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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 4 Apr 1984

Vol. 349 No. 7

EEC Council of Ministers: Statement by Minister for Agriculture.

I should like to make a statement to the House on the results of the Council of Agriculture Ministers which was held on 30-31 March. The Council reached a comprehensive agreement on the adjustment of the Common Agricultural Policy which had been under discussion since last summer and on the price arrangements for 1984-85.

The main difficulty for us related to the super-levy on milk. Farmers here rightly saw the proposal put forward by the Commission as directly threatening their viability and indeed most people outside of agriculture saw it as having serious repercussions for the whole economy.

The Commission had proposed that a super-levy should apply to milk deliveries in excess of the 1981 level plus 1 per cent. The choice of this base was in line with earlier arrangements from 1980 onwards on the control of milk production, which were formalised in 1982 by the adoption of a production threshold for the Community for 1981 deliveries plus 0.5 per cent a year, the estimated growth in consumption. The cost of disposing of production over the level would be recouped from producers. The threshold for 1983 was therefore 1981 deliveries plus 1 per cent, which amounted to 97.2 million tonnes for the entire Community. Actual production in the Community in 1983 was in fact some 6.5 million tonnes above that level.

If the cost involved were to be paid by producers, it would have necessitated an increase of more than 6 per cent in the co-responsibility levy or a price reduction of more than 12 per cent. In those circumstances the Commission felt that the super-levy was a more acceptable and effective method of enforcing the production threshold, and controlling milk production which is running at some 20 per cent above the Community's internal requirements.

For Ireland the Commission's proposal would have meant a production cut of almost 14 per cent on our 1983 level. This was clearly unacceptable in itself and in addition all future expansion would be ruled out. Following an unprecedented campaign of persuasion by the Taoiseach, other Ministers and myself, our partners accepted that we had a special case on the super-levy but they found great difficulty in accepting that it should be met by concessions in regard to milk production. Structural aid to us was their preferred solution. Our difficulties became more pronounced when at a Council meeting on 13 March the other member states agreed to a base of 1981 deliveries plus 1 per cent with some concessions to Italy and Luxembourg. We refused to go along with this agreement and continued to maintain our demand for special treatment.

However, after some very difficult negotiations, we succeeded in reaching an agreement that gave us a basic entitlement of our 1983 level of deliveries, plus more than 4.6 per cent. In addition, it was agreed that not only could this entitlement not be reduced in future years but that we would have priority in regard to the distribution of any additional quantities which become available, for example, from production shortfalls or market improvement.

Against the background of the Community's serious financial difficulties and the surplus situation in the milk market, the arrangement achieved for this country is remarkably favourable. It starts us off on a basis well above that applicable in most of the Community. This is a satisfactory outcome indeed and goes well beyond what seemed possible throughout most of the negotiations. This is borne out by the reactions in other EEC member states, where public comments are unanimous in regarding the deal as exceptionally favourable to this country while accepting also that the unique importance of dairying in the Irish economy warranted some special treatment for us.

Oh, my God.

The sound of tinkling and the clash of cymbals.

What have the farmers of Ireland to say?

The Minister for Agriculture was requested to make a statement and Deputies should allow him to make it, without interruption.

I think that we can be well satisfied with the outcome. In the context of the massive oversupply of dairy products and of the very considerable sacrifices made by most other member states it is certainly a good result. The latter aspect needs to be fully appreciated. Very real cutbacks in milk production have been accepted by the majority of other member states. For instance, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom have to cut back to 6 per cent or 7 per cent below their 1983 levels of production. These cuts have understandably been very strongly criticised by farmers in those countries. In those circumstances it showed considerable generosity on the part of my colleagues in the Council to agree to allow further expansion in Ireland. That they did so is a tribute to their political courage and to the extent to which they accepted the strong case we had made to them over the past nine months or so.

What about the derogation?

I will refer to some of the cuts which the milk producing countries in the Community have had to agree. First, I will refer to the marketing year 1984-85vis-à-vis the marketing year 1983-84. This year France is taking a reduction of over 500,000 tonnes, West Germany is taking a cut of 1.7 million tonnes, Holland is taking a cut of approximately .8 million tonnes and the United Kingdom——

(Interruptions.)

If the Deputy hangs on long enough he might be able to hold on to the hind tit which is just about where he should be.

(Interruptions.)

This is unreasonable. The Minister should be allowed to make a statement without interruptions. Order, please, from all sides of the House.

In the marketing year 1985-86 they will be taking further cuts as follows: France will be taking a cut of .775 million tonnes, Germany, slightly less than 2 million tonnes——

——Netherlands, .921 million tonnes and the United Kingdom will go up to 1.32 million tonnes, very significant decreases.

What about the cereal substitutes and the imports of New Zealand butter?

A Deputy on behalf of each party will have an opportunity to make a case. That is the reasonable way to do things.

How many speakers will there be from the other side?

(Interruptions.)

You have need of rent-a-crowd——

I have no need for rent-a-crowd. Fianna Fáil have a nice collection——

Deputies on all sides must allow the Minister to make a statement without interruption. If they do not want to hear him, something can be arranged.

Expressed as a percentage in the marketing year 1985-86 the countries will take cuts as follows: Denmark's milk output will be reduced by 6.7 per cent; Germany's milk output will be reduced by 7.7 per cent; Holland's output will be reduced by 7.2 per cent and the United Kingdom's output will be reduced by 7.8 per cent, a sizeable percentage reduction.

It is up to us to make the best use of the opportunity given to us to produce milk of right quality in the right production pattern and to process it with a greater eye to the dictates of the commercial markets rather than to the convenience of intervention. That point was graphically illustrated in this House by Deputy Joe Walsh four or five weeks ago when he spoke about the incorrect methods of marketing we have adopted and opting for two main commodity products rather than diversification. That aspect is something about which we will shortly be talking to all concerned in the industry. More immediately we need to talk about and decide on the best use of the quota we have been given. The precise details of operating the system will need to be worked out by my Department in consultation with farmers and their co-operatives over the next week or two.

Other parts of the new dairy arrangements are also favourable to us. After allowing for an increase of 1 per cent in the co-responsibility levy, there will be a net price increase for milk of about 1.3p per gallon. The Commission had proposed to suspend intervention buying of skim milk powder for part of the year but that proposal was dropped in the final settlement. Part of the consumer subsidy on butter has been retained, despite the Commission's original proposal to abolish it. The retention of an element of consumer subsidy, together with a change in the intervention price, means that the retail price of butter here will be affected only by the green pound change which I will be coming to later. The overall result will be a price increase of about 4p per pound.

In the beef sector there will be a net increase in the support price of between 3 per cent and 4 per cent. The amount of the United Kingdom variable premium on beef is to be reduced and a clawback applied to beef exports from the United Kingdom. The latter will be particularly valuable in restoring the competitive position of our meat exporters who had been at a disadvantage as compared with factories in Northern Ireland and Britain. From statements made by the meat trade I believe this should generate up to 500 extra jobs in our meat factories.

What was the price increase for cattle?

The calf premium has been retained at a level of almost £10 per calf even though the Commission had proposed to abolish it completely.

A Deputy

That is a reduction.

These arrangements on the calf premium and the variable premium were agreed with much difficulty at an early hour last Saturday and the opinion of the European Parliament has to be obtained before the necessary implementing regulations can be made by the Council.

Also in the beef sector, the carcase classification grid will come into force on a Community-wide basis on 9 April. After a phasing-in period identical prices will be paid right across the Community for beef of a given quality sold to intervention. This will mean better prices for higher beef qualities and will provide an incentive to producers and processors to turn out a really top quality product. In the new situation following the entry into force of the community beef grid, the separate régime for stopping and starting intervention that has been in force here up to now will end and we will be on the same basis in that regard as the other member states.

For sheepmeat there is a net price increase of 5 per cent. The clawback of the United Kingdom variable premium on this product for exports to the continental member states continues and is to include seasoned lamb which has been causing us a particular problem. Advance payments of the ewe premium will continue to be made in disadvantaged areas although the Commission had proposed to abolish advances completely.

As regards other products there is a net price increase of 2.3 per cent for pigmeat cereals and sugar beet. Also, the basis fior calculating MCAs on pigmeat will be changed from 1 November next to reduce significantly the MCAs on that product. In the cereals sector the Council have agreed on a mandate for the Commission to negotiate with third countries on stabilisation on corn gluten imports. As Deputies know, cereals substitute imports have been causing a grave distortion in the market place and have been largely responsible for the huge milk surpluses which have been produced in the Community in recent years. It is about time somebody did something about this and I am glad to say we were the first to do it.

(Interruptions.)

The Minister did not do much for the pig industry.

See how patience pays off.

What about the pig industry?

The Minister without interruptions please.

As Deputies are aware, Ireland has consistently sought over many years to have MCAs eliminated because of the difficulties and distortions they cause. The recent agreement represents an important step forward in this direction. As well as providing for sizeable reductions in current positive MCAs in Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, it provides for further reductions in January next and ensures that no fixed positive MCAs will be created in future following changes in monetary parities. The current reductions are counterbalanced by new negative MCAs which are being eliminated at the beginning of the 1984-85 market year for each product. The result for Ireland is that a change in our green rate raises Irish support prices by 3.4 per cent above what they otherwise would have been.

The average price increase arising from the package is about 2.5 per cent in Irish pounds when both the support price changes and the green rate adjustment are taken into account. The overall gain to the agricultural sector can be put at £250 million, including the very substantial saving from not having to apply the super-levy on the same basis as most other member states.

What about the calf subsidy?

Last week Deputy MacSharry told me the calf subsidy scheme was abolished. It is not abolished. It is retained at a reduced rate.

(Interruptions.)

The Minister to continue without interruption.

The proposition was to abolish it. This was announced by the Fianna Fáil Party last week.

They had already given in at that stage.

The total value to the country overall is approximately £16 million, which is not to be sneezed at.

(Interruptions.)

The effect of the various measures on the consumer price index is estimated at one-quarter of a percentage point in a full year.

The agreement follows many long days and nights of what were probably the most difficult negotiations that an Irish Minister for Agriculture has ever conducted. We had a vital and essential national interest in the milk sector and we made this clear. We also had a vital interest in the survival of the Common Agricultural Policy and that is what was at stake this year. Even as things now stand, there will be serious financial difficulties in running the Common Agricultural Policy but we now know that the CAP can continue. That is probably the most important outcome of all the negotiations.

Our main aims in the negotiation have been achieved. We have obtained satisfactory settlement on the super-levy issue. We have seen steps taken to remove distortions in the beef and lamb trade, to eliminate positive MCAs and to further the process of stabilising imports of cereal substitutes. These are all the things requested and demanded in this House over the past 12 months.

The Minister has delivered and it is about time the Opposition recognised it.

The Minister promised to get a total derogation from the super-levy.

The results of the negotiations have also been a major success for the Community as a whole in showing that it can face up to and resolve even the most intractable problems. In that context I should like to pay a special tribute to the work of the chairman of the Council of Agriculture Ministers, Mr. Michel Rocard, the French Minister of Agriculture, who did fantastic work. If it had not been for his tireless efforts over the past few months we could now be facing the collapse of the CAP, with all that would entail for Ireland and the other member states. The French delegation and the French nation in general were very helpful to us, including President Mitterrand and all the French Ministers and negotiators. The bulk of the other Ministers and other delegates involved in the talks at the end of the day also proved to be extremely helpful to us. We did have considerable resistance in the course of the negotiations from three or four countries.

The Minister——

If there were a super-levy on gas Deputy O'Keeffe would be extinguished in no time. He would not last a minute.

The Minister to continue, without assistance from any other Minister.

We had very worth-while assistance from most of the Ministers concerned.

(Interruptions.)

In paying tribute to the assistance given to us by the French Minister of Agriculture and other Ministers, I should like to pay particular tribute to the negotiating team, the civil servants from the Department of Agriculture and also originally from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Finance when there was a special council in being. I must also pay tribute to the Irish delegation in Brussels who participated in the negotiations, the Irish Ambassador and his staff.

(Interruptions.)

We must draw from the experience of the negotiations over the past nine months some conclusions about the way our agriculture must go. It is clear that as regards the future of the CAP the winds have changed and are blowing in a certain direction and this is not in the direction of maintaining open-ended guarantees. We must lessen our reliance on community support systems. Our farmers and processors will have to relate more closely to what commercial markets want and need, not to what can be sold easily into intervention. That coincides with what Deputy Walsh was saying some weeks ago. We have obtained a satisfactory base level for our milk production, especially taking account of the flexibility that is possible within each co-operative, but in the longer term we need to spread our agricultural production over a more diversified range. The Government cannot dictate to farmers or to traders but they can suggest that they should look more to their long-term than to their short-term interests. Irish agriculture has to get into the position where we will be less vulnerable to changes at Community level and better able to use the commercial opportunities that exist.

I should like to thank Deputies on all sides of the House who have complimented me on the arrangements we reached in Brussels.

Deputy Michael Noonan.

On a point of order, I should like your guidance as to whether it would be in order for the House to commend the Minister on the excellent deal.

Deputy Noonan, without further interruption.

(Limerick West): I should like to thank you for giving the House an opportunity of hearing a statement by the Minister for Agriculture on the negotiations concluded last weekend. With the announcement of this farm package, particularly the super-levy arrangement for this country, our worst fears are realised. The Government have accepted a compromise which will condemn our agriculture industry to stagnation——

A Deputy

Rubbish.

(Limerick West):——and our farmers to being the poor relations of Europe. The Government action has destroyed any opportunity of ever reaching average European standards of production. It is contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Treaty of Rome which we signed on the clear understanding of being equal partners. A crisis now exists for the Irish economy. Our vital national interests have not been recognised. Immediate Government action is essential if permanent damage is to be avoided. The Government stand condemned for their mishandling of these negotiations and their failure to honour their solemn commitment to Irish farmers and, more particularly, to this Parliament, as outlined in a motion passed by this House last week.

It must be made abundantly clear that the super-levy arrangements will apply to this country this year and are in operation as from Sunday last, 1 April. No amount of public relations exercises by the Government will mislead the people, especially the Irish farmers, that this country was exempted from the super-levy. Nothing could be further from the truth. The super-levy milk tax will apply to every Irish dairy farmer this year.

(Interruptions.)

Listen to the way it will be collected.

(Limerick West): Details have emerged since the Brussels meeting which emphasise how poor a result the Taoiseach and the Minister for Agriculture obtained from the negotiations on the super-levy. It would appear from figures coming from Brussels that the new agreement will allow Greece a 7.2 per cent increase in their milk production quota in 1984, and Luxembourg a 3.5 per cent increase, although neither of those countries resorted to a veto at any stage.

That is for one year.

(Limerick West): Ireland obtained only a 4.6 per cent increase with no commitment for subsequent years.

We have priority.

(Limerick West): This shows that Ireland obtained no special favours. In other words, Greece is able to obtain the sort of increase this year which would have given Ireland a virtual exemption from the super-levy in 1984.

The Deputy should talk to the farmers.

Who is the Deputy trying to hoodwink?

An cailín deas crúite na mbó.

It is an insult to the intelligence of the farmers.

(Limerick West): The British Minister for Agriculture, Mr. Jopling, is boasting about his victory over our Minister.

He has been asked to resign.

(Limerick West): He is claiming that he achieved his first main objective of ensuring the inclusion of Ireland in the super-levy arrangements. This is an open admission that the British were working against Ireland's vital national interests all along. It also implies that if he had been dealing with a tougher and more determined Irish Government he might not have been so successful. Because of their lack of negotiating muscle the Minister for Agriculture and his Taoiseach have ensured that we are no longer an equal partner in Europe. In their recent negotiations on the super-levy the Minister and the Taoiseach led our farmers into a maze of confusion.

A Deputy

Our one equals the other nine.

(Limerick West): Let us put the failed super-levy negotiations into perspective. Ireland produces about 4.8 per cent of the total milk output of the European Community. For centuries the British cheap food policy denied us the possibility of producing to our natural God given potential.

The Irish people voted by an overwhelming majority to join the Common Market under major economic inducements and with benefit to our agriculture, recognising at the same time that accession would also entail losses in the industrial sphere. We have paid the price in our industries. We are now faced with an extreme penalty in our agricultural industry as well.

To realise how unjust this is Deputies should ponder for a moment on the cause of the problem of dairy surpluses which the Community admittedly has. The main cause lies in the factory farming of such countries as the Netherlands and West Germany, where monetary anomalies and a higher milk price give them an unfair advantage through cheap food imports for boosting milk yields and output. It is a well-known fact that cows are fed four times the volume of concentrate feed that ours are. Now that they have created a problem, Ireland has to pay the penalty, a penalty doubly severe because we have not reached our potential on low cost production, while they have little room for a further increase in yield per cow.

For a number of years I would expect a normal increase of up to 8 per cent per annum in the volume of Irish milk output. The super-levy deal condemns Ireland to a permanent penalty and relegates our farmers to being the poor relation of Europe. The cowardice of the Government is shown in their failure to use their full powers and options within the Community.

Our party have rightly suggested that Ireland, which is behind the countries of Europe in standards of milk yields, should be allowed to develop until the average European standards are reached. This is mere commonsense. We suggested alternative ways and means of how the surpluses in Europe could be attacked. The Government seemed to be unwilling to put forward these proposals at Council meetings. It has been proved beyond a shadow of doubt that their diplomatic missions were counter-productive. The Commission and the other member states were totally unaware of our vital national interest. This has been proved by the failure of the Minister to get a total exemption for us, a commitment which he gave several times in this House and also at his own party's Ard Fheis last year when he said that nothing less than total exemption for this country would be accepted. Hollow words from the Minister for Agriculture.

It is also important to point out that our farmers need the incentive for extra production to offset their losses in income. With the imposition of this super-levy the Minister has blocked any possibility of increased income or increased production for agriculture. This is disastrous in more ways than one.

What of the future? There is no guarantee on output beyond this year. There is no guarantee on price beyond this year. Surely this means ruination for the Irish dairy farmer. Over the past year and a half we have lost a great deal of our pride and ability as an agricultural based industry.

The Deputy should speak for himself.

(Limerick West): The proposition that we would be an equal partner brought us into the EEC and the Minister for Finance contributed his part to that in a big way.

(Interruptions.)

Order, Deputies, please.

(Limerick West): The Minister for Agriculture has admitted to being defeatist from the start.

He cried at Dublin airport.

(Limerick West): In an Irish Press interview on 3 April 1983 he said that we knew all along in our hearts of hearts that we could not get a complete derogation. It must have been obvious to everyone watching the course of the negotiations that the Minister was completely defeatist — quite a contrast to his statement at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis. Last autumn at the airport the Minister told television reporters that he was nervous and anxious.

A good way to be.

(Limerick West): Ireland's position of principled opposition to the super-levy as being contrary to the Common Agricultural Policy was abandoned a month before the Brussels Summit. The Minister threw in the towel at the agricultural Ministers' meeting prior to the Brussels Summit, thus putting increased pressure on the Taoiseach. The demand for a 40 per cent or at least 32 per cent exemption collapsed with the acceptance by the Taoiseach of a partial one year exemption of 5 per cent when twice that figure had been rejected at Athens. Then the Minister climbed down still further and settled for 4.65 per cent. Ireland caved in at one of the earliest available opportunities. Other countries would not settle for the crumbs we settled for so quickly——

They settled for nothing.

(Limerick West):——when their vital national interests were at stake. When the Minister spoke in the House last week it was not Ireland's case he was arguing. He was arguing the Community's case as he has been doing here again today. What a representative he is of agricultural interests in the EEC but particularly at home. In some Munster creameries production is already 8 per cent above last year's level.

That is the point.

(Limerick West): Therefore, it is obvious that Irish farmers will be paying the super-levy this year.

People on the Government benches seem to be happy about that. They are laughing.

(Interruptions.)

Interruptions from both sides of the House must cease.

Deputy Noonan should be complimenting the Minister on his achievement.

Production is up by 8 per cent this year.

That is in the lap of the Gods. Deputy Lenihan would not know anything about this subject whereas I know what I am talking of.

The Chair should reprimand Deputies on the Government side who are interrupting.

Who accepted the concept of a super-levy?

Will Deputies please allow the Deputy in possession to make his contribution?

(Limerick West): The Minister has accused the farmers' leaders of ingratitude. What have they to be grateful for? The Government have shamefully sold the pass for the Irish dairy industry. The Taoiseach told us that these would be the most important negotiations we would ever undertake in the EEC and he asked all of us to trust his superior European contacts and influence, but they amounted to nothing. It has now been demonstrated that it is not a question of our Taoiseach having ill-fitting clothes and shoes which do not match but, like the Emperor, he has no clothes at all.

The situation could be worse. He could be like Colonel Gaddafi.

(Limerick West): Irish farmers would be right, in the light of this unholy fiasco and blundering diplomacy, to demand the resignation of both the Taoiseach and the Minister for Agriculture. They broke their promises to Irish farmers. At the Fine Gael Ard Fheis the Minister for Agriculture said he had one simple message for Commissioner Dalsager and that was that we would not accept the proposals on milk from the Commission, that we would get a derogation and that anybody who would talk about 1981 being the base year could forget it.

That is correct.

(Limerick West): The Minister and the Government have tried to pretend that black is white and white is black and that somehow or other Fianna Fáil accepted the super-levy though, as they know well, milk production surged forward by 9 per cent in 1982 and by about 7½ per cent in 1983. The Minister has tried to mix up the co-responsibility and the super-levy. He is ashamed of the comparison between his performance and that of former Minister for Agriculture, Deputy MacSharry who, when he was isolated, did not cave in. He was not nervous and anxious.

Deputy MacSharry was the one who accepted the super-levy concept in 1980.

(Limerick West): The Minister has accepted much less.

He did not stop the continentals when he should have done so.

(Limerick West): During the debate the Minister stated that he would refuse to accept the renewed imports of New Zealand butter until such time as the outcome of the debate on the milk super-levy was finalised satisfactorily in our favour but a few weeks later threw away his last negotiating card. How much value are we to attach to the need for the New Zealand concession to be renewed annually? Deputy Deasy is like a man on a game hunt with a rifle who drops it and runs the moment an animal starts charging in his direction.

He should merely hand out his notes and not bother to read them.

(Limerick West): In a Dáil Adjournment speech the Minister made a statement that could well be regarded as the epitaph of the whole soggy diplomacy of the super-levy.

The Deputy's performance can be compared with the Charge of the Light Brigade.

(Limerick West): On that occasion the Minister said that it is in the interest of Ireland to be agreeable and to generate goodwill rather than to create an antagonistic atmosphere. Who, then, is the Minister negotiating for? Is he negotiating on behalf of the Community rather than in a vital national interest?

He is looking after the boys.

(Limerick West): When the crunch comes this Government are incapable constitutionally of standing up to the British. However, the British are not the only obstacle. I am sure the Minister read the Dutch Minister's remarks as reported in The Irish Press yesterday and in which he said he was convinced that the other nine EEC countries would not give in to any future Irish demand for higher milk production. Where are the Minister's guarantees for the future?

They are there in writing.

(Limerick West): The whole country was sickened by the PR performance put on for the Minister at Dublin Airport by a fawning Taoiseach and an adoring Minister for Education.

The kiss was about his only achievement.

(Interruptions.)

The Deputies are jealous.

Perhaps Deputy O'Rourke will give Deputy Byrne a kiss.

I am calling on Deputies to please allow Deputy Noonan to continue.

(Limerick West): There were more of the Minister's colleagues at the airport also but that cut no ice with the farmers or with the creamery workers who are only too well aware of the Government's miserable performance during the entire period since June last.

The Government must answer the following charges: why did the Taoiseach misread totally the Stuttgart Summit and give a green light to the Commission to produce super-levy proposals? Why did the Government abandon their opposition in principle to the super-levy and finish up supporting it? If the Government were to settle for something less than an exemption why did they reject 10 per cent at Athens and accept 4.65 per cent last weekend? Could they not have developed 10 per cent as a base for negotiation?

The Taoiseach ran away.

(Limerick West): Why was no diplomatic effort made between the Athens and Brussels Summits? Did the Taoiseach lose interest? Why did he spend ten days moving around in the States before attending the Summit to which he went ill-prepared and tired? Why did Minister for Agriculture abandon resistance at the Agricultural Ministers meeting thus giving the signal to the others that Ireland was a push-over? Why did the Taoiseach commit himself to the French compromise offer of 5 per cent when this was not acceptable to the other member states?

I turn now to a matter which largely has been overlooked, that is, the size of the milk reduction for Ireland this year. Here too the Minister for Agriculture got the worst possible deal for Ireland. It is clear that Ireland will suffer as a result of Saturday's deal the biggest drop in real milk prices in the Community in 1984. Taking account of the rate of inflation——

(Interruptions.)

We are talking about the future. We are not moving back.

(Limerick West):——which incidentally the EEC expect to average 9 per cent this year, dairy farmers will experience a 6.3 per cent real drop in milk prices compared with a 2½ per cent drop for France and 4 per cent for Germany. The French rate of inflation is not significantly different from ours.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): I should like to point out a few more details with regard to milk production. There is a 2p per gallon delay in intervention payments. The Minister gave the bad example to the European Commission. There will be 1p per gallon increase in the co-responsibility levy. This is now increased to 1.9p per gallon. There will be approximately 2p per gallon super-levy on all milk delivered to creameries in the 1984-85 year. There will be a .3p per gallon disease levy and a further .5p per gallon Bord Bainne milk development levy, making a total of 5.8p per gallon or near enough to 6p per gallon of a decrease for the average dairy farmer.

This is not the full story. Increased costs this year will amount to a further 5p per gallon. Fertilisers will mean an increase of 2p per gallon, feed stuffs an increase of 2p per gallon and other incidental increases will mean 1p per gallon. The total effect is a reduction of 11p per gallon on 1983 prices or £3,500 for the average dairy farmer. One can ask the question what happened to the Athens offer? In my opinion this was thrown away by the Government.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): Let us take a look at this year's package from another angle. The benefit, according to the Department of Agriculture, is in the region of £50 million. If we compare this with three years ago, we find that Deputy Ray MacSharry, then Minister for Agriculture, negotiated for this country benefits of £250 million. This is quite a contrast. This is the first year ever of a drop in farm prices of 1 per cent, that is, when one takes away the green pound devaluation. This is a far cry from Deputy Brian Lenihan's package of 11 per cent in price increases and Deputy Ray MacSharry's 14 per cent price package. Then the Minister can talk about inflation irrespective of what has happened. Surely the ballyhoo which took place at Dublin Airport when the Minister returned and the people who participated in that circus must surely be out of touch with the rural scene. Certainly this does not go down well with our farmers. It may be appropriate and more in keeping with the scene at a tea party in Dublin 4.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): The real scene is that the super-levy has been delivered to the Irish dairy farmer by the Government. If one takes the average milk price at farm level last year of 69p per gallon after deductions the farmer will be lucky this year to get 65p per gallon. Is this an occasion for jubiliation such as we witnessed at Dublin Airport?

Or for trivialising either.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): The Minister has brought back a drop of 6 per cent in milk prices. As I have already indicated, it is the first time that the price of milk has dropped since we joined the EEC. That added to increased costs will mean a total drop of about 16 per cent this year in real farm income. Again, I ask, what other sections of the Community are prepared to take this drop of income? The Ministers argument that we got off lightly does not stand up to questioning. The super-levy is being imposed on this country on an average of 750 gallons per cow, while it is applying to an average yield of 1,005 gallons per cow in the Netherlands. Is that equitable? Is the whole Common Agricultural Policy being undermined in this exercise?

Let us look at other aspects of this package. It is very peculiar that the Minister or the Department in their press release made no mention of the lime and the AI subsidy schemes, which were won for this country by Fianna Fáil Ministers for Agriculture. Let us look at the reduction of the calf premium. I remember last year the Minister was blowing his trumpet on retaining the AI and the lime subsidy which schemes, as I have already indicated, were won for this country by Fianna Fáil.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): The Minister said the package was worth £50 million. One must question the losses or the costs and offset this against what has been won. The super-levy will cost £20 million in tax, the increased co-responsibility levy will cost £11 million, the loss of the lime and the AI subsidy, will cost £12 million, and the calf premium is down by £23 million. If we add up all these figures we get a total of £57 million which is in fact a net loss of £7 million to our farmers as a result of the Minister's package. This does not take into account the millions of pounds lost in the undermining of confidence in farming. The sum total is that our farmers will have a loss this year in real income of 15 per cent.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick West): We are now in a mess. How can we plan for the future? Farmers will lose confidence and it is incumbent on all of us and particularly incumbent on the Government, if they are interested, to formulate some plan designed to make the best of a bad lot, some emergency plan with guidelines to ensure that the confidence of our farmers will not be destroyed.

Deputies

Hear hear.

The attendance of Deputies today appears to me to emphasise the importance of the agricultural industry. I have rarely seen so many Deputies present in any debate as have turned up today for a debate on the agricultural industry. It is peculiar to experience the power the farming lobby has. Indeed that same lobby has a peculiar power in the media also. I have certainly never seen so many Deputies present in this House. Last week there were only three Deputies present for the debate on the Social Welfare Bill. Great numbers of people in our society today are dependent on social welfare. There are more people unemployed than there are people directly engaged in agriculture. I am making the point that to me there would appear to be a disproportionate lobby for the agricultural industry as opposed to other major sectors of our economy. There is rarely if ever the same interest shown in manufacturing industry, in unemployment, social welfare, health or any of these other areas which affect very large sections of the population outside of the agricultural industry.

Having said that I make the point that our working party are opposed to the super-levy as a means of ironing out the problems of Irish agriculture. It must be said, however, that the Minister for Agriculture has made a significant achievement in negotiations in bringing back a 4.7 per cent increase in production for this year given the overriding opposition to him. The most significant part of the Minister's speech was the last paragraph where he puts it clearly before the House that the days of the Common Agricultural Policy are numbered and so it is foolish and quite unreal for the Fianna Fáil Party to try to indicate that, if they were in Government, they would in some way retrieve the Common Agricultural Policy and that the gravy train which has existed for the last five years in regard to agriculture would in some way continue in the future. Now that is just not on.

(Interruptions.)

Does Deputy Wilson want to make a speech? He does not seem to have any ideology. He should examine his own contributions here because he will find a very clear ideology involved in what he had to say in relation to houses and so on. I have no apology to make for my views on housing or on how the country should be properly run. I begrudge nobody anything. I am simply making my views clear and I am entitled to give my views. Our agricultural produce has been sold to the Soviet Union at very low prices. That is economic lunacy on our part and on the part of the EEC. It is ridiculous for Irish farmers to produce food and sell it below cost to any other country, be it the Soviet Union or anywhere else. It does not make sense.

(Limerick West): Is that the policy of the Deputy's party?

Of the entire party, yes. The fact is artificially inflated farm prices have brought the finances of the EEC to a virtual state of collapse and that has affected the other funds, such as the Social Fund and the Regional Fund, funds upon which Ireland to a large degree also depends and which are vitally important in developing a proper infrastructure.

(Interruption.)

If Deputy Wilson wants to make a speech I am quite prepared to give way to him. We would argue very strongly that there is a need for prices stabilisation and I welcome the Minister's efforts in relation to the levy, but I am not at all happy in that he has also brought back a food price increase which will affect the people from whom the Government are demanding a wage freeze. Again, I repeat that there are far more people employed in other sectors than are engaged in agriculture. There has not been the kind of lobby we have here today demanding that a stop be put to the policy of a wage freeze.

We are talking about the Brussels agreement and, with the co-operation of the Deputy, we will continue to do that.

The people who will have to pay the increased prices are the people who are being asked to take a cut in their living standards this year. I emphasise that all Deputies should read paragraph 18 of the Minister's speech where he indicates that the CAP will come to an end eventually and that the agricultural industry must set about organising itself in such manner as to enable it to sell the products it produces instead of putting those products into intervention. He also said the Government cannot dictate to farmers or traders how they ought to organise. Now if a Government has any function at all it is to ensure that any industry which has such an enormous effect on the lives of so many in the State is properly organised. That is the duty of the Government. The handing out of money from the EEC or the Exchequer is no longer a proper or useful way to use our funds or resources——

It is an 80-hour week for small farmers and they have no bloody trade unions looking after them.

We must ensure that any money spent by the EEC or the Exchequer in the agricultural area ensures that our produce is processed in this country to a proper standard so that it can be sold in world markets.

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