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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 29 Jan 1986

Vol. 363 No. 5

Financial Resolution No. 1: Excise— Beer. - Financial Resolution No. 2: Excise— Spirits.

I move Financial Resolution No. 1:

(1) That in this Resolution "the Order of 1975" means the Imposition of Duties (No. 221) (Excise Duties) Order, 1975 (S.I. No. 307 of 1975).

(2) That, subject to paragraph 4 of the Imposition of Duties (No. 258) (Beer) (No. 2) Order, 1982 (S.I. No. 37 of 1982), the duty of excise on beer imposed by paragraph 7 (1) of the Order of 1975 shall be charged, levied and paid, as on and from the 30th day of January, 1986, at the rate of £149.347 for, in the case of all beer brewed within the State, every 36 gallons of worts of a specific gravity of 1,055 degrees, and, in the case of all imported beer, every 36 gallons of beer of which the worts were before fermentation of a specific gravity of 1,055 degrees, in lieu of the rate specified in section 69 (1) of the Finance Act, 1984 (No. 9 of 1984).

(3) That, subject to paragraph 5 of the Imposition of Duties (No. 271) (Beer) Order, 1984 (S.I. No. 352 of 1984), the drawback on beer provided for in paragraph 7 (3) of the Order of 1975 shall, as respects beer on which it is shown, to the satisfaction of the Revenue Commissioners, that duty at the rate specified in paragraph (2) of this Resolution has been paid, be calculated, according to the original specific gravity of the beer, at the rate of £149.347 on every 36 gallons of beer of which the original specific gravity was 1,055 degrees.

(4) It is hereby declared that it is expedient in the public interest that this Resolution shall have statutory effect under the provisions of the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act, 1927 (No. 7 of 1927).

I move Financial Resolution No. 2:

(1) That in this Resolution—

"alcohol" means pure ethyl alcohol;

"the Order of 1975" means the Imposition of Duties (No. 221) (Excise Duties) Order, 1975 (S.I. No. 307 of 1975).

(2) That the duty of excise on spirits imposed by paragraph 4 (2) of the Order of 1975 shall be charged, levied and paid, as on and from the 30th day of January, 1986, at the several rates specified in the Schedule to this Resolution in lieu of the several rates specified in the Schedule to the Imposition of Duties (No. 270) (Spirits) Order, 1984 (S.I. No. 252 of 1984).

(3) That nothing in this Resolution shall operate to relieve from or to prejudice or affect the additional duty of excise in respect of immature spirits imposed by paragraph 4 (2) of the Order of 1975 and the third column of the First Schedule to that Order as amended by paragraph 4 (2) of the Imposition of Duties (No. 244) (Excise Duties on Spirits, Beer and Hydrocarbon Oils) Order, 1979 (S.I. No. 415 of 1979), and the third column of the First Schedule to that Order.

(4) It is hereby declared that it is expedient in the public interest that this Resolution shall have statutory effect under the provisions of the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act, 1927 (No. 7 of 1927).

SCHEDULE

RATES OF EXCISE DUTY ON SPIRITS

Description of Spirits

Rate of Duty

Spirits of any description not mentioned hereinafter and imported mixtures and preparations containing spirits

£19.522 per litre of alcohol in the spirits

Imported perfumed spirits entered in such manner as to indicate that the strength is not to be tested

£17.765 per litre

Imported liqueurs, cordials, mixtures and other preparations in bottle entered in such manner as to indicate that the strength is not to be tested

£15.031 per litre

We are opposing both these resolutions. I should like to explain that we would not normally be inclined to vote against excise duty increases on beer or spirits, our philosophy being that these are avenues which are explored by all Governments in endeavouring to raise the necessary revenue to meet their commitments. In normal times, Deputies — and indeed the general public — are not too averse to some form of reasonable increases in the excise duty on beer and spirits. On this occasion, we believe that a different situation applies. First of all, there is the general state of the economy and the serious hardship that exists because of falling living standards. This is plainly universal.

As far as beer is concerned, this additional imposition on what is known as the working man's pint is particularly inopportune. Apart from that, we believe the Minister is proceeding in the wrong direction. For some time we have been proposing the idea of selective self-financing cuts in taxation. Everybody admits that our economy has reached a state of diminishing returns, that the decline and deterioration in the level of economic activity are so catastrophic that revenue yields are diminishing, and that higher rates of taxes are in many cases bringing in less revenue.

We believe it can be shown that in carefully selected areas a reduction in tax rates would stimulate consumption and therefore be self-financing: even though you impose tax at a lower rate, because of the increased level of consumption you would get in as much if not more revenue. That is why I spoke of diminishing returns, and when you begin to get diminishing returns it is time to consider the tax rates you are imposing. It would be quite feasible to reduce tax rates and get more revenue. At the same time, you would have the advantage of stimulating economic activity and increasing employment with accompanying benefits.

It is our contention that the experiments of the Minister for Finance last year were successful. There is a suggestion by the Minister that that is not so, but all the evidence at our disposal, both from replies to questions by the Minister of Finance, substantiated by statements from the trade, indicates that the cuts in tax rates which were made by the Minister in regard to beer and spirits were self-financing — even though the tax rates were less, the returns increased. I have before me a question by Deputy O'Kennedy to the Minister for Finance on 22 January last. The reply showed that the returns in regard to beer were substantially increased last year as against 1984. The same applies to spirits. The reply referred to excise duty and VAT.

In view of that evidence we thought the Minister would pursue the experiment further and that apart from beer and spirits he would have looked at other areas in which the same process might have been engaged in. This is particularly true because of our situation vis-à-vis the Border. There is no doubt that increases in excise duties here immediately deflect trade across the Border. Therefore, from the point of view of bringing trade back to this part of the country, lowering of duties on certain products would be beneficial. We are at a loss to understand the attitude of the Minister in this regard.

All the information at our disposal leads us to believe that lower taxes here would be self-financing and would help to generate economic activity and consequently employment. Therefore, we are opposing this resolution. The Minister is only piling on the agony by imposing increased rates of taxes which will bring him in less revenue than he would otherwise get. In present circumstances the duties in this resolution are unduly hard on the large section of our people who take a drink as a form of relaxation. That, though, is not my real case. It is that the Minister is wrong from the point of view of revenue to impose these increases. It would be far better if he had left the rates as they were, or even reduced them again this year as an experiment.

We have to be realistic in regard to our public capital programme of £3,055 million and current expenditure which is running at £8,042 million. We have to find ways and means of finding that expenditure. For instance we have to fund our commitments to social welfare and to other capital and current liabilities. In order to do that we have to raise the necessary funds. I accept that the House has a duty to do that. Guinness is our biggest brewery and is located in Dublin South Central, which I represent, so I have more than a passing interest in it.

In relation to the raising of excise, the House must meet its obligations and I would not object to a range of excise duties if they were to raise extra money to increase the very low rates of unemployment assistance for single people at the bottom levels. When the Taoiseach is addressing the House on this motion I would like if he could tell us how this will tie in with the question of the deregulation of prices. Will the State take measures to ensure that there is competition between licensed public houses? What is the Taoiseach's hope in the immediate and long term for decreases in the marketplace because of competition? Since it directly affects my constituency will the Taoiseach say if any examination has been undertaken regarding the effect on employment in breweries and if the effect was measured in the calculations made when arriving at the levels of excise duties set in the motion?

This motion has a very big bearing on the tourist industry, to which the Minister referred in page 6 of his speech, saying that tourism was playing an increasingly important role in our economic affairs. It appeared that the Minister was very happy with the increased revenue from tourism last year. We will argue about that at a later date, because things are not quite as the Minister suggested. Whatever one can say about last year's tourism receipts there is no question that this increase in excise duties on beer and spirits will have a further detrimental effect on tourism. Tourists always refer to the price of meals, the price of petrol and the price of alcohol here. We are now in a situation of diminishing returns and the Minister is moving directly against the alcoholic beverages trade. This can only result in losses of tourist revenue and in losses of employment in the hotel industry and in the beer trade generally. We must put this in perspective. It is still possible to have a pint of beer for less than 60p in the UK and there is no doubt that when news of this further increase in the price of beer and spirits reaches the tourist markets it will be a disincentive to those who might otherwise consider spending some time here.

Considerable money has been spent by Bord Fáilte and State agencies in the last 12 months to market Ireland as a cost competitive place in which to take holidays. It is a strange philosophy to spend millions of pounds on expensive marketing programmes to sell Ireland as a suitable place for tourist purposes and at the same time, despite the fact that it can be clearly shown that this imposition severely impinges on people attempting to come here, the Government persist in increasing the prices. Added to that, in the past few weeks there has not been effective price control in the beer trade or on sales of drink. Publicans, to defray increased costs, have been increasing their price levels just to stay in business. If we are to add on another increase of 3p and 6½p — and they are the prices that will be effective once the tourist season starts — there is no doubt to maintain their profit margins publicans will use the deregulated price control and these prices will be the minimum increase. We can expect that the publicans, in order to hold their market share and their profit margins, to increase these figures further.

This is a body blow to the tourist industry when it was just coming to life in terms of reaching its potential in employment, tax revenue and in our balance of payments programme. This is once again the favourite source of revenue for the Government. We are critical of the shortsightedness of this policy so far as the tourist industry is concerned. Because of diminishing demand it will lead to unemployment, not just in the breweries, but to short term employment in many of our seaside hotels and in the pub trade. I would like to know the thinking behind the Government's attitude in spending money marketing Ireland as a tourist area where one can get value for money and at the same time putting this further impost on the travelling tourist who is an important source of revenue.

I do not understand the rationale behind this. We know that at the moment the púnt is closer in parity to the English pound than at any time during the last three or four years, yet this price will be increased. The 23 per cent will go up to 25 per cent in mid-June and it is not until 1 July that the reduction will take place in the restaurants. We have a lot of British tourists here in May and June and from now until 1 July the price of the pint will be increased. I do not know how much an English pint costs, but it is cheaper than the Irish pint. With the closing of the two currencies the Irish pint will become even more expensive.

We are all aware that the average English working man enjoys a pint and when he visits Ireland he hopes to be able to get a drink at a moderate price. For years we have depended on British tourists, but this increase in the price of the pint will mean a reduction in the number. I do not understand why it is being left so late to reduce the VAT on meals from 23 per cent to 10 per cent, particularly in view of the fact that the price of the pint will be increased from midnight tonight. Many people visit Ireland for St. Patrick's Day, at Easter and in May and June and they will not find much to attract them here. I have no doubt that Bord Fáilte are concerned about these measures. This action by the Government was very shortsighted and will hurt our tourist trade.

We are all aware of the employment given by breweries in Dublin and Cork. They provide jobs in city centre areas where little employment exists because of other policies pursued by the Government. In dockland in Dublin Guinness was always a great employer. The position is similar in Cork with Beamish and Crawfords and Murphys. I should like to say something about the social aspect of an increase in the price of the pint. Some say that because it is the easy one to hit an increase in the price of a pint will not harm anybody, but we must remember that many people cannot afford anything other than a few pints. The unemployed, who live in appalling conditions in delapidated parts of this and other cities, who are crammed into one room, cannot afford to be members of yacht clubs, golf clubs or have other social outlets. A pint is the only social outlet they have. The Taoiseach may not be aware that such people exist.

Whatever about the argument put forward in regard to the increase in the price of cigarettes, that it may force people off the habit and be good for their health, I do not see how imposing an increase of 3p per pint, taken in conjunction with the 10 per cent tax on fish and chips, can be considered good. This increase will hit the poor who cannot afford the facilities that others avail of. Will the Taoiseach tell the House why he continually takes great pleasure from hitting those people? He must remember that since the price control was removed from drink the price of a pint increased by 4p and 5p in the city. We were told when price control was discontinued that because of competition there would not be any increases but within two days all publicans had put up the price by 3p and 4p. The only thing the Coalition can hit the underprivileged with is a tax on this small social pleasure.

It is necessary that I should outline to the House, and the Taoiseach, the importance of the brewing industry to Cork city. There is no doubt that we have reached the point of diminishing returns in regard to drink. In Cork, thankfully our two breweries employ a great number of people. That is all the more important when one considers the extent of the unemployment problem in Cork city and county. Many firms have closed in the three years the Coalition have been in office. Obviously, any further increase in the price of drink will not help employment in the trade.

The views expressed by Deputy Flynn about the effect of this increase on the tourist trade are correct. We must add to the budget increase the rise that occurred following the price deregulation. I have no doubt that there will be a huge cutback in the consumption of beer and stout. Beamish and Crawford in Cork had their difficulties over the years but now, with a Canadian association and thanks to an excellent management team, they have succeeded in a positive way in consolidating employment in the south of the city. The north side brewery of Murphys has experienced difficulty in recent times but through Dutch involvement by Heineken many jobs were saved. Every measure introduced by the Government is anti-working people and anti-family. If less drink is consumed the return to the Revenue will be reduced and there is also a danger of more jobs being placed in jeopardy. I oppose this resolution.

Mr. Cowen

I should like to express my opposition to this punitive measure which will hurt the licensed trade throughtout the country. As a Member whose family has a tradition in the licensing trade I am aware of the severe imposition this will be on most rural vintners who at present have to cope with a severe drop in their trade. I wonder if the Taoiseach is aware that many country pubs will have to consider closing down for most of the day because of this increase. Many publicans do not do a lot of business during the week and depend on the weekend trade to make a living. Most rural pubs are run by families who are not in a position to employ bar staff.

Rural publicans must pay heavy local charges because of the severe Government cutbacks. Rates and water charges are very high. The Taoiseach should take into consideration the fact that many publicans find it difficult to ask customers to leave their premises at 11.10 p.m. because they are only having their second pint. He may find that amusing, but he should bear in mind that vintners who find persons on their premises after hours have their licences endorsed. Does the Taoiseach realise that many vintners are having their licences endorsed for after hours trading which they engage in to try to make a living? He should take into consideration that many responsible people who enjoy a few pints at night cannot do so because of the price of drink. In rural areas the pub is often a meeting place, not just for drinking but for social activities and arranging meetings of the GAA and so on. It is more than a licensed premises; it is a place where people meet to do business for voluntary organisations and so on.

If this is passed publicans will be at the mercy of a totally unjust law and will be unable to get a renewal of their licence if there are three endorsements on it. This is discrimination against the trade and I do not see any justification for it. It is common knowledge that the price of drink is too high and I do not see how the Minister can reduce VAT from 23 per cent to 10 per cent for hoteliers, people who take a greater flow of trade, while publicans, who only supply alcoholic beverages to their customers, will have this further duty imposed on them. The old reliables are being hit once too of ten. It is no longer a case of people not being able to afford an extra pint in the evenings: the person trying to make a living from the business is in a very difficult situation. I ask the Minister to reconsider the matter and I join my colleagues in opposing this measure.

I also oppose Resolutions Nos. 1 and 2 on beer and spirits for the reasons outlined by other Members in regard to the effect it will have on the licensed trade, on the man and woman who enjoy a social drink and on tourism and employment generally. I should particularly like to mention the effect it will have on cross-Border trade, because we should look back to the lessons which we learned over the last couple of years. This side of the House suggested to the Government right through 1984 that the only way to reverse the trend of cross-Border trade in spirits and petrol was to reduce the excise duty on these items. The Government took our advice and in 1985 revenue increased by 6.4 per cent. The Taoiseach is shaking his head, but those are the figures. Despite the lessons learned then, the price of spirits is being increased again; and, if you add this increase to the increase on petrol, it is obvious that it will be the cause of restarting the cross-Border trade which dwindled last year. The Government have made a major error in this area. I strongly oppose this measure because it will cause havoc in the Border counties, right down to County Dublin and across to Galway. It will have a major effect on the licensed trade in these areas.

I have enjoyed these reflections on the part of Fianna Fáil. They conjured up a very imaginative picture of the country in which, in the interests of the family, we must keep the price of spirits and other drink down and in which, according to Deputy Flynn, to hold the market share publicans will increase their prices. It is a country in which, if you increase the price of drink by the modest amounts proposed, 2.5 per cent to 3 per cent, this will have a more discouraging impact on the tourist industry than a 10.5 per cent reduction in the price of meals, implying that the tourist spends four times as much on drink as on food. If Fianna Fáil can believe all these things at once — although admittedly this seems only to apply to their leader and Deputy Burke — that the tax structures in these areas can be self-financing despite the facts, then such a party merits being in Opposition.

Smart aleck.

I do not think that the people will give much credibility to these theses. Let us go back over them. It is anti-family to raise the price of drink. I wonder on what basis. The family is brought into all kinds of theses in regard to the morality of different aspects of politics but I never heard that it is anti-family to modestly increase the price of drink. I will not develop that theme. I cannot. I do not understand the concept behind it.

Deputy Flynn mesmerised me by his concept that, to hold their market share, publicans will increase prices further. This is a form of economics which certainly has never reached me academically, journalistically or any other way and if the Fianna Fáil Party intend to base government on these kinds of principles the longer they stay in Opposition the better because they are living in wonderland. Leaving aside such delusions as those of Deputy Allen, who thought we were increasing tax on chips when in fact we are reducing the tax by 10.5 per cent——

The Taoiseach should deal with the facts.

We have increased most taxes by a modest amount. The effect of the increases will be 2.5 per cent in the case of beer and 3 per cent in the case of spirits.

Mr. Cowen

How much has the price increased over the past three years?

If the Deputy likes, I will go back over 25 years. In the case of beer the tax content, duty and VAT of a pint of beer will, after the excise and VAT reductions in February and March, be lower than at any time since Deputy Haughey's last budget — and I mean last budget — which increased the share to 50.6 per cent. After these increases that share will be down to 49.0 per cent, lower than at any time since then except briefly in February and March 1983 when a similar exercise regarding VAT was carried out. The figure was fractionally lower for one month. In the case of spirits the excise and VAT content will now be lower than at any time over the past 25 years, although there is some difficulty in getting figures for so far back. In one month in 1964 the tax content on spirits was lower but, apart from that, one must go back to 1961 to find any time when the tax content of a glass of spirits was lower than it will be after this budget.

Could the Taoiseach say what the price of a glass of spirits was in 1964?

I suppose I could but the tax increase after this budget——

Give us the price for which I asked.

On the question of self-financing tax increases and as a Government recognising the extent of diversion of trade to Northern Ireland in respect of certain articles, we took steps in the last budget in regard to spirits and television sets and these measures had certain effects which were beneficial in terms of bringing back to this side of the Border a volume of trade and activity which had been diverted and can be justified in that respect. There was an increase of 18 per cent in the volume of spirits, sales of colour television sets were up from 68,000 to 104,000 and betting turnover up some 50 per cent. These were beneficial effects but they were not self-financing——

They were.

——and Deputies opposite are aware of that, unless they allow themselves to be deluded by figures which appeared in a letter in this morning's Irish Times which do not present the true picture.

The fact is that to maintain the real value of revenue it would have been necessary for sales of spirits to increase by 24 per cent, but they increased by 18 per cent, leaving a duty shortfall of a total of £14 million. In other words, had we not reduced the price of spirits, from the best estimates available to us, the revenue from spirits would be £14 million higher. We do not regret that decision, despite the loss of £14 million——

Specious argument.

——despite the fact that Deputy Haughey's self-financing thesis was invalidated, it was worthwhile having that increase in order to repatriate — if one can use such a word between North and South — to bring back to this State sales which would have been diverted northward to an extent that was, by any reasonable standards, excessive. The measure was worthwhile and achieved its object in terms of restoring the volume of business here, but it was not self-financing and Deputies opposite ought to be aware of that.

The Minister's figures show that it was.

They do nothing of the kind. I have just given the figures. In order to maintain the real value of revenue in terms of purchasing power the increase would have to be 24 per cent; the actual increase in volume was 18 per cent. The duty shortfall is one quarter of the total required — a loss of £14 million.

As usual, the Taoiseach is dealing with imaginary statistics. The actual figure showed an increase.

I am sorry. The Deputy is aware of such a thing as inflation — he managed to get it up to 21 per cent the last time he was in Government. If we are talking about something being self-financing, it must yield the same purchasing power as it did previously. To do that it must yield a sum of money which has a purchasing power, allowing for the rate of inflation — which is reduced to a tiny fraction of what it was under Fianna Fáil——

It brought in more money.

It brought in money in current terms but not in real terms.

Thank you.

The short fall is 6 per cent below what it would need to be to give the same purchasing power of taxation. I know the Deputy does not like facts of any kind, that he does not like to be contradicted or to be made fun of. The Deputy takes himself very seriously, but I never have——

(Interruptions.)

——and I do not propose to do so now.

The Taoiseach is positively asinine.

If the Opposition make the most extraordinarily asinine propositions, such as the anti-family one and the one about publicans trying to increase their market share by putting up prices, I am entitled at least to some humorous comment by way——

The Taoiseach is misquoting——

(Interruptions.)

On a point of order——

I do not propose to give way to the Deputy. He has had his say and I am entitled to respond.

On a point of order——

I doubt if it is a point of order.

Whatever the Taoiseach might feel I said, and we will not worry about that because the record will show what was said——

That is not a point of order.

Would the Taoiseach agree that since——

That is not a point of order. A point of order relates to procedure in the House.

I am trying to point out that the Taoiseach has the argument all wrong.

That is not a point of order

Deputy Flynn's suggestion that there are publicans in Ireland who think they can increase their market share by increasing prices does less than justice to those publicans. They have a lot more common sense than Deputy Flynn has.

Many publicans may have to close their doors because of the deregulation of prices. They had to increase their prices because——

I doubt very much if any publican would operate that kind of logic. I really should not talk quite so much nonsense in this House. The fact is that the increases concerned are modest. The revenue in a full year yielded by these two increases will go just over 80 per cent of the way towards the reductions in VAT in respect of meals and the money is needed for that purpose.

We welcome that.

But as usual you are not prepared to pay for it.

(Interruptions.)

It is now 9.15 p.m. and I am putting the question.

The chips are down.

Yes, the chips certainly are down.

The Taoiseach has had his chips.

Order, please, when the Chair is on his feet.

(Interruptions.)

I am putting the question: "That Financial Resolution No. 1 be agreed."

The Dáil divided: Tá, 79; Níl, 74.

  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Myra.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Bermingham, Joe.
  • Birmingham, George Martin.
  • Boland, John.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlon, John F.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick Mark.
  • Cosgrave, Liam T.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Coveney, Hugh.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Molony, David.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Naughten, Liam.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael. (Limerick East)
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, Willie.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Keeffe, Jim.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • Deasy, Martin Austin.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dowling, Dick.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Fennell, Nuala.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Glenn, Alice.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Paddy.
  • Hussey, Gemma.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • L'Estrange, Gerry.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McLoughlin, Frank.
  • Manning, Maurice.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Prendergast, Frank.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, Patrick Joseph.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeline.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Yates, Ivan.

Níl

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, John.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Byrne, Seán.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Cathal Seán.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doherty, Séan.
  • Fahey, Francis.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzsimons, Jim.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Foley, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Pat Cope.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael.
  • Lemass, Eileen.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leonard, Tom.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Morley, P. J.
  • Moynihan, Donal.
  • Nolan, M. J.
  • Noonan, Michael J. (Limerick West)
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, William.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Edmond.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond J.
  • Ormonde, Donal.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • Power, Paddy.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Barrett(Dún Laoghaire) and Taylor; Níl, Deputies V. Brady and Browne.
Question declared carried.
Financial Resolutions Nos. 1 and 2 agreed to.

Financial Resolutions Nos. 3, 4 and 5 are to be taken together without debate.

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