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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 6 Dec 1984

Vol. 354 No. 9

EC Council Meeting: Statements.

I propose, a Cheann Comhairle, to make a statement on the European Council held in Dublin Castle on 3 and 4 December.

I chaired the meeting, as Presidency representative, and was accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Peter Barry. In accordance with established practice, I have already had the Presidency conclusions of the meeting laid before both Houses.

A wide range of subjects was discussed. They included the economic and social situation; the enlargement of the Community; integrated Mediterranean programmes; the work of the two ad hoc committees established at the Fontainebleau Council last June; European union, famine in Africa; and a number of topics in the field of political co-operation, including the Middle East, East-West relations, Central America, terrorism and the abuse of diplomatic immunity.

I need not spend time here putting forward the case for enlargement of the Community to include Spain and Portugal. Politically and economically, it is incumbent on the Community, pursuant to the call in the Treaty of Rome to other like-minded countries in Europe, to have Spain and Portugal join in our common endeavours.

On another level, it is important, if the Community is to develop, that it has at its disposal resources additional to those available to it now from the 1 per cent VAT levy and other revenues. As Deputies know, the bringing into operation of increased Own Resources for the Community by raising the VAT contribution level to 1.4 per cent has been made conditional by certain member states on the date of Spanish and Portuguese accession to the Community.

The accession negotiations have been impeded by a number of difficulties and obstacles on which discussions both within the Community and with Spain and Portugal have been in progress for a long time now. The main outstanding issues before the Dublin Council were the regulation of the wine market, fisheries, questions affecting Spanish agriculture, and budgetary discipline.

The major achievement of the meeting was to unblock the negotiations on enlargement, in particular by overcoming the grave, at times even apparently insuperable difficulties, which had prevented agreement being reached, in either the Agriculture or Foreign Affairs Councils, on reform of the market organisation on wine. This was an essential preliminary to settling a Community position on wine for the negotiations with Spain and Portugal. Wine is a sector of major national importance to France and Italy, while Greece, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Luxembourg also had major interests at stake. Over the past few months, the Irish Presidency, working patiently and constructively in the different Councils, had succeeded, through successive compromise packages, in narrowing the differences between the views of these countries.

Nevertheless, following the Foreign Affairs Council on 26-28 November, we were faced with a deadlock which could have brought the enlargement negotiations to a halt. Once it was clear that the issues would have to be taken up at the European Council, I immediately initiated a round of contacts on the following days, 29 and 30 November, designed to establish the basis for a further Presidency initiative to break the deadlock. I visited Paris and Rome where I met President Mitterrand and Prime Minister Craxi, with other senior Ministers concerned, as well as meeting, briefly, Prime Minister Papandreou. In Dublin, before the Council, I met the President of the Commission and the German Chancellor.

As a result of these meetings and of telephone contacts over the weekend with Paris and Rome, we were able to table, at the commencement of the Council, a new Presidency compromise which was warmly welcomed as a suitable basis for discussion. The ensuing discussions were at times difficult but led eventually to an understanding which is embodied in a text on table wine that was agreed on Tuesday last by the Heads of State or Government. This text, which has been circulated, forms an integral part of the Presidency's conclusions of the meeting.

This agreement enabled the relevant Heads of State or Government to lift the reserves which had hitherto prevented the finalisation of Community positions on Spanish agriculture, fisheries and budgetary discipline. This they formally agreed to do at the Council. The agreement on enlargement and wine is, however, subject to a reserve by Greece. Following a procedure agreed by me as President of the Council with the Greek Prime Minister, I first read to the meeting a statement by him recording that Greece did not agree with enlargement unless a satisfactory position of the Community was taken on Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, and that this was also the Greek position concerning wine, followed by a text stating the agreed Community position to be that "Negotiations on enlargement will, therefore, have to proceed on an ad referendum basis in view of the above declaration, placing a Greek reserve on this issue”. The texts of these two statements, as agreed with the Greek Prime Minister, have now been circulated as an integral part of the Conclusions of the Council.

This means that negotiations on enlargement, on the basis agreed by the Community, can now go ahead on the individual items but that the whole matter remains ad referendum in the light of the Greek reserve. In the meantime, the question of the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, on which the discussion at the Council was long, and, at times difficult, has to be advanced so that a positive decision may be reached on it at the March European Council, thus opening the way for ratification of enlargement on the basis of the outcome of the final stages of the negotiations with Spain and Portugal, which can now proceed.

The Community has for some years now been concerned with the longer term question of how it is to develop as an even more effective economic and political entity in the world today. At the Council in Fontainebleau, the Council agreed that ad hoc Committee consisting of personal representatives of the Heads of State and of Government should be set up on the lines of the “Spaak Committee”. This committee's function is to make suggestions for the improvement of the operation of European co-operation in both the Community field and that of political, or any other, co-operation. At the Dublin Council we had an interim report from the committee, containing a number of reservations, as well as incorporating disagreement by Senator Dooge himself on the inclusion of defence within the scope of the proposals. The Council recognised the high quality of the work of the committee and the need for it to continue with a view to reaching maximum agreement. The Council also agreed that the interim report should be published. For its next meeting in March 1985, the Council has asked the Committee to complete its work and submit a report which, after preliminary consideration at the meeting, will be the main subject of the European Council in June 1985.

The Council also noted the interim report of the ad hoc Committee on a People's Europe — which is concerned with measures to strengthen and promote the identity and image of Europe for the citizens of the Community and for the rest of the world — and asked the committee to make a further report to the European Council next March.

On the Economic and Social Situation, I had suggested to the Heads of State or Government in a letter which I sent to them before the Council, that, given the dominance and persistence of the problem of unemployment, we should discuss a collective effort to turn trends in a far more positive direction — as suggested by the Commission's excellent and balanced Annual Economic Report — a report which was, indeed, very warmly received at the Council.

We need to tackle this problem because growth in the Community is expected to be no more than 2.25 per cent in the current year — well below the Community's capacity. On present policies no increase is foreseen next year in this low rate of growth, which is markedly below the expected performance of the United States and Japan. At the same time, the growth in world trade is expected to fall next year from 9 per cent in 1984 to 5 per cent and, most critically, unemployment in the Community, at 11 per cent this year, is expected to rise even further to 11.5 per cent next year — or 13 million people. If growth in world trade were to fall below the expected figure the unemployment situation could be much worse.

If we consider the Community's performance in a longer perspective there are two central and disturbing facts.

First, the rate of potential growth shows no sign of recovering to the kind of level that is within the capacity of the Community and is needed to reverse the still surging tide of unemployment; and second, we have not been getting enough jobs even out of the inadequate growth we have had, as compared, say with the performance of the United States.

We should now be able to do better because inflation is falling, the Community's external payments are expected to be in surplus — although slight — in 1985, profits have been improving, and investment has turned up. In presenting this analysis of the situation to the Dublin Council I said that in facing these issues, we should have regard to the Commission's guidelines as set out in its Annual Economic Report — taking these guidelines as an overall package of proposals. Among the guidelines in the report that were referred to in the Commission's Communication to the Council were the placing of appropriate emphasis on the need, for example, to assure monetary policies that will steer clear of any acceleration in inflation; the need to remove obstacles to increasing the readiness to take on labour and the need to strengthen competitiveness. But I pointed out that other guidelines in the report, omitted from this communication, should, in addition, be taken into account notably the general objectives of a progressive increase in the actual and potential growth rate, combined with low and declining inflation; the recommendation for a pause in the reduction of deficits, where these have been brought soundly under control, in order to reduce tax burdens; and the need to develop co-operative action with the United States and Japan to sustain an adequate overall growth in world trade in the period ahead when the United States contribution will be less.

I also said that we welcomed the initatives which have been taken to develop the EMS and look forward to the completion of the work as quickly as possible. The development of the EMS is, of course, bound up closely with our ability to strengthen our economies and to promote increased convergence which is the aim of the policy guidelines in the Commission's Annual Report.

The Council's conclusions are in the documents, copies of which have been presented to this House. I am very happy to report that our initiative on unemployment, which we have pursued consistently since assuming the EEC Presidency, is now at least producing some results, with the European Council's acceptance of the priority now to be given to unemployment and their acceptance of the balanced package of proposals contained in the Commission's report. Moreover, the Council has agreed to the speedy implementation of these proposals. In addition, Deputies will note the precise and positive nature of the conclusions arising from the discussion between Heads of State and Government which ask the appropriate Ministerial Councils of the Community — first to initiate a review of manpower policies to re-orient training towards sectors where labour will be needed, take steps to encourage job mobility and foster enterprise, especially amongst the young; second, to take steps to complete the internal market, including implementation of European standards. As a comment, I should say that a great deal of work still remains to be done, now, more than a quarter of century after the Community was established, in order to complete this basic objective of the entire enterprise; third, to pursue and accelerate consideration of measures to achieve a greater role for the ECU and develop and strengthen the European monetary system; fourth, to implement without delay the firm political commitments agreed by the European Council at its meetings of Brussels and Fontainebleau in the field of transport policy. If transport, like other elements of our productive infrastructure, is not efficient, the Community suffers from the consequent lack of competitiveness and its people suffer in higher unemployment and lower living standards; and fifth, to adopt further measures to strengthen the technological base of the Community and restore competitiveness. To this end, the Council asked the Commission to submit an appropriate draft action programme for the next Council.

The Council also asked that the Community and member states should take measures, including concertation of economic policies, designed to reduce the differences existing between the various regions and the backwardness of the less favoured regions.

There is also at my insistence a specific request to the ECO/FIN Council and the Commission to keep external developments under continuous review and to report back to the next meeting in March on what measures might be appropriate for the Community or may already have been initiated to assure the objective of a progressive increase in the actual and potential growth rate for the Community to the benefit of employment.

The third major subject dealt with at the Dublin meeting was the appalling famine which is ravaging the people of so many countries in Africa, like Ethiopia and the Sahel countries. These people are suffering the effects of an unprecedented drought and widespread malnutrition and famine. At least two million tonnes of grain are required for these particular countries until next year's harvest, in order to meet the priority needs of the countries hardest hit.

I took the initiative to put this item on the agenda with a view to getting a clear political commitment from the European Council on further contributions on a scale commensurate with the urgent needs of the situation.

At the Council, I stressed the urgency of concerted international action to relieve the manifest disaster in these areas, and proposed to the Heads of State and Government a specific commitment: that the Community and its member states would provide between now and the next harvest 1.2 million tonnes of cereals — that is approximately 60 per cent of the estimated priority needs of these areas. I also proposed that the Dublin Council should appeal to other donor countries to match this effort in order that the total need of the famine-stricken countries will be met, especially in the months immediately ahead.

I am glad to say that this Irish initiative was adopted by the European Council, which instructed the Commission, after consultation with the member states, to establish the amount of grain that will be provided by member states bilaterally and, following this, to make a proposal to the Council with respect to the additional Community effort needed to attain the figure of 1.2 million tonnes. The European Council invited the Council of Ministers to take any necessary decisions on the basis of such a Commission proposal in order to secure the achievement of the 1.2 million total. It also appealed to other donor countries to match this effort in such a way as to ensure that the total estimated need of 2 million tonnes by these states be met. The Council also stressed the need for urgency to avoid the threatened shortfall in the months immediately ahead and emphasised the need to undertake urgent action to speed up and support the recovery and rehabilitation process in African countries. This will involve active support by the Community for their efforts to achieve self-sufficiency and security in food and to implement long-term operations to combat drought and desertification.

The political items we discussed were: the situation in the Middle East, East-West relations and Central America, and also the problem of terrorism and the abuse of diplomatic immunities.

The importance which the Ten attach to the continuation of the dialogue, begun in Costa Rica last September, and in particular our firm view that a solution to the Central American crisis can be found only through peaceful means, is reflected in the conclusions of the European Council on the issue.

The Middle East is an area in which the Ten have played an important role in recent years, and they remain convinced that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace can be secured only on the basis of a reconciliation of the rights of Israel and of the Palestinian people. It is important not to exaggerate the scope for Ten activity at this stage but I think it is important that the Ten remain prepared to play an active role, should circumstances warrant. It was with this end in view that the European Council have restated publicly the Ten's position and their readiness to assist in the search for a solution.

We reaffirmed the Ten's support for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and the view that all foreign forces must be withdrawn from the country except those whose presence is requested by the Lebanese Government. The concern of the European Council was expressed at the apparently intractable Iran-Iraq conflict and at the slaughter and destruction which this conflict has brought.

East-West relations, while still troubled, have over the last six months shown clear signs of improvement. The European Council expressed the Ten's intention to continue to encourage a constructive, comprehensive and realistic dialogue between East and West and an early return to stable and predictable relations between the two superpowers. Of key importance is the resumption of crucial arms control negotiations, and the urgent need for the opening of talks aimed at avoiding an arms race in space. The European Council, therefore, welcomed the recently announced US-Soviet agreement to enter into new negotiations on arms questions.

It is worth noting that at the negotiations in which the Ten themselves are taking part, the Stockholm Conference on Disarmament in Europe, there has been a recent important agreement on the problems of a working structure for the conference — problems which had reflected deep-seated differences between East and West. We hope that this will permit negotiations there to get under way on concrete measures aimed at increasing confidence and security on our continent. We underlined the continuing central role which the CSCE process, as set out in the Helsinki Final Act, plays in East-West relations.

Our discussions also touched on the question of terrorism and the abuse of diplomatic immunities. The Foreign Ministers, at their meeting on 11 September, approved a general approach by the Ten to this problem, central to which was the principle that no concessions under duress should be made to those who practise terrorism. The European Council endorsed, at the level of Heads of State or Government, the approach already approved by the Foreign Ministers.

Towards the end of the meeting, convening separately as representatives of the Governments of the member states and, in accordance with the provisions of Article 11 of the 1967 Treaty Establishing a Single Council and a Single Commission, we appointed, by common accord, the members of the new Commission which is to take office from 6 January 1985. Those appointed are:—

Jacques Delors from France, President; Frans Andriessen from the Netherlands; Claude Cheysson from France; Henning Christopherson from Denmark; Willy de Clercq from Belgium; Lord Cockfield from the United Kingdom; Stanley Clinton Davis, also from that country; Nicolas Mosar from Luxembourg; Karl-Heinz Narjes from the Federal Republic of Germany; Lorenzo Natali from Italy; Alois Pfeiffer from the Federal Republic of Germany; Carlo Ripa di Meana from Italy; Peter Sutherland from Ireland; Grigoris Varfis from Greece.

As President-in-Office of the European Council, I thanked President Thorn for his work and the work of his Commission during the past four years and wished him and the outgoing members well for the future. Equally, I should like now to express the hope that the new Commission under the Presidency of M. Jacques Delors — whom I invited to attend the dinner for Heads of State and Government on Monday night — will find that their period in office is productive and will see decisive progress in widening and deepening European integration.

Finally, I should record that on 3 December, during an interval in the proceedings, I had a meeting lasting approximately a quarter of an hour with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Thatcher, on some of the matters arising in the Council and on Northern Ireland. It is not the custom for either of the participants at these brief and informal meetings to indicate the content of the discussions. However, on this occasion, we were in agreement about reaffirming publicly our intention to proceed with the dialogue on the matters we discussed at Chequers, with a view to finding a political framework that would bring peace and stability to Northern Ireland.

On the nature of the Dublin Council, I feel that we achieved important progress in relation to negotiations for enlargement, the provision of aid to relieve famine in Africa until the next harvest, and a serious review of the social and economic situation and the unemployment problem, which had not been discussed at recent European Council meetings, as well as preparing the way for the discussion of the final report of the Dooge Committee. The issues before us were numerous and difficult — obviously involving deep feelings in many countries. However, apart from one or two passages, the general tone of the meeting was good and the meeting itself constructive — both in its substance and outcome. The way is, I hope, gradually being cleared for progress towards the achievement of the ideals for which the Community was established.

We on this side of the House welcome the modest achievement of the European Council in resolving the wine issue which, however, is apparently subject to the Greek reservation. We are also glad for the country's sake that this progress has done something to get back some credibility to what was becoming a very discredited Irish Presidency.

The conclusions issued after the summit do not contain any reference to enlargement, to wine or to fisheries. Indeed, in a formal sense there were no decisions on these matters. Due to the Greek reservation — and latest press reports seem to indicate that the whole position in that regard is still very dubious — there is inevitably a question mark over whether the 1986 target date for accession by Spain and Portugal can still be achieved. If, however, the measure of agreement reached in the Dublin European Council helps to facilitate the conslusion of the enlargement negotiations that is, of course, welcome. At the same time there is no cause for any particular elation. A European summit only happens in Dublin once every five years. This meeting was almost wholly taken up with the problem of wine and the special difficulties of Greece, neither of which is of any particular interest to Ireland.

We have every right to be disappointed that a Dublin European Summit did not focus its attention on the problems that are real and urgent and which arise from the critical and disastrous state of the Irish economy. Wine lakes have very little meaning for the unemployed in Ballyfermot, nor could the Irish farmer find reassurance in all the carefully manicured reports put out by the unfailing, unflagging press relations Government machine.

Nothing is simpler for us than to win easy laurels as good Europeans at our own expense. I think now after 12 years of Community membership we should have been alert to the great opportunity the summit in Dublin could offer. Clearly we were not. Another summit has come and gone without any major improvement in our situation.

Before the European Council meeting there were many opinions expressed that the wine problem could have been solved beforehand with a bit more care and attention. The Sunday Times, for example, on 2 December stated that “the Ten came within an ace of a solution” ten days ago when the Italian Foreign Minister Andreotti made an offer that shifted the Italian position. “Barry” the paper says “failed to understand that he had a breakthrough”.

The main focus of this Council should have been on the appalling level of unemployment in Ireland and throughout the Community. In the European Parliament on 25 July 1984 the Taoiseach admitted that unemployment is the principal preoccupation of people in all the countries of the EC.

He said: "It is a truism, but one which to a remarkable degree our Governments have hitherto succeeded in ignoring that joint concerted action, taken together... could provide a stimulus for growth far greater than anything that is within the capacity of any single member state, even one of the larger member states, acting on its own." I quote that with full approval.

I have always advanced the case for concerted Community action. I always pressed this case as Taoiseach at European summits. It seems to me axiomatic that the Community, acting together with a combined policy and programme, could achieve a solution that would certainly escape their efforts as individual member states. The peoples of Europe might reasonably have expected some urgent programme of action to be initiated by this summit, some emergency pooling of resources to defeat the major social evil confronting Europe today, but nothing of the kind emerged.

Once again, unfortunately, it was the British Prime Minister, just as in the Brussels summit last March and the Chequers summit of two weeks ago, who brusquely rejected the Irish view. Let me quote from Tuesday's London Times:“She [the British Prime Minister] was unimpressed by an appeal from Dr. FitzGerald for a common reflation. `National economies had to be put right nationally' she said: `and the Community could help by opening national borders, harmonising standards and integrating new technology.' “It was a clear rejection of any Community approval to the massive problem of mass unemployment.

While on the subject of unemployment, the Taoiseach and the European Council had in front of them copies of the Annual Economic Report and Review by the EEC Commission. These documents deserved careful study. The report suggests that "priority be given to public expenditure programmes that contribute efficiently to restoring the productive potential of the economy". This is exactly what we have been saying. It points out that "in the search for budgetary economies, cuts in public investment have in many countries been severely depressing the construction industry". This is absolutely apropos in our circumstances.

The Government's industrial policy is also criticised in the document for excessive capital deepening at the expense of labour. The EC Commission are not greatly impressed by the Government's progress towards balancing the current budget, and implicitly critical of the document Building on Reality and its assumptions. They warn that “developments in government consumption and other payments over the period may be less favourable than now anticipated.” While the criticisms in the report are diplomatically worded, the clear message is that the Commission does not endorse the Irish Government's economic policy.

This Irish Presidency has not, unfortunately, been a particularly good time for Irish interests in the Community. Our position has been adversely affected in a number of ways. There has been a second major capitulation this year to British and German pressure on the Common Agricultural Policy. The first was the introduction of the superlevy whose effects have yet to be fully felt and understood. The second capitulation is now the agreement that agricultural spending will grow less fast than the growth in own resources. This will have far-reaching and longterm damaging effects on our economy agreement and will permanently condemn Irish farmers to declining real incomes. The Minister for Finance played a leading role in this, along with the British and German Ministers, at a meeting in Dromoland Castle in September. It is no excuse to say that British and German pressure was too great to resist.

The Taoiseach has attempted to shift the blame for this situation on to Irish farmers in a scandalous speech recently. We in Fianna Fáil reject the criticism he levelled at farmers on that occasion. It was intemperate, inaccurate and unfair. It is, of course, much easier to attack Irish farmers at home than to protect them in Europe.

I do not have any documentation on the subject of fisheries but one must be very suspicious of the wall of silence that surrounds this issue. It would appear from reports from the summit that the Community leaders agreed on a common position for the negotiations on enlagements in relation to fisheries to proceed somewhat along the following lines. There will be a "ten" -year — I put that in inverted commas — transition period after Spanish entry on 1 January 1986 during which Spanish trawlers will be obliged to observe the present arrangements, that is Spanish vessels would fish outside the Irish 50 miles box. But, of course, as the Minister for Fisheries admitted in the Dáil on Tuesday the stance now adopted will very likely change through further negotiations. It is obvious that this inadequate ten year transitional period is the Community's opening stance in the negotiations and will be most likely watered down with disastrous consequences for Irish fishermen.

The original demand for transition was 20 years. This has now been reduced to 10 years and may end up in further talks being reduced to something totally useless. Spanish Government sources have already rejected even the ten-year transition period and are demanding a phased transitional period, an increased share of fish stocks and added access to the west of Ireland fisheries including rights inside the six to 12 mile zone.

Spain has a fishing fleet larger than the rest of the Community put together and will obtain free access to Irish waters, subject in theory only to the Common Fisheries Policy and certain restrictions in coastal waters up to 12 miles offshore. I believe that it is necessary for someone to sound the alarm. We are on the verge of having a major blow inflicted to our national position. It is all too easy to settle for a transition period. It puts off the evil day and those responsible are probably hoping not to be there to accept the blame when the day of reckoning comes. Let it be fully understood throughout the Irish community that when that day comes a vast fleet of Spanish boats will have almost unlimited access to our fishing grounds. It will come quickly and the effective policing of our waters under the Common Fisheries Policy will be virtually impossible.

Still speaking of enlargement, we cannot ignore the Greek demand for a £3½ billion scheme of support for the Mediterranean as the price of Spanish and Portuguese entry. While Greek claims may have been dismissed by various heads of Government, it is not clear how they intend to resolve this matter. Did the Irish Government even consider some similar claim by us for greater regional aid in the context of enlargement. Have we once again been cowed, subservient and afraid to seek what is fair and reasonable? It always used to be the position of the Irish Government that we would not allow the less developed countries of the Community to become separated by a prosperity divide. The Government should not accept the granting of any further one-sided Mediterranean proposals unless they are distributed equitably among all the least developed regions of the Community. The Irish Government must adopt a tough negotiation position on this point. This is vital because it would be intolerable if our undue proportion of the permitted increase in own resources were to be pre-empted by the Mediterranean countries.

Here let me ask the House for a moment to consider this whole question of the increase in own resources. It is stipulated to be 1.4 per cent. We are going to go through all the trauma of putting that proposal through the parliaments of the Ten — a major political undertaking. Already it is becoming clear that 1.4 per cent is going to become very quickly inadequate. It is certainly going to become inadequate very quickly after enlargement. I am told that calculations indicate that already the existing Ten will be up to 1.2 per cent to meet their current obligations. That apparently leaves 0.2 per cent of own resources to cope with all the new demands which enlargement will bring. I seriously suggest that that whole situation should be reviewed and reconsidered and that the Community and the ten parliaments should not be put through this whole laborious process of increasing own resources to 1.4 per cent which it appears is going to be inadequate before it ever comes into operation. That is something that this summit should have looked at and faced up to.

Certainly, in so far as we are concerned, we have this vital interest in the agricultural funds, the Regional Fund and the Social Fund. So far as we are concerned, this 1.4 per cent is already looming up as a very threatening limiting restriction on any advance in those areas. If some Governments are stipulating that Spanish and Portuguese admission is their price for an increase of own resources, then at least we should make sure that the increase in own resources is adequate to cope with what they are demanding as their price for such increase.

I naturally welcome the decision of the Council in respect of aid to Ethiopia and other famine-struck countries. I think we can all be proud of role Ireland has played in prodding the conscience of the Community on this point. If we look back over the record of this House, the Fianna Fáil Party will be seen to have played their part in persuading the Government both to act nationally and to bring this matter forcibly to the attention of our partners. There is no sense in which we can claim to live in a civilised world, when millions are permanently undernourished and hundreds of thousands starve and die of hunger.

The European Council effectively deferred consideration of what is known as the Dooge or Spaak 11 interim report on the institutional future of Europe until the summit in Rome next June. In view of the serious implications involved in this report, I want to suggest that, there must be a full debate here in this Dáil on this report prior to that meeting.

We face a situation today where certain political forces in Europe, with the Taoiseach's Christian Democratic friends in the vanguard, are seeking to force the pace of European union, especially political union. On the face of it, this is seeking to counteract the threatened loss of cohesion in the Community that will result from further enlargement from Ten to Twelve, a final attempt, as it were, before 1986 to push towards the goals of the founders of the Community.

Ireland's principal reservation to date must be a scepticism as to how a political union can exist without a full economic union to underpin it. There are plenty of examples around the world in the last 30 years which demonstrate that political unions between different sovereign states are of no significance without an economic basis. Unfortunately, I detect no political will at present to increase the resources of the Community beyond the bare, minimum necessity reflecting — and I have to say again — the narrow, rigid British view that national economic problems must be solved nationally. If that is to be the position I have doubts as to whether it is wise to embark on a process that will raise hopes in some quarters and fears in others, but which in my view is bound to end in collapse.

We in Ireland have always been in favour of genuine economic and social integration. When I say genuine, I mean a concept of integration that will involve a fair redistribution of resources throughout the Community whereby people in Ireland can aspire to similar living standards as enjoyed elsewhere in Europe. If on the other hand integration simply means a further concentration of economic activity in the centre of the Community stretching from south-east England through Northern France, Benelux and the Ruhr, while the periphery becomes steadily more impoverished, then that is not acceptable to us. Unless the redistributive element, which if anything is being cut back at the present time, is to be greatly strengthened, then it may not be in keeping with the real spirit of the Community's political and economic decision-making centre.

Community solidarity, in the economic and social sense, is fairly limited at the present time. While I would not wish to deny the useful role that the Community plays in helping us to cope with youth unemployment, infrastructural development and, to some extent, farm income maintenance, there is no disguising the fact that in dealing with the full impact of the economic crisis at the present time we are largely on our own.

The decision-making procedures of the Community are clearly cumbersome and frustrating. But at the same time, if the tendency is going to be to ignore and ride roughshod over the interests of a small country such as ourselves, then the unanimity requirement on vitally important issues is an ultimate fall-back protection which we should not lightly abandon, however rarely we might in practice wish to avail of it.

These essentially economic questions are vital and important to us and should not be obscured by the more emotive questions of defence and security, which, of course, inevitably capture public attention.

Twenty years ago, partly under the influence of Charles de Gaulle, there was a vision of a Community, separate both from the United States and from the Soviet Union, which would be a totally independent force and a force for good in the world.

In reality the Community has developed in a very different way. Progress towards economic and monetary union has faltered and come to a halt. There is no real sense of social solidarity between the peoples of the different member states. There has been an attempt to push political union out in front, not with the objective of an independent Europe at all but a Europe that would be defence oriented. If Europe is not to be an independent entity in world affairs then we Irish would be better to retain our own independent voice as the most constructive contribution we can make to world peace and stability. It is not enough to say that we would have reservations about the military aspects of European union. I think we should argue positively in Community terms that the Community's strength and respect in the world derives to a considerable extent from the fact that it is not viewed as a military entity or bloc. We must argue that there are other fora in which those European countries who wish to talk about defence can concert their positions.

Senator Dooge's reservations extend only, as far as one can see, to strictly military proposals. But there is also the position in regard to the concept of a common foreign policy. We fully support the principle of European political co-operation which, while it seeks maximum consensus and consultation, is not a legally binding process under any formal treaty. We inevitably approach some world questions from a different point of view to most of our partners, for whom strategic considerations are often paramount.

There will have to be a debate on the important choices we could be facing by the second half of 1985. That debate will have to concentrate equally on both the economic aspects and the political aspects of the European union proposals.

I now come to Anglo-Irish relations. The Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister met for one-quarter of an hour, probably less. We all know what that means. It means they could not possibly have gone into any matter seriously or in depth. It is pathetic, indeed insulting, to our intelligence to see the crude attempts being made to build this into something significant. There is the specious claim that Anglo-Irish relations are back on the rails and that all is once more sweetness and light. Let me give a quotation from the Minister for Justice, Deputy Michael Noonan, he of Béal na Bláth fame:

I am also sustained by the progress which the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister recently made and which was reconfirmed yesterday, progress which I believe will be seen to be of far greater importance than the difficulties created by insensitive remarks by British leaders and foolish triumphalism of Unionist politicians.

It is nothing short of fraud for the Taoiseach, his Ministers and his advisers to attempt to claim that Anglo-Irish relations are back on the rails and that all is once more sweetness and light. Of course according to the Taoiseach and his Ministers, Deputies Barry and Noonan they never went off the rails anyway, there was just the unfortunate PR aspect of the Taoiseach being humiliated in public by the British Prime Minister.

Nothing proves more convincingly the superficiality of this Government's policies that they so substitute the shadow for the substance. All that was wrong with the abolition of food subsidies was the presentation. All that was wrong with the Chequers summit was its unfortunate presentation afterwards.

Let everyone be clear on the simple basic fact that the British Prime Minister retracted nothing yesterday. Indeed, according to the Irish Independent on 5 December 1984, she said: “I cannot say that I would have reacted any differently now”. If we were in any doubt about any possible softening of the British position, we have only to look at the British Secretary of State for the North's remarks to the Assembly the day before yesterday, when he made it clear that his policy was to pursue the 1982 internal initiative of his predecessor.

The Taoiseach and Government Ministers in every statement they have made, both in the communiqué following the Chequers summit, and in defence of it at the press conference and subsequently, have subverted the whole ethos of the Forum report and the basic principle of that report that no solution can be found within a Northern Ireland context.

The Forum report was about creating lasting peace and stability in a new Ireland. The present Anglo-Irish concentration is on how to present Northern Ireland to the world in a more palatable and acceptable light if that is possible. The SDLP, in their statement last weekend, have again spelt out clearly their rejection of any internal settlement.

Their statement reaffirms the party's commitment to political means and to dialogue and states that the Forum report remains the basis of the SDLP's position. They call on the Irish Government and I quote: "to reflect the depth of anger and concern created by the British Prime Minister".

The Chair considers that a full scale debate on Northern Ireland does not arise on this statement.

I shall finish now and I thank you not to interrupt me.

The Chair does not interrupt.

The Chair has interrupted me.

The Chair pointed out that a full scale debate on Northern Ireland is not in order on the statement. If the Deputy is about to conclude, that is that.

There has been no evidence of any serious attempt by the Irish Government to convey any anger to anyone. On the contrary every possible effort has been made to pretend that nothing has happened, that everything is as before, that unprecedented progress has been made. It is a thoroughly dishonest exercise because exactly the opposite is the case. In going for an internal settlement, in going for joint security which was not accepted by the Forum the Taoiseach and the Government are denying the Forum report.

To underline the real nature of what has taken place, let me quote from the British Daily Telegraph of 3 December, 1984, a leader entitled “Mrs. Thatcher's Other Island”:

Unionists must be ready to accept arrangements designed to guarantee the nationalist minority a proper place in any system of local government that may be set up. In their moment of triumph, a generous gesture would not be out of place.

That trenchant organ of British establishment opinion is in no doubt about the outcome of the summit.

The Chequers summit communiqué requires that any political gesture towards Nationalists must first of all be acceptable to Unionists.

That does not arise.

I am finishing now.

I have a few more sentences and will leave you to the House then. By accepting that and hailing it as progress the Taoiseach has deserted not just the Forum and its work but nationalist Ireland as well. He has forfeited any authority to negotiate on their behalf. The 15 minute meeting in Dublin Castle has made not the slightest difference. British policy is unaltered and no amount of sycophantic journalism can disguise that depressing reality.

Following our attacks on the Taoiseach after the Chequers debacle, when as a nation we were humiliated, it is only right that some congratulations should go to the Taoiseach on recovering some national honour at the Dublin summit. I speak purely in terms of the organisational aspects and preparations which had been made beforehand and also in terms of the negotiations that resulted in some success on the main objective which was the enlargement of the Community Some progress was made.

In his speech the Taoiseach did not give us much information about what took place at the summit but rather gave us a long list of items which were either mentioned or discussed. We do not really know what was decided. I am sure that if something positive had emerged from the discussion in the economic area or if there was some hope of jobs being created the Taoiseach would have mentioned that. The only definite statistic given was that unemployment will increase in 1985 to over 13 million. That does not indicate that there was any great success in the discussion on job creation.

The most glaring absence in the Taoiseach's speech was any reference to fishing. We know the negotiations are only now going ahead in this area. I expected the Taoiseach to affirm the Government's determination to ensure that our fisheries would be protected and would not be endangered in the negotiations. We have not got any such assurance from this speech this morning. There was no reference to that aspect of vital concern not just to fishermen but to people on shore and throughout the country. We need some indication in the coming months from the Government about the recognition of what is a complete change in the EC when it is enlarged and what effect it will have on Ireland. Already the CAP's good days are over for our farmers. The entry of Spain and Portugal will mean further competition and less will be available for the farmers, so radical changes must take place in our agriculture. We have not heard anything over the past six or eight months from the Department of Agriculture or the Taoiseach to the effect that there is any change in our strategy. What is the Minister for Agriculture doing? What advice is being given to farmers? What are ACOT doing? Are they changing methods of production or crops or doing anything of that nature? We have no indication that they are. What is being done in the food processing area? Deputy Haughey in his trip to Libya succeeded in ending the restrictions on the export of live cattle, but will that do much for jobs? It will not do anything great for the food processing industry.

There will be dead meat as well.

Is it meat as well?

If it is meat as well it will do good for the jobs area because in the processing of meat jobs can be created but we do not hear anything from the Government of any change in policy to get out of dairy products and into other areas of production in agriculture, be it vegetables or whatever else.

Spain and Portugal will be joining the EC in 1986, just over a year's time, and it is vital that we and the farmers and workers be told what the policy is for our agricultural industry, which is the main job creation area. The entry of Spain and Portugal will have a drastic effect on the Regional and Social Funds when just in the past two or three years we have begun to make gains and get benefits from those funds. In this area we will have job losses. I would like to hear from the Government what plans they have for 1986 and onwards when the amount we pay into the EC is rapidly closing on the amount we take out of it, and that will be even more rapidly when Spain and Portugal join. It will have a radical and drastic effect on Ireland and the Irish economy. By all means we should open up the EC and welcome new members. Nobody is arguing that there should be any restriction, but we would like to know how Ireland's interests are being protected in the negotiations, not just in the farming area but in the whole regional development area, unemployment and the Social Fund also.

I was glad to hear Deputy Haughey speaking at length on the importance of the Dooge report. There is a statement in the Taoiseach's speech that Professor Dooge has opposed one three-line section. One thing that upsets and annoys people is that in various EC documents Ireland is referred to as a non-member of NATO rather than a neutral country. This indicates the lack of positive approach by the Government in the EC. We do not get recognition for Ireland's positive role for world peace as a neutral country and we do not join with MEPs of the other countries of Europe in the campaign for a nuclear-free zone in Europe. We do not seem to have any positive neutrality policy in Europe; therefore at present we are seen just as not members of NATO for internal reasons which are not of great importance to the other members of the EC. The Dooge report says that the whole question of political unity seems to be an attempt to militarise the EC under the guise of security co-operation and political union. This would be highly dangerous for Ireland and for our neutrality. We would like to hear the Government emphasise our neutrality, as a policy, if they agree with our neutrality as a policy, and how we can be of assistance in Europe as a neutral nation in promoting peace and developing positive policies against nuclear war and nuclear weapons. Nothing has come out in the past number of years indicating that we are proud of our neutrality. We seem to be ashamed of it and keeping it quiet and in the background.

Finally, I congratulate the Taoiseach on the tremendous improvement in the amount of aid going to Ethiopia and other African countries suffering from drought and famine. Everybody in Ireland is glad of this and we recognise that it was Ireland's Presidency that forced this through. I doubt if it would have happened with some other country having the Presidency of the EC or that it would have got the priority which the Irish Presidency gave to this issue at the summit meeting, and I think that is what led to the success. The Taoiseach should take on board the fact that what is happening in Africa proves the Lomé Convention a completely inadequate instrument for rectifying the imbalances in world trade and economic order which are making Europe richer at the expense of Asia and Africa. The EC will find a worthy place in the world only when it becomes an instrument for mutual co-operation instead of ruthless oppression.

I would like to raise on the Adjournment the long strike at the factory at Littleton which is causing great hardship to many families.

The Chair will communicate with the Deputy.

Is there a question on the Adjournment on Thursday?

I would like to raise on the Adjournment the proposed demolition of Lucan courthouse and Garda barracks.

The Chair will communicate with the Deputy.

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