes. Perhaps we could spend more money to finance voluntary workers who go out to the Third World countries. Many young people are anxious to do this. Recently money was raised to send people from Dún Laoghaire to part of India to see what life was like there. When they come back they will say: "We want to go out again as quickly as possible to help the people. We want people with skills, with training in agriculture and administration and teachers to help people to help themselves."

This is the new missionary from Ireland complementing the missionaries of the past and the missioners of today who, as the Minister said, do such wonderful work and dedicate their lives to working for these people. Many of them never see their families again. They correspond with them but they do not come back. We do not take time as often as we should to pay tribute to them.

The Minister is doing a very good job. I compliment him on his speech. It is an excellent statement because it outlines very clearly what is happening. I wish we could talk out this debate this evening so that it could be resumed next week and more Deputies would be enabled to participate. I know many people who are not here today who would love to contribute to this debate. Deputy O'Kennedy has always shown a great interest in it. I believe Deputy N. Andrews may be out of the country and he too would like to contribute to the debate.

We have a responsibility to educate people on the need for us to contribute on as wide a base as possible to the Third World through these agencies. The recession has hit everyone and particularly those in the Third World. The increase in the price of oil has had its impact. Ultimately these resources will run out and new forms of energy will be required. It is not popular to say this but ultimately nuclear energy will be the answer when the world population is doubled.

In the past the solution to famine and over-population has been war. As the Minister stated quite rightly, unless the developed world contributes very substantially more than it is contributing at the moment to the Third World, there will be the most horrendous holocaust in the 21st century. This message has to be spelled out. We are leaving it very late in the day even now. The masses of people from India and China will pour over the borders in search of food to survive. An enormous problem is facing the world.

That is why I am very glad we have this opportunity to have this discussion. I am sorry we did not have more notice of the debate. I am not blaming the Government because business is always agreed between the Whips. I am sorry more attention was not drawn to the fact that this matter was coming before the House. If we had known about it at our last party meeting, we would have brought in more speakers to back the Government whatever Government are in power. The solutions are not easy. In the few minutes available to me and from my knowledge of what is going on, I feel we should emphasise more the needs of the Third World, not only in Ireland but in other countries.

I am a great believer in bilateral agreements. It is very important that we go out into the world and are seen as a country without aspirations to take anybody's land; we simply go out to help people. I think that is our image in the Third World and it is incumbent on us to maintain it. I have great pleasure in responding in this way to the Minister's speech, and I want to tell him that there will not be any criticism from this side of the House when the Government see fit to increase our contribution for the Third World. When the people understand why this money is going to the Third World, automatically they will respond favourably, because our people do not give just through taxes but they give to every charity, sale of work and so on for the Third World. As a people we give more per head of the population to charity than many other countries. The generosity of the Irish people is recognised and appreciated abroad.

I will take up from where Deputy Briscoe left off. I have no doubt that on a per capita basis we are as generous as any other nation in the world. The folk memory is long here. Cecil Woodham-Smith referred to the fact that Trevelyan, the Home Secretary, in 1847 said of us as a people that if the Irish nation ever discovered they could get something for nothing, the world would witness a stampede such as had never been seen. That folk memory has helped to condition our thinking to assist the Third World.

Our greatest contribution has been in the area of missionary endeavour. I would like to be associated with the remarks of the previous speakers in their tributes to the wonderful contribution in kind in the areas of education and training made by our missionaries — priests, nuns, brothers and clergymen of all denominations. It is no harm to remind ourselves that in the preface to the book The Great Hunger, Cecil Woodham-Smith pointed out that when we speak of the famine in 1846-47, we sometimes forget that in the preceding 40 years there were 20 minor famines. I mention this point to highlight the need in the Third World for education and training to help those people cope with their own problems and become self-sufficient. Kenneth Galbraith, the distinguished American economist, pointed very strongly to this need when he referred to the absurdity of developing Third World economies buying cars in America instead of developing their own economies to produce their own consumer goods.

In welcoming this Bill I commend the Minister for his philosophy in this area as reflected in this legislation. On behalf of the Labour Party I would like to draw attention to some aspects of the present world situation which must be a cause of grave concern to anybody interested in the way the international situation is developing. The International Development Association was established in 1960 and is tailored to the needs of those countries whose external debt had become so crushing that they could no longer afford even the long-term relatively modest cost IBRD loans. Such countries bear intolerable debt burdens, often devoting 20 per cent or more of their national earnings to the servicing of these debts. The IDA has the same structure and voting procedure as the World Bank. There are 117 subscribing members and their funds are periodically replenished by governments. The fourth replenishment went through with considerable difficulty in 1974 after the then leader of the World Bank, Mr. Eugene McNamara, had threatened his board "that there is now a danger of complete termination of IDA's activities next July".

The IDA also received direct transfers of funds from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Their loans bear no interest, merely a service charge of ¾ per cent. They provide for a ten year grace period and allow for repayment in 40 years, but yearly the situation is growing worse for these countries in so far as the debt they have to repay is becoming greater each year. While it is true to say that we have seen great developments in the way of contributions by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, nevertheless the situation leaves a great deal to be desired.

Those of us over 40 have witnessed one of the great political developments in the history of human civilisation. I am talking about the withdrawal of the European maritime nations from the former colonies and empires in the fifties and sixties. I remember reading in graphic detail when Belgium pulled out of the Congo — I do not know if it is true but I did not see it contradicted — that only one native of the Congo had graduated from a university. The situation was that bad. Different colonial powers acted in different ways — the Dutch, the English, the Germans, the French and the Italians — but we now have a situation where some of the former colonies are in greater economic bondage to their former masters than they were during the days of the empire, and statistics will prove this. It is very disconcerting to read that, despite the best endeavours of the Third World countries, they are now paying more for the same volume of goods from the more developed sectors of the world than they were paying ten years ago. This shows that their situation is worsening. Many of the loans they are getting from the IDA are merely going to reservice previous loans. Certain countries hold no bank-proper loans at all, only IDA concessionary credits — Afghanistan, Jordan, and several Sahelian countries among them.

India, as was stated by the Minister, is by far the prime recipient of IDA credit with over $4 billion in 79 separate grants, or more than three-quarters of its total bank group loans. Pakistan is second with with over $700 million in credits and is followed by Bangladesh and Indonesia each with more than half a billion. Thirty per cent of the IDA's credits go to agriculture — the largest proportional share — with transportation the next largest sector.

Besides suffering vastly discriminatory trade terms and wholly inadequate Western development assistance, the neediest nations are also confronting a heavier and heavier debt burden. The outstanding debt of the poor countries — what they owe to bilateral or multilateral arrangements, public or private suppliers of credit — has reached an astronomical $180 billion on which they pay interest in the region of $13 billion a year. The amount they owe in interest alone is growing faster every year than their incoming hard-currency revenue, solely because of unfavourable trade terms their collective trade deficit was about $37 billion in 1975, rounding out the vicious circle.

Although the figures are relevant for late seventies rather than early eighties it must still be noted that in these recessionary times the gap between rich and poor nations will continue to grow until at least the year 2,000 largely owing to the selfish of the richer nations. Mr. McNamara, President of the World Bank, is on record as stating that nothing can be done to prevent what is in fact an international scandal that does not receive the type of highlighting from the world media it should. What we can do is begin to move now to ensure that absolute poverty and utter degradation is ended.

Colonial exploitation that I referred to must not be permitted to be replaced by economic and political domination of the developing countries. This can be guaranteed only by a balanced approach in which political freedom is matched by the creation of effective and acceptable systems of administration, and education, and the provision of an economic infras-structure capable of enabling people to have control of all aspects of their own affairs.

The achievement of a new international economic order will demand major reforms within the international organisations through which the world development issues are debated and tackled in practice. These are the indispensable channels for future progress and for the monitoring of this progress.

The United Nations, and its affiliated bodies, UNCTAD, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, are central and crucial to the whole process. It is essential that these organisations should be appropriately structured and that their orientations should take into account the legitimate interests of the developing countries.

Economic relationships on the world level must be based on a clear set of values. Central to these values must be an acceptance that development relates to the welfare of the human beings and not to the dictates of capital. The IMF must conform in practice to this principle and must ensure that in its programmes of financial support it fully respects national integrity and imposes only conditions which are in line with the goals and possibilities of development policy.

President Nyrere of Tanzania said:

The World Bank and the IMF ..... were set up by ..... and are still controlled by, the rich nations of the world. Whether they are now effective in serving the purpose for which they were established, is, I would have thought, questionable. But what is quite certain is that — apart from the IDA subsidiary of the World Bank — they are not instruments for attacking world poverty, and dependency. The IMF in particular endorses and serves the present international financial structure, rather than in any way acting as a corrective to its injustices. Further, although it is a creature of the developed nations, these hide behind the IMF when they find it convenient. They pretend that it has a special expertise and is politically neutral; when a poor country seeks credit it is therefore first to reach a system which will support development and not crush it as in the current deplorable case of Jamaica. For example Prime Minister Michael Manley, leader of the People's National Party of Jamaica, announced that his government was ceasing any further negotiations with the International Monetary Fund on the question of loans for his country. The conditions the fund was trying to impose on his government in exchange for its aid, he said were too onerous.

The rationale behind the strategy is one which is shared by many countries of the developing world, one which is severly critical of the methods of working of the Fund. It is mirrored in the Brandt report which commented that the credit conditions of the IMF "normally presume that balance of payments problems are a result of too much domestic demand and can be solved by balancing the budget, curbing the money supply, cutting subsidies and setting a realistic exchange rate. Sometimes these measures are appropriate and have been effective but in many cases these measures reduce domestic consumption without improving investment; productive capacity sometimes falls even more sharply than consumption. This is because many developing countries with deficits have a shortage of food or of basic consumer goods or cannot readily shift resources in line with their new needs. Indeed, the Fund's insistence on drastic measures, often within the time framework of only one year, has tended to impose unnecessary and unacceptable political burdens on the poorest, on occasion leading to `IMF riots' and even to the downfall of governments".

The world monetary system must be reformed so as to fight instability and speculation and to meet the urgent trade and economic needs of the developing countries. Worldwide monetary instability is leading to changing economic relationships and to distortions in markets for the basic commodities on which so much of the prospects of the developing countries still depend. We must support any further financing of IDA because it is directed to the poorest Third World nations. We should emphasise our level of confidence in the World Bank-IMF set-up secure from domination by former colonial powers and tradition of the worst possible policy conditions such as I outlined occurred in Jamaica. We support this measure.

The Minister in concluding his contribution recommended the Bill and I welcome that recommendation. My welcome for the Bill is qualified in regard to one aspect. We should not have the Bill before us today seeking an additional £2 million for IDA. We should have before us an order committing Ireland to the Seventh Replenishment for IDA. That is being held up while discussions take place and the Bill is before us because the US were not able, or prepared, to undertake the commitment they agreed to in 1980 in the Sixth Replenishment. It is unfortunate that that happened. It would be easy to be critical of the US because of their failure to carry out their commitment thereby putting the onus on the other 22 countries to bolster the account. This measure is a bolstering of the account for one year to give the Americans time to fulfil their commitment. It would be easy to be over-critical but that would be unfair because the USA have been the major donors to the fund. They donate approximately 37 per cent of all the money available under the IDA. Therefore, one has to temper one's criticisms of them because of that.

I welcome the Bill because it gives us an opportunity to inform ourselves on where multilateral funding goes. It is fair to say that the majority of Members of this House and the public know we have commitments under this programme under the heading of multilateral aid but I do not think most people know much more about it. This Bill gives Members an opportunity to examine one aspect of our funding, namely, our commitment to the IDA fund. The debate today has shown that a number of Deputies are anxious to learn more about the matter and to express their views on the work of the IDA and the World Bank.

The IDA was set up by the World Bank in 1960. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was set up after the Second World War to give loans to developing countries but after 15 years in operation it was found the bank was not able to help many of the least developed countries. They could not make use of many of the loans available under the IBRD and their situation was getting worse. Under the terms then obtaining the IBRD loans had to be repaid within 20 years and this was not possible for some of the least developed countries. The IDA was set up giving more advantageous terms for the least developed countries. The main repayment of the principal sum did not fall for repayment until after ten years and the rest of the repayments were spread over 50 years.

The purpose was to give loans for economic development and initially much emphasis was placed on infrastructural development. However, there has been a change of emphasis in IDA loans. The World Bank have come in for considerable criticism for some of the projects they have financed and the emphasis they have put on some of their work. In the opening statement of their annual report for 1983 it is stated:

Since 1980 the Bank, in response to the deteriorating prospects for the developing countries during the 1980s, inaugurated a programme of structural adjustment lending. This lending supports programmes of specific policy changes and institutional reforms in developing countries designed to achieve a more efficient use of resources and thereby contribute to a more sustainable balance of payments in the medium and long-term and to the maintenance of growth in the face of severe constraints and to lay the basis for regaining momentum for future growth.

This is where the emphasis should lie so far as development is concerned. For many years emphasis was on giving aid as a reaction to natural disasters. Food, clothing and shelter are still essential parts of any aid programme but it has become evident that this is not the answer for the least developed countries. They must be helped to reach a stage of development where they will no longer need the help of developed countries.

I welcome the change of emphasis in the policies of major groups such as the World Bank and the IDA. This will be followed by the other countries involved with the World Bank and it will help to educate the policy-makers in those countries. It will ensure a more enlightened approach to development and a greater awareness of the responsibilities of countries to the least developed nations. We have a situation where 80 per cent of the wealth of the world is in the hands of approximately 10 per cent of the population. Recently I was at a conference where a speaker said that if someone were to come from Mars and land anywhere in this world the chances are he would land in a Third World country because they cover approximately two-thirds of the land mass. That visitor from Mars would have a very different view of this world than we would wish because it would be a world of extreme poverty and under-development. The responsibility lies with the 10 per cent who hold the massive wealth of the world.

The purpose of IDA was to give loans for economic development with the hope that eventually all countries would become partners and on an equal level. Loans from IDA are paid directly to governments as opposed to the work of NGOs and other bilateral aid programmes from which local groups may benefit. This is where lies one of the main areas of criticism of the World Bank and the IMF. Many of the governments of the least developed countries are extraordinarily unstable and agreements reached with them are not always implemented. The rate of success of some of the programmes financed by loans from the IDA is very low and naturally there is criticism because it appears that the money has been wasted. It can even be said at times that the IDA should withdraw loans because they do not appear to help in the development of countries. However, that will not help and I think the loans should continue to be made available even when the governments concerned are not ones we would like to support. I visited one of the under-developed countries, the Philippines, where there is massive wealth on one side and extreme poverty on the other. I visited an institution, a rice research centre, that was financed by World Bank money.

Before my visit we were given a lot of literature about it and I looked forward to visiting it. However, I was given a lot of very bad information about it. The feeling had been that the money going into it was helping the research centre in which many people were employed, many of them from outside the Philippines, but it was found that the money being spent, far from helping the development of the country, would only bring more hardship to the people.

Because of the type of group I was with when visiting the place, I was shown certain areas of the research centre but not others — we were privy to certain information but not to all. We found it difficult to discover why we were not allowed into the library proper but only to an annex. We were given booklets but we were not allowed to go into the main research department. Afterwards I spoke to many people and found that one of the main reservations about the project is the concentration on varieties of a rice crop, rice being one of the main foods of the people as it is in many of the least developed countries. In that research they are purifying the genus of rice so much that its survival requires an enormous amount of fertilisers, which the poor people cannot afford to buy. Therefore the productivity is far less than it should be.

Projects such as that give rise to severe criticism of groups like IDA. The association must be cognisant of this and continuously assess the kind of projects they get involved in so that they will be really helping to sustain development in those countries. Obviously IDA are making efforts to do this because in their reports they have indicated they are assessing what they are doing continuously so that they can be sure their programmes can sustain themselves after the IDA have gone.

In 1980 ODA subscriptions from all over the world financed 65 per cent of the deficits of low income countries, and IDA funds alone accounted for 16 per cent of the total of ODA, going into those countries. Long may this last provided the association continue to assess and monitor what they are doing.

In our contributions to IDA we are trying to get worldwide structures that will be balanced and that will exhibit the responsibility of the industrialised developed countries. When these countries are donating to funds such as this, the danger is that they will wash their hands of their responsibilities after that and say: "We have given so many million dollars to a fund to help the poor people. That is our responsibility gone. We are very good boys and girls".

Therefore I hope the Minister will do much more than rubber-stamp our contributions to groups like IDA. I hope that when they attend the annual meeting he and his officials will question the kind of projects that the money will be going into. We can note the lack of understanding here of the development aid movement. It is very easy for the general public to be critical of what is going on in this field, in regard to how the billions of dollars are being spent. Last year a colleague of mine criticised some of the projects in which one of our Irish organisations were involved in. Many people echoed that criticism. Those criticisms may have been relevant 20 years ago but I do not think they are today because understanding of what we are about when we go into those under-developed countries has increased and we all understand nowadays that the giving of aid and food is not enough any more because it has become obvious that the least developed countries are not getting any better and that a change of emphasis is needed.

One may question the manner in which IDA decide on the countries they should become involved in. The per capita income is one of the most important gauges and the Minister stressed that in his speech. He said that the majority of the loans were going to countries in which the per capita income was $475 per annum. That is about £400 a year. How many of us here could even countenance living on that sum? Some of us would say we cannot live on even £400 a month.

This puts into perspective the kind of countries these funds are helping through the concessionary loans. It has been emphasised here today that in our present difficult period of recession it would be easy for us to rule out any further aid to those countries until we get our own economic situation sorted out. It is easy to argue that we have many poor people here, and that is true, and that we could use the money we are voting in this Bill to better effect at home. We could do with an extra £2 million for many of our domestic programmes, but our commitment will be measured by the responsible action we are taking here today which will try to ensure that the IDA programmes will be continued and sustained.

IDA try to ensure that the countries which will be helped will be those with large populations. In the 20 years of their existence, the association's aims have changed considerably. At the beginning they aimed mainly at infrastructure development but in the last 10 years they have been getting involved in agricultural and rural development projects mainly because for many years agricultural development in those countries was neglected and because of that their peoples had nothing to eat because their own resources were being diminished. Belatedly it has been discovered that this is where a lot of the money should be going. Now almost 40 per cent of the funding is going into agricultural and rural development programmes. Another large percentage of the money is going into institutions in the least developed countries.

One could pour millions of dollars into most of those countries but it would not be used effectively and productively because they have not the institutions or the personnel. They have not got the expertise to use that money effectively where it is most needed. Unless there is some kind of structure to permit the money to be used to the best advantage it is useless to be pouring money into those countries. Many times we have read of aid to those countries being left on docks and in warehouses and not getting to the people who need it, partly because the structures in those countries have been so under-developed that they cannot get the aid to the people who need it most. Therefore, it is most important to develop the institutions and the structures that will help to administer the aid when it reaches those countries.

The IDA are most anxious to improve the health and the diet of those people. This may appear not to have anything more than a concern for human rights, but it must be realised that under-fed people cannot work productively and that if their health and the quality of their diets are not improved, productivity in those countries will continue to fall.

Debate adjourned.
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