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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 Jun 1986

Vol. 368 No. 2

Courts Bill, 1986 Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Last evening I mentioned the insurance companies' attitude when a possible change of legislation appeared to be imminent. Everybody knows that high insurance premia have been a bone of contention with the insured public for a considerable time. Many people, private citizens, those in the insurance business and Members of this House, have spent considerable time and effort trying to identify the causes of high premia. Invariably they come back again and again to the possibility that high claims and high payouts were a major contributory factor.

Deputy Cowen mentioned that a different system prevails in the United Kingdom, not entirely what is proposed here, but that they do not have the same problem with high insurance premia. I know there are other circumstances involved but it is my belief that, notwithstanding the claims now being made by some insurance companies, a new system would have the net result of somewhat reducing insurance premia. That being the case, one would automatically assume that the proposed change will be of benefit to the insured public. The case being put, and rightly so, is whether the ordinary citizen will be given his or her rights under the new system.

We then must ask ourselves if the jury system or the one or three judges would eventually result in the injured person or the claimant getting his or her rights. I have no reason to believe other than that three judges would in their wisdom arrive at an amicable and equitable resolution to the problem. I know that the court system is somewhat archaic and that the degree of representation by counsel required under the present system and so on is extremely unwieldy and exceptionally expensive and long drawn out. Nonetheless I see no reason to believe that anything would go wrong or that the claimants' interests would be misrepresented or ignored.

There is considerable merit in changing the system. The reverse side of the argument is whether it is better to have representatives selected from the general public, as jurors are, to represent the interests of members of the public who are involved in claims of this nature. I am always loath to refer to class distinction because it is something that we can well do without, but perhaps it can be argued that maybe jurors could more readily identify with an aggrieved person than would, say, three judges, because there are those who believe there are still class barriers in some quarters, although I do not accept that. Judges who are appointed to the Bench do a good job and, provided that the case is presented properly and that the usual procedures are gone through, I see no reason why they would not be in a position to achieve an equitable decision. That would have the result ultimately of reducing the cost of claims — admittedly it is only one contributory factor — and would be of benefit to the general public.

Another matter which would have an effect on the reduction of the cost of claims would be a speeding up of the procedures in the courts and a rationalisation such as was pointed out here yesterday evening by Deputy Yates and by Deputy Cowen on the other side of the House. That should be examined in far greater detail at this stage and we should not necessarily proceed merely to abolish the juries in civil cases. The whole system should be examined and reorganised with a view to ascertaining how best the public interest could be served by a rationalisation of the court system in civil cases or personal injury cases. In that way the benefit of this legislation to the general public would be tremendously greater than merely selecting one item as we are proposing at the moment and removing juries.

Speaking again as a non legal person, I believe there should be no great difficulty in introducing an entirely new system separate from the court system as we know it for dealing with such cases, with provision for appeal to the courts if agreement could not be reached. For instance, those of us who are members of local authorities have often come across very contentious cases in land acquisition which have been referred to arbitration. In most such cases agreement can be and has been reached and a satisfactory settlement achieved without any of the paraphernalia of going through the expensive court system. In those cases also there is provision for reference to the courts if all else has failed and that is found necessary.

There may be good reasons why this cannot be done in the type of case we are considering, but are we serious about tackling what I see as an insurance problem? Everybody recognises that insurance is necessary but, because of the high cost of insurance at present and the prospect of ever-escalating costs of premiums, we should take a very careful look at all the ingredients in those high costs and endeavour to find a better and more efficient system. I put forward that suggestion as another way around the problems that have arisen in an effort to speed up and rationalise the procedures and I hope that, as a result, we will be seen to be doing something definite in this House about that insurance problem.

Let me refer again to the general public and their attitude to insurance. At present everybody recognises readily that the cost of insurance is exorbitant. One can refer to costs down through the years and compare them with costs in other similar countries, and in all cases that I am aware of we seem to reflect very poorly any attempt to keep those costs in check. For that reason, keeping in mind that quite a large section of the public who should be insured at present find it more profitable and even necessary in some cases—and highly illegal—to go without insurance, our duty as legislators is to try to bring the system within reach of such people in so far as we can. In so doing we could reduce the burden on all of those who are legally paying insurance and at the same time reduce the possibility of people going about without insurance and consequently having claims registered with the bureau and so on. That problem is very involved and I am not sure the Bill before us tackles it sufficiently. I would like to see much more comprehensive legislation coming into the House to deal with the problem and to attract the imagination of the public in such a way that they would be able to see the net result as being in their interest.

The insurance companies are always good at displaying the béal bocht when it comes to this issue. As I mentioned at the outset, they were quite capable of telling us over the years that the high claims were a very serious problem when it came to high premiums for the consumer. They told us that their huge losses and at the same time they seemed able to open up brand new offices in plush surroundings all over the country. I find that incompatible with the fact that they tell us about the massive losses they have. I know they must attract investors, investment and so on, because that is necessary in any financial institution. Nonetheless, a great proportion of the public believe that a considerable number of premiums could be reduced considerably without affecting the liquidity of the insurance companies concerned. I know we have had one problem in that area but I do not think high claims caused that problem.

Last night Deputy Yates and Deputy Cowen mentioned the possibility of introducing a no fault system. That has merit in that it would reduce contention and would speed up the process, but it would also reduce the incidence of claims. After all, in a country that has become very fond of litigation, we should be very wary of giving even tacit encouragement in any way to anybody who might feel that even if they were at fault they were entitled to be covered by insurance. There is a considerable lobby of opinion in favour of the reverse, but, nonetheless, we should all be conscious of the need to ensure the highest possible standards of safety in industry regardless of the sector. For that reason, a no fault system would perhaps be open to abuse and, whatever else we do, we should not encourage such abuse.

I also wish to refer to costly delays. Last night Deputy Cowen spoke about the need to ensure that full medical reports are made available before a decision is taken. Delays in producing these reports can also hold up court proceedings and increase the cost, which places a further burden on the insurance system and is not necessarily beneficial to the claimants or the person or agency against whom the claim is lodged.

In the course of my ordinary constituency work I have seen conflicting medical reports and a good counsel would obviously have a field day in expounding on the case presented to him or her on the basis of such medical evidence. Such medical evidence, although conflicting, can appear very conclusive and in such cases perhaps a tribunal could be set up to examine all the medical evidence at an early stage and put the onus on those producing such evidence to bring it forward as quickly as possible. I know the argument can be made that it may be some time before the full extent of injuries is known and that it might be more beneficial for the claimant to avail of a medical report emanating a year or two years after an accident. However, the general interest should be kept in mind and I see no reason for not setting up a tribunal which could deal with medical evidence and where documentation could be dealt with and processed to a high degree without going to court. That might eliminate the problem of the cat and mouse game to which Deputy Yates referred last night, where in some cases agreement is reached on the steps of the court, depending on the ability of one side or the other to put forward the strongest possible case at that time which could have an overall effect on the outcome. I see no reason for the present delays as medical evidence should be able to determine the degree of injury even at an early stage. There is nothing unusual in medical reports setting out the degree of injury likely in two or three years or, indeed, even a longer time.

Fears have been expressed in some quarters that the ordinary citizen may not necessarily, by virtue of his or her social class, identify with the person or persons adjudicating on the case. Such people feel that they may be at a disadvantage. I do not accept that argument because the system has shown itself to be reasonably workable and those appointed to do a job have done it well and conscientiously. I do not see any militation against the interests of the injured party if the jury system is abolished and replaced by judges or a tribunal. However, there is an obvious need for any change to show a reflection in the level of insurance premiums. I do not accept the arguments now being put forward by the insurance companies that awards are only a contributory factor to the high cost of insurance and that a change would not have a major impact. It should have, because the jury system has been put forward as a contributory factor to high insurance premiums over a long number of years and I cannot see how it would change dramatically overnight. Opinions have only been changed by virtue of the imminence of amending legislation.

I have a special interest in this legislation in the sense that I have been a member of the legal profession for almost 25 years, although a practising barrister for approximately half that time due to my political commitments and full time political involvement as a Chief Whip of the 1973 Government when Jack Lynch was Taoiseach and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs in 1977 and at the Department of Justice at the end of 1979. Apart from those interventions, I have been a member of the Law Library. The main burden of my practice has been on the civil legal side in what is commonly called running down litigation and employers' liability litigation. I consider it a great privilege to be a member of the Law Library and to be associated with the profession of barrister.

There has been much criticism of the law recently and I should like to make it clear that, having declared my interest, I have not been briefed by the Bar Council or the Incorporated Law Society. I am giving my own point of view and, like many other points of view I have made in the House, it may be disagreed with, there is every possibility that nobody will listen to it and that, even if people listen, they may pay no attention to it. At any rate, I do not represent any arm of the legal profession. I am speaking as of right as a Deputy. It is difficult, by any stretch of the imagination, to disassociate one from the other. I am not trying to do that; I am just making my position clear.

My view on the Bill is clear in the sense that I also consider it a privilege for members of the jury to be allowed to participate in the administration of justice. In my experience that has meant that participation in the workings of the jury system has encouraged a greater respect for the law and our legal institutions. While the existence of civil juries is not a constitutional right — that right is reserved for criminal cases — it is a civil right which has received widespread acknowledgement over the centuries and has become an essential part of the fabric of the administration of civil justice. As with some aspects of the legal process and the administration of justice, it has attracted its fair share of criticism and debate from different sources.

During the course of this debate there have been many charges made against the legal profession. Like all professions, it has its warts; but the legal profession has over the years served this country well. Like any other profession or trade, it has had its hiccups and bad times, its bad representatives. But it is grossly unfair to condemn the profession, both the Bar and the solicitors, because of the shortcomings of some individuals. I do not want to be seen to be a Tadhg an dá thaoibh, to be on both sides of the fence, but equally the insurance profession has had its problems. Insurance companies have been set up and have gone out of existence. It is only fair to say that not only have the public been hard done by but many employees in the insurance industry have been hard done by. Let us remember that the people in the insurance industries are ordinary men and women with wives and husbands and families and when one is critical of personalities or individuals in the insurance profession it is fair to give them their due justice. But my experience of insurance companies has not been bad. Certainly, the individuals I have met have in the main been people of the very highest integrity doing the best, as they see it, for their employers. Of course, if people are hurt along the way, it is a dreadful thing that that has happened; but it happens in every trade and profession.

However, the principal argument against the continuation of juries in civil cases is the argument of cost. When the call first came some years ago for the abolition of juries in civil cases it was argued that jury awards had become excessive and far exceeded those in Great Britain — why we always have to compare ourselves legally and every other way with Great Britain never ceases to amaze me. However, it was said in support of the argument of costs that juries removed certainty from the settlement of civil litigation and increased the cost of insurance premiums to the average motorist and those covered for public liability insurance; and the main thrust of the argument was that it was the man in the street who suffered most because of the continuation of civil juries. But, when the Government indicated that they intended abolishing juries, the reaction of those against the continuation of juries in civil cases was, to say the least, amazing. Far from agreeing that premiums would be reduced it was agreed that the removal of civil juries would have no effect on those premiums. The emphasis of the argument was subtly switched to the need for better road safety and accident prevention measures and that the real problem was the number of uninsured drivers on the roads. At the end of my contribution I will deal with the question of uninsured drivers.

While I agree that it is desirable that we should reduce the number of uninsured drivers and improve safety measures in industry, these are not the issues with which this debate is concerned or upon which the debate is centred. What is at stake here on this debate is the balance of justice and the public good and whether it would be better served by retaining the jury system in civil cases rather than leaving it entirely in the hands of the judges. If we are to take the case against the continuation of juries in civil cases, the argument that it would be better to leave the matter of deciding fault and damages with a judge sitting without a jury — that damages would be lower and there would be more certainty as to the amounts which would be awarded — falls down on both counts. There is every indication from the rare cases where judges have decided on personal injuries cases on their own that they will award just as much in the way of damages as juries do. It is also the experience of most practitioners, particularly in the Circuit Court, that judges vary significantly in their assessment of damages for fairly similar injuries. This may be accounted for by the fact that no two injuries are the same, but it also arises because different judges have different attitudes and appreciations and awarenesses of changing money values and economic trends in our society.

To say that juries are too generous in their awards because money values for different injuries can be significantly higher in Ireland than in Britain is not necessarily the correct approach. I would respectfully suggest that it is entirely the wrong approach, because one is dealing with two different situations. If we were to compare awards in the United States with awards in Ireland it would be obvious that ours are miniscule in comparison. The fact that an English judge might award £18,000 to £20,000 for the loss of an eye and an Irish jury about £50,000 for the same injury is not to say that the Irish jury is wrong and the English judge is right. Rather I would argue that our juries' approximation of the value of a lost eye reflects far more sensitivity and appreciation of the significant and permanent disability which such a loss entails.

That is a very reasonable case. I believe that the loss of an eye is far greater in value than an English judge sitting alone awards. Equally, the awards for the serious, moderate and mild whiplash injury in England is in my view, diminished by a judge sitting alone. There is a scale of values on these particular injuries taking them on their own. The value, for example, for a serious whiplash injury can vary between £15,000 and £20,000. That is, on its own with no sequela; of course, it would depend on the age of the individual, the type of work the individual is expected to do and so on. The value of a moderate whiplash injury would be between £7,000 and £10,000 and the value of a mild whiplash injury would be anywhere from £3,000 to £4,000 to £7,000. That reflects a standard or scale of evaluation of that type of injury which is realistic, but there is no support for those values in England, where the situation is different and the valuation on those types of injuries is far less and, I believe, wrong. Anybody involved with the loss of an eye or in a whiplash injury is aware of this. The loss of an eye is permanent and my view is that a whiplash injury is also permanent. Despite what the physiotherapists might try to do for one or despite what the doctors might say about it, it will always be there in a mild or moderate form. It will always be present and it is a lifelong disability.

I know it is the experience of most lawyers that juries do get it right most of the time. The other fail-safe situation is that, if juries do get it wrong, there is an appeal to the Supreme Court on value and the general experience nowadays of the Supreme Court is that they can revalue the case upwards or downwards themselves or they can send it back to the High Court to have the matter adjudicated upon again by another jury.

Physical injury, pain and suffering are of their nature very personal things. The payment of monetary compensation to the victim of personal injury will never heal the injuries. The best that monetary compensation can do is return the victim as near as possible to his or her economic position before the accident. A jury of 12 men and women can bring to this task a broad range of experience and commonsense, and in hard practical terms a real appreciation of the social and economic value of monetary compensation in present day terms and standards. They will not easily be fooled by the exaggerations of untruthful plaintiffs, nor will they be insensitive to the plight of the genuine and seriously injured plaintiff.

It is well to remember that on three occasions in the recent past Government appointed committees have considered the jury system and reached the conclusion that juries should be retained. This raises the question: why do the Government at this stage want to abolish that system? Why bring in this trivialising Bill? Surely there is much more serious work to be done involving the legal profession and the courts? Of course, the legal profession needs to be modernised and made relevant to the present day, but to deal with the matter piecemeal, as the Government are doing on this occasion, is wrong. It is doing a disservice to the principle of the need to modernise the law.

Many submissions from interested parties were received by the Government appointed committees who considered the matter of the jury system. These committees were, first, in 1965 the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure; second, in 1972 the Committee of Inquiry into the Insurance Industry; thirdly, in 1982 the Prices Advisory Committee — the motor insurance reported inquiry into the cost of providing motor insurance. No significant or substantial report has appeared since these which could fairly be relied upon by the Government as indicating a change in the situation. It is fair to say that the three committees deliberated over a long period of time and took evidence from all walks of life. The Government fell down badly in putting this legislation before the House. The objective of any measures taken to interfere with individual citizens' rights to compensation for personal injuries should be in the interests of justice, not temporary economic expediency, or the sectional interests of one or two lobbies.

We do not question the right to trial by jury in criminal cases. Indeed, this is guaranteed by our Constitution. Is there any reason why the same principle should not be retained in civil law? The Minister argues that most people regard jury service as a burden and go to great lengths to avoid it. If that is the case, has he in mind the removal of juries from criminal actions also? Like it or not, we are not dealing with the convenience of the juror, but rather with justice for the citizen. That principle alone should guide the Minister in his deliberations in this issue. Of course, if we are retaining the jury system in civil cases and if we are having a look at the whole inadequacy, in many instances, of the legal system, juries have been abominably treated over the years. The facilities provided for them in the courts they are serving are pathetic. In many instances there is no question of a meal being provided. This is particularly annoying if a case goes on for up to four days. I can understand a juror coming into such conditions wanting to get out of them as quickly as possible. However, that is not a good reason for abolishing jury actions in civil cases. It is a good reason for updating the facilities provided for jurors who come to do their duty in the interests of the State. Juries are herded from one court to the other, they sign on daily for jury service and find that they are not needed, so their time is wasted. There is also the question of payment for jury service. It would not be unrealistic to pay jurors for their service — on the contrary. I would pay them, give them decent facilities, a meal or a meal voucher and treat them with the dignity they deserve in the context of the service they are giving. None of those conditions have been provided for jurors. It is understandable that jurors are rather soured by the system, but that is a matter for the updating of the system, not something to be used against the retention of jury service.

On Second Stage the Minister laid great emphasis on the need for consistency and predictability of awards. I do not consider myself the greatest example of a high flying practitioner or a gift to the Law Library; there are far more able people in that library and the legal profession than I. However, as a practitioner I know, as a matter of ascertainable fact, that 99 per cent of all personal injury cases are settled before they reach court, which is an extraordinarily high number. Such a high figure for settlements would not be possible were it not for the fact that insurance companies and lawyers have a fairly accurate idea of the individual value of each case. They can predict within a reasonably accurate margin what a jury would give in the High Court or what a Circuit Court judge sitting on his own is likely to award in that court. The figure given in Brian McMahon's pamphlet, Judge or Jury: The Jury Trial for Personal Injury Cases in Ireland, is 99.8 per cent, it being stated that only .2 per cent, one in every 500, of all insurance claims ever get to actual hearing. He reaches that figure from calculations made from information contained in the MacLiam report, page 48, and from figures prepared by the High Court Registrar's Office in the Michaelmas sitting of 1984. I can see the logic of the Government's argument for retaining jury trials in certain civil actions — for example, libel and slander, probate actions, false imprisonment and malicious prosecution. The liberty of the individual and his good name are involved here and I would certainly support the retention of juries in those instances.

The liberty of an individual, albeit of a different kind, and also his good name are often involved in cases of personal injury due to the negligence of another. It deprives that person of a limb or a livelihood. The serious personal injury may prevent the victim from working in the future. Why should a jury not decide on the amount of award to which that victim is entitled for that disability? There is no widespread evidence of a demand in society for the abolition of the jury system in civil cases. If the facts were fully known and if this were a matter on which a referendum was required, I am satisified that the jury system would receive an overwhelming yes vote from the public. It is unfortunate that this type of issue cannot be put to the people in a referendum. We are adjudicating here on an issue which will be carried by the party or parties with the largest majority in this House. The people are not being consulted. That is not altogether an argument for which one can make a clearcut case, however. Debate adjourned.

Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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