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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 15 Dec 1989

Vol. 394 No. 7

Adjournment of Dáil: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann at its rising on 15th December, 1989, do adjourn for the Christmas Recess".

Nineteen eighty nine has been the third successive year of substantial economic progress; progress which has helped to consolidate the remarkable economic recovery that Ireland has experienced since the change of Government in 1987.

Progress in correcting the imbalance in the public finances has been outstanding. In three years the Exchequer borrowing requirement has been reduced from 13 per cent to 3 per cent of GNP. The debt/GNP ratio was stabilised in 1988 two years ahead of schedule, and the budget target set out in the National Development Plan has been reached four years ahead of schedule. The debt/GNP ratio, which climbed throughout the eighties, will fall significantly for the first time this year. There was no net foreign borrowing in 1989, and indeed the foreign debt which rose by almost £4 billion from 1983 to 1986 has been virtually frozen at the 1986 level since, at about £9.5 billion. These results were achieved mainly by reducing Government expenditure by 11 per cent of GNP, a major achievement by any standards, to the more normal levels obtaining in other countries. There is, however, still a long way to go, before our national debt is reduced to an acceptable level, and continued prudence and restraint are still necessary.

The servicing of the national debt costs over £2 billion a year, and it has been my concern since 1987 that the £25 billion portfolio of national debt be managed in accordance with the best modern practice in such a way as to minimise the servicing costs. While considerable progress has been made over the last two years, we intend to go a step further and establish by legislation a national debt office, which will be staffed by experienced personnel operating on special contracts on conditions akin to those obtaining in the private sector under the overall responsibility of the Minister for Finance.

The process of correcting the public finances has been accompanied by a far more satisfactory level of economic growth, averaging 3.5 per cent over the last three years. This compares with zero growth in the years 1982 to 1986. Economic growth, with the revival of consumer demand, has now become more broadly based. This year has seen strong growth in investment, and a revival in the construction industry. The tourist industry has had another highly successful season, the third in succession. Agricultural incomes have improved by nearly 50 per cent since 1986.

Exports have been buoyant over the last three years. For the second year running we will have a trade surplus in excess of £2 billion, which is equivalent to 10 per cent of GNP. Very few countries outside of South-East Asia are able to show a comparable performance. We will also have a balance of payments surplus for the third year running, which is virtually unprecedented.

While interest rates have risen, owing to international factors, they remain several percentage points below levels obtaining in the UK. Our inflation at 4 per cent for 1989 as a whole is little over half the UK level. The last 18 months have seen an effective decoupling of interest rates and inflation from UK rates. The Government are determined to maintain the lowest possible rate of inflation and a stable EMS exchange rate of the Irish pound. Confidence in the Irish economy requires that there be no misunderstanding about the prudent management of the financial situation.

The employment situation has also been turned round. Since April 1987, there has been a net increase in employment of 10,000. This net figure, however, masks an actual increase of 35,000 in manufacturing and private service off-farm employment. This increase was offset by a fall of 20,000 in the public sector, a necessary reform which is now over and will not affect future performance. Forecasters are predicting a significant increase in employment of at least 12,000 to 13,000 per year during this year and next, and perhaps more. There is no doubt, therefore, that current policies are yielding results. Unemployment has fallen from a peak of over a quarter of a million in the winter of 1986-1987 to around 220,000 in the late autumn of 1989. But while progress is still not satisfactory, employment is set to increase, and I have accepted an offer from the European Commission to assist in examining how we can accelerate the task of translating economic growth into more jobs.

The success of the Programme for National Recovery has been acknowledged internationally and it is difficult to understand in the light of what it has achieved why there would be any attempt to undermine it. Pay increases under the programme together with the tax concessions in the 1988 and 1989 budgets have given real increases in income of between 3.5 per cent and 7 per cent to workers. It is a successful formula based on a national consensus and gives the social partners the opportunity to participate in economic and social planning and management.

In 1987 we accepted the need for a fundamental change of policy, involving the stabilisation and reduction of the debt/GNP ratio and the containment of public expenditure. We sought and secured a consensus on the policies to be pursued and followed through with courage and determination.

The Programme for National Recovery has proved the most successful agreement of its kind. The full involvement of the social partners in the determination of policy objectives for the economy over several years represents a qualitative advance on anything that preceded it, a new and sophisticated form of economic management that is found in many continental countries. It is a formula for economic and social progress in which all can share.

The benefits both to the economy and to employees have been substantial. Days lost through industrial disputes are now at an all-time low. The number of redundncies this year are running 40 per cent below last year's level. If this can be sustained, it would mean that gross job creation, which we intend to step up from 29,000 to 35,000 in the areas covered by the National Development Plan, will bring a greater net increase in employment.

Progress has also been made in reducing the real burden of personal taxation. Having succeeded in putting nearly two-thirds of taxpayers back on the standard rate in 1988, this year we reduced the standard rate itself from 35 per cent to 32 per cent. Over the next four years we intend to carry on this process, and reduce the standard rate to 25 per cent, while providing a single higher rate of tax. Greater equity has been introduced into the tax system, with the effective collection of arrears, and new procedures such as self-assessment being introduced as recommended by the Commission on Taxation.

Whereas in 1986 the self-employed, including farmers, were paying on average only £2,100 in income tax, compared with £2,700 by PAYE taxpayers, last year, even excluding the impact of the amnesty, the self-employed were paying £3,200 compared with £2,900 by PAYE taxpayers. This represents progress toward equity in the system.

There have been real improvements in the provisions for the long term unemployed, and for low-paid workers. Between 1984 and 1986 real increases in payments to the long term unemployed went up by only 1.5 per cent. Between 1987 and 1989 there was a real increase of 20 per cent. Similarly, a married couple with five children had an increase of only £9 between 1984 and 1986 when inflation was higher, while between 1987 and 1989 there was an increase of £23. The Government have endeavoured, even in times of severe financial difficulty, to protect the weaker sections.

We are also continuing our efforts to improve and refine the social welfare system to make its administration more reasonable and humane, to iron out anomalies, reduce fraud and improve the incentive to gain work experience, training and qualifications. The answer to poverty must be a higher level of gainful, well-paid employment, with the provision of adequate incomes and allowances to those who cannot for one reason or another provide for themselves. We will continue to be guided by the recommendations of the Commission on Social Welfare. It is simplistic for those who do not have the responsibility of imposing taxes and coping with the complex demands arising in a modern society to criticise as inadequate the improvements we have been able to provide, but we have to deal with the stern reality of scarce resources and almost infinite demands. There are no fairy godmothers in our modern world. But I would like to give a clear assurance that the Government will see to it that the least well-off will benefit from economic improvements as they occur, and that the deficiencies and inadequacies in our structure of services will be remedied as quickly as resources permit.

One of the major achievements of 1989 was to secure funding of close to £3 billion for the National Development Plan. The plan will enable us to improve the competitiveness and the productive capacity of our economy, and to fund investment in both enterprises and infrastructure. Three years ago our economy was in a weak condition to face the challenges of the Single Market, today we can look forward to it with a reasonable degree of confidence. The plan envisages improvements in our transport and communications systems, investment in tourism, development in key sectors to reduce pollution, to carry out other priorities which have been identified.

Does that include the trans-Atlantic flyover of Shannon?

In the course of its implementation the plan will also provide a significant boost to economic output. The Public Capital Programme in 1990 shows an increase of nearly 20 per cent the first such increase since 1982.

Nineteen eighty-nine has been an excellent year for investment. A number of high quality industrial projects have been obtained for Ireland, firms such as Intel, Motorola, Fujitsu Isotec, Norwich Union and Cygna Corporation. An article in this week's Economist underlines some of the advantages we enjoy vis-á-vis competitors in Britain. It states that in Ireland:

they are better educated than their British contemporaries. Some 30 per cent of Ireland's school-leavers go on to further education, compared with 25 per cent of Britons. The economic figures are looking better too.

Irish papers, please copy. The number of projects approved for the International Financial Services Centre has now increased to 74. The air transport companies in the semi-State sector have been highly successful and profitable, and are investing heavily in new capacity and creating substantial numbers of new jobs. I met the Chairmen and Chief Executives of the semi-State bodies recently, to listen to and encourage their plans for development.

And told Martin Dully to make the statement he made.

I am sure the Deputy does not like to hear the startling contrast between the performance of this Government——

Martin Dully has been told by the Government to promote the idea of flying over Shannon.

Deputy Taylor-Quinn must desist from interrupting.

——and the disaster of the Fine Gael/Labour Coalition.

(Interruptions.)

That is all codswallop.

The only expert on development — look at him left up there on the back benches.

(Interruptions.)

Major investment is taking place in new hotels and in other tourist facilities. The provisions in the National Development Plan and the incentives in the business expansion scheme will assist the progress of important projects. So far, we are on target to double tourism income and the number of visitors coming to Ireland.

There has been exponential growth in forestry planting, in mushroom growing, and in fish-farming. Sheep numbers have more than doubled since 1980. Many sectors of the economy are experiencing dynamic growth and development based on renewed confidence in the economic and fiscal management being provided by the Government.

There are of course serious challenges ahead as well. The slowdown in the British economy means that exporters will have to increase their efficiency to maintain sales and remain competitive. But this will to some extent be offset by continued buoyancy in other European markets. We must constantly monitor rises in inflation and interest rates, but by and large the economic outlook remains reasonably favourable for continued growth and progress towards reducing unemployment, taxation and the level of debt.

The year has also seen significant legislative achievements. We established two new universities in Dublin and Limerick, the first created since independence. Very important legislation enlarging the role of the building societies was passed earlier in the year. This autumn saw the passage of the Video Recordings Bill, and the Incitement to Racial Hatred Bill, which has enabled us to ratify the UN Covenents. In all, over 20 pieces of legislation have been passed in the course of the year. More important legislation is ready to be enacted in 1990.

Preservation and improvements of the environment is one of the highest priorities of this Government. Within the last couple of weeks we have published an outline plan for an independent environmental protection agency, which will be set up next year. This will provide the vital information we need to decide on what development safeguards are required and what remedial action should be taken. The Derelict Sites Bill has recently been passed, and together with the urban renewal programme will provide the necessary incentives to improve the appearance of our cities and towns. Major investment has been undertaken so as to improve the quality of Dublin Bay. An effective plan of action to largely eliminate the smog problem in Dublin in two to three years is in the final stages of preparation. The Government are also undertaking with the help of the EC investment to tackle the problem of pollution of rivers and streams from agricultural activities. During our Presidency we also intend to pursue actively at EC and international level measures to deal with global environmental problems.

In recognition of the problems, which had emerged in certain areas of the health services, the Government provided, as promised, an extra £15 million to extend the accident and emergency services in the Dublin area, to reduce hospital waiting lists and to make additional beds available. Next year, there will be an increase in gross current expenditure on health of £111 million or 9 per cent. This allocation should provide sufficient resources to deal with essential priorities and to provide the care that the community reasonably expects.

I have made comprehensive statements to the Dáil in recent days on European Community Affairs and the Irish Presidency, and also on Anglo-Irish relations and Northern Ireland. I do not therefore propose to go over that ground further today in any detail. I would like to say, however, that I welcome the decision to alter the category status of the Birmingham Six. I am convinced that the arguments for a review of that case are unanswerable.

I would also reiterate my view that the further integration of the Community makes an intensification of North-South economic co-operation in Ireland not just sensible in the best interest of the people North and South but essential. We all have a duty to work to create an improved atmosphere which will contribute to peace and overcome the inhibitions of the past. Without it there is a danger that all of us to some extent will lose out in the intense competition that the completion of the Single Market will bring.

The present Government have now completed nearly six months in office. We are on course. We have shown that we have the resolution and unity of purpose to carry out our joint programme, and to implement the other policies, plans and programmes to which we are committed.

The nineties represent a decade of opportunity for Ireland. We have the basis to make real and significant economic and social advances, which will bring us closer to the living standards and quality of life enjoyed by most of our partners. The maintenance of a social consensus based on a common desire to achieve balanced, realistic and attainable objectives will be vital to our success. I am confident that Ireland can attain real prosperity in the years ahead, and solve the legacy of problems that are still with us. We have a formidable agenda ahead of us: to put our financial problems behind us; to create self-sustaining economic development which will provide sufficient employment for our people; to reduce our taxation to the general Community level; to improve our social provision, so as to eliminate hardship and poverty; to modernise our infrastructure in all key respects; to adapt to the more closely integrated Europe of tomorrow and to play our full part in its achievement; to protect and improve the quality of our environment; to provide cultural and sporting facilities that will create a full range of opportunities for our people; and to foster peace and reconciliations in Ireland based on new relationships of respect that will allow new structures and co-operation to develop.

This Government are addressing themselves to these objectives and are determined to achieve real and lasting progress over the next four years.

The Government did not want this debate to take place.

(Interruptions.)

It is the second debate today this Government sought to avoid. I know for a fact personally that the Government Chief Whip spent some of his time this week trying to arrange things so that there would be no Adjournment Debate in this House. I do not know why the Government did not want this debate to take place——

(Interruptions.)

——but the Deputy there is a prime example of it. It is showing a certain arrogance that objects to almost any kind of debate or questioning and I wonder if that does not betray a basic insecurity that results from internal divisions.

(Interruptions.)

Mr. Reynolds

Here we go again.

I wonder all the more when I look around here and see that none of the six most recent chickens is in the House. There is not a Progressive Democrat in sight. One wonders what their level——

(Interruptions.)

Where are the Coalition partners?

Order. There is a time limit attached to speeches in this debate.

The man is being provocative.

Interruptions are particularly unwelcome if not disorderly. The Deputy in possession without interruption.

The Taoiseach himself is confused this morning. Perhaps that is understandable as there are two debates going on he did not wish to have. He tried to assure me this morning that the budget in 1990 will be on the same date as it was in 1989. I have the budget 1989 booklet here which says it was presented to Dáil Éireann by Deputy Albert Reynolds, Minister for Finance, on 25 January 1989. The Government are taking at least a week longer to make up their mind about the budget than they did last year.

Why are the Government having difficulty making up their mind about the main lines of budget policy?

The Taoiseach gave several economic indicators which he says are going in the right direction but he omitted to mention that in the last 12 months, interest rates have gone up four times, inflation has been moving steadily up and there are reasons to fear that those two trends may continue. He omitted, of course, to mention that much of the progress that has been made in the last couple of years has been made only because between 1982 and 1987 the foundations were laid for making all that possible. Indeed, some of the good points the Taoiseach referred to in his speech were again set in train by that previous Government. For example, he mentioned Dublin City University and the University of Limerick. The action that led to their establishment as two independent universities was begun by the 1982-87 Government.

The Government's record both inside and outside this House has been, to say the least, mediocre. They have failed to live up to what they set out in their Programme for Government. Yesterday in this House the Taoiseach himself made it very clear that nothing in that Programme for Government can be regarded as a promise.

We began this session with a debate on the NESC report on Ireland in the EC. Lengthy statements by the Taoiseach and by Ministers gave no indication of any coherent or systematic approach to the business of preparing this country for life in a unified EC market or in an economic and monetary union. The Taoiseach professed himself today satisfied with the progress made and thinks we can look forward with a reasonable degree of confidence to the challenges of the single market. I wonder how much contact the Taoiseach has with people in business who will be dealing with this.

I have had the experience, as have a number of my colleagues, of speaking to practitioners who are involved in advising firms in this country on what they need to do in order to suit themselves for life in a unified market. Their unanimous view, and they all report it, is that very few firms in this country have yet really put their act together in the way that it will be required. Therefore, far from there being reasons for the kind of complacency, the Taoiseach has given evidence of here, we need to revivify, to work up the interest of our manufacturers and service industries in preparing themselves properly.

This weeks' statement by the Taoiseach on the outcome of the recent European Council and the prospects for the Irish Presidency of the Community gave us no new insights. Statements made in the House about Anglo-Irish relations indicate that the only kind of action the Government are prepared to take is to issue theatrical and pointless invitations to meetings.

The Government were shamed recently into having a debate on the situation in Cambodia. They disgraced themselves during that debate by wilfully refusing to see what was required. So abject was their failure on that that even the normally torpid and compliant Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party kicked back.

This week's opening of the debate on Fine Gael's Environment Protection Agency Bill was the occasion of another inglorious episode for the Government. This Coalition Government, like its Fianna Fáil predecessor, are unable to recognise the value of ideas and proposals put forward from this side of the House. We might have been forgiven for thinking that with their own experience in the last Dáil the Progressive Democrats would have been able to add a bit of yeast to this very stodgy Fianna Fáil dough, but we have been sadly disabused of that notion. The Fine Gael Bill deals with all the issues. As far as we can see, neither the Minister for the Environment nor the Minister of State has any clear view of what is required. To be fair, they have identified some of the issues which need to be tackled but there are many more which they did not yet seem to have recognised.

The Taoiseach again congratulated himself on the document they produced last week setting out an outline plan for an independent agency. Most of the issues referred to in that document are already dealt with in the Fine Gael Bill and a whole series of issues not even contemplated in that plan are also covered in our Bill. As far as we can ascertain the Minister and the Minister of State do not yet seem to have a meeting of minds on the issues and there is neither form nor shape to the work going on in their Department. They admit that their Bill will not be ready before the middle of next year. Given their record so far in regard to the production of legislation, it might be realistic to expect that they will have a Bill ready about this time next year. That makes it all the more deplorable that the Government should have taken such a short-sighted view and decided not to support our Bill. There is still time for reflection. Two nights remain for debate on the Second Stage of that Bill and the Government have the Christmas recess for reflection. I assure the Taoiseach and his Ministers that we will be very generous in welcoming a change of heart in this matter. It is indeed well said that there is more joy in heaven at one sinner who repents than at a just man who does not need repentance.

The Government showed plain bad faith in their approach to the Labour Party's Criminal Justice Bill just a couple of weeks ago. The Minister for Justice initially appeared to respond in an understanding way that took account of the real concerns expressed by the Labour Party and by my colleagues, but then he produced terms of reference for a committee which exclude consideration of the essence of the matter concerning those of us on this side of the House. On that occasion only the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle saved the Government from acute embarrassment.

The Government have shown utter insensitivity to the needs of the mentally handicapped and of those who care for them. Only days after a vote in this House, the Minister for Health made a lame and utterly unsuccessful attempt to convince the public that progress was being made, whereas we all know the contrary to be the case. He overlooked, for example, a facility built in Swinford by the last Coalition Government which, since Fianna Fáil came into office, has never been used to anything like its full capacity, despite the fact that there is more than enough pressing demand to keep it fully utilised.

The Government took office in July, yet it was not until late November that the Minister for Justice confirmed that legislation would be introduced to remove the death penalty finally from the Statute Book. The Minister missed an opportunity to respond positively to Amnesty International's campaign at the beginning of November. Even when this Government do the right thing, they do it badly.

We have lost count of the number of occasions when we were told that a planning compensation Bill would "soon" come before this House. Equally countless are the promises about measures to give effect to the EC directive on environmental impact assessments.

The Government totally mishandled Ireland's approach to the new EC Structural Funds. Last January, four Ministers and a Minister of State were sent packing home from Brussels after a futile attempt to get commitments of money without having any plan. A plan was then drawn up without any real consultation with the local authorities or the major players in the economy. That plan was sold with all the hype and ballyhoo the Government could organise. At the end of it all, the Government had to admit that they would get £700 million less than they had said would be necessary. A Taoiseach and Ministers who mishandled Ireland's affairs in the EC so badly are hardly likely to handle overall EC affairs with any great successes. The employment of consultants and supernumerary spokesmen is no substitute for policies and competence in the running of our affairs and the affairs of the European Community.

We will be watching to see what happens on the agriculture scene. We are told it is likely that milk prices will come down by about 12 pence a gallon over the next year. It will be a major test of this Government's ability in the Presidency of the European Community to avert such a drop in price. If it happens we will rapidly see a return to levels of rural poverty which have not been seen since decades before we joined the EC. Beef producers will be watching the Government, too. Winter fatteners of beef have not seen a single red penny profit for the past two years. They will be hoping almost against hope for measures that will make it possible to make a profit and cover the cost of their operation.

The Taoiseach referred in the litany of what he regards as successes to exponential growth in forestry planting, mushroom growing and fish farming. I wonder if he is correct in representing great progress in regard to these enterprises. There are parts of this country where people are afraid of forestry because to them it means that their areas are being devastated of their farming population and, in the case of one area, their industrial population. Let us not fool ourselves that forestry is an unmitigated good in the eyes of the Irish people. For many people it is what happens to their part of the country when the people have been forced to leave.

Many of our small farmers, during the past few years, have acquired the new enterprise of mushroom growing. Will the Irish Presidency take any action to prevent the absolute destruction of the Community market by the dumping going on at present? The Taoiseach does not seem to have realised that this is happening. He had better wake up because it will be in his lap and that of the Minister for Agriculture and Food from 1 January next to resolve that problem. If they do not, they will be in serious difficulty and in very bad odour indeed in the counties of Cavan and Monaghan, not to speak of Wicklow and parts of Kildare.

The Taoiseach presents fish farming as another area where we have had exponential growth. Some of us saw the Minister for the Marine yesterday evening trying to explain, without having the answer, why there have been so many difficulties and delays in the development of fish farming and why so many people who want to get involved in the business are getting conflicting advice from his departmental advisers and inspectors and from other scientific advisers.

The Taoiseach has failed to understand the reality of what is happening in the country today and if this lack of understanding carries over to the business of the European Community, we will indeed see very difficult days ahead.

The Government have made what can only be described as a monumental mess of paying headage grants to farmers. It now appears that moneys which should have been paid out long before now will not be paid until well after Christmas.

Nothing.

That is not public expenditure control, it is callous indifference to the plight of the farming community. The Government's response so far to rising emigration, high unemployment and insufficient employment growth is that the Minister responsible has turned round and blamed the employers. That will not wash. The Minister for Labour has admitted that the job targets in the Government's programme are not being met. His attack on one of the partners cannot disguise the fact that our criticism of that programme in November 1987 was correct. The job figures were bogus and have been proved to be so.

The Government have done some very strange things. I learned recently that Irish business people in London were invited by two Ministers to attend a Fianna Fáil fund raising reception in the Irish Embassy in London. Propriety was restored only when the prospective guests contacted the Embassy, and I am informed that the function subsequently took place in a club and was a disaster. The people stayed away in their droves and kept their cheque books at home.

What was the name of the band?

The next major business of the House will be the 1990 budget. It must do two things above all, first, it must maintain the highest possible level of real growth in the economy with policies that translate that growth into extra jobs. Second, it must put in place a structured response to the problem of poverty, bearing in mind that the rate of job creation, taking the most optimistic view, will fall very far short of solving our unemployment problem for many years to come and that job creation has no direct bearing on the problems of poverty for huge numbers of people around the country. We must have meaningful reforms in our tax and social welfare systems. I regret to say that the Taoiseach's remarks in this connection do not show any real sensitivity or appreciation of the need for reform in these areas. What he is talking about there is continuing to tinker around the edges of the system without making the fundamental changes in our tax and social welfare systems that are needed to respond to the problems we see before us.

The last Government failed in 1987, 1988 and 1989 to make a reasonable beginning on the process of reform, and we must not allow this to happen in 1990. The unemployed, the sick, the old and their dependants need enlightened action. There is an obligation on the rest of us to reorder our priorities so that we can begin to remove the divisions in our society which impose injustice on far too many of our people.

Briefly, I will look at the way we order the work of this House. This has been a fairly busy session, however I believe we can organise our work better than we have up to now. For example, we should resume after the summer recess in September, a month earlier than has been our custom and we could take a short recess around the time the schools take their mid-term break. That would enable us to do our work more effectively and could give this House more time to devote to the consolidation of legislation, a subject which has got far too little attention for many years past. There is always the temptation for us, and for the pundits in the gallery who write about our doings to judge sessions on how many Bills have been passed. I would like to see a session being judged on how much sense and order we put into legislation already on the Statute Book.

Let me give one example, and a few of our colleagues know the inside track on this. If you tried to find your way through our liquor licensing laws you would need, at the very least, a wheelbarrow even to get started——

Intoxicating.

It is a most intoxicating job indeed, Deputy Spring. There are so many areas — social welfare, health, justice — where that work needs to be done——

I codified the social welfare legislation and it does not need to be done again.

——and it needs to be done again. A ray of sunshine, a bright shaft of enlightenment. Bravo Minister, but it is a pity he is on his own; there should be a few more to share it with him. The House should pay much more attention to this area and we should give ourselves the time to do so.

I am appalled that the Taoiseach should be proposing that we go into recess until 30 January and I am moving an amendment to that motion to propose that we resume on 23 January 1990.

It would not be in order to move the amendment now.

Why not?

The House has already agreed the Order of Business. We take that as the motion and it has been agreed. Like Committee Stage, having agreed something, you cannot immediately come in and amend it.

I cannot see how the ordering of business and matters to be debated closes the issue. I assume at the end of the debate we will be voting on whether we go into recess until 30 January. I am proposing that we should return instead on 23 January.

The Deputy is perfectly correct in assuming there can be a vote. However the technicalities of formally proposing an amendment to what has already been agreed——

We will have a vote at the end of this debate and I hope Sir, you are not suggesting that the only option we have is to vote to resume on 30 January or not to go into recess.

I will be so suggesting. We do not have a formal amendment to what was agreed this morning on the Order of Business.

We will have to take this matter up with your office.

The Deputy will have to get up earlier in the morning.

Let the Minister be quiet. He is in spot of bother at present and will get a roasting today.

The moneylenders' friend.

I do not think, Sir, we should be faced with the option of either coming back on 30 January or not going away at all.

The Deputy will accept that I am giving my opinion, as of now, on the matter of formally moving an amendment. The Deputy does not seem to be as sure as he normally is.

This is the first opportunity I have had to intervene in this debate.

We will leave the matter for resolution later. We will leave it to the technical supremos.

The super supremos.

On the question of the resumption of the Dáil, I will certainly be supporting the amendment that we resume on 23 January, because I feel we should be back in the House given the volume of legislation to be dealt with. In relation to the suggestion made by Deputy Dukes on Dáil reform, could discussions be held at an early date on the earlier resumption of the Dáil after the summer recess and then having a short break around November, when the schools are out? There is certainly food for thought in those suggestions.

The last Dáil session has been historic in some ways, but perhaps not as turbulent as events in Europe. Nevertheless we have witnessed events which are significant in their own way. For the first time in our history, this House installed a Government of a truly right wing coalition comprising a Fianna Fáil Party, that has almost redefined opportunism and pragmatism, and the tattered remains of ideologues of progressive democracy. There was, of course, some little difficulty in putting that arrangement together, not least the spectacle of a Taoiseach who had lost the confidence of the Dáil attempting to buck the Constitution. Some of those difficulties linger on and the Government, eventually elected, have all the looks of a very unstable Government. This is not so much on the basis of issues, since there appears to be no policy area on which Fianna Fáil are not prepared to compromise but on the basis of personalities.

There can have been few Governments in the history of the State that have been the subject of so many backroom quarrels in such a short time. Already, one Fianna Fáil Deputy has resigned the Whip and the Government look set to live a hand to mouth existence for whatever life they have. The Government had a close shave on the Labour Party Bill on the criminal justice system, when the Coalition only avoided defeat on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle, cast in highly unusual circumstances in relation to how the question was put. They would, in fact, have been beaten the following week on the Fine Gael Private Members' Motion on the subject of mental handicap if the Fine Gael Party had taken their own motion seriously enough and avoided bogus pairings. I believe it is the function of Opposition to ensure that all our Members are present and that we keep the pressure on the Government, at all times, and particularly in relation to our own Private Members' Motions.

I hope that applies to the joint committee on the Companies Bill.

And to carol singing.

We would have beaten them on the Companies Bill if the Labour member was present.

Fourteen pairs.

(Interruptions.)

There is at this time of the year a certain tolerance for a certain amount of levity but in so far as Deputy Spring is now making his contribution, as spokesperson, I would hope that he would do so without any interruption whatsoever.

I appreciate your protection. I intend to repeat my remarks for the record and I hope I will be able to make them without interruption as I showed the Fine Gael Leader the courtesy of not interrupting him during his contribution. I expect Deputy Bruton to be courteous as well. The point I am making is that in Private Members' time where there are 14 pairs it is absolutely unprecedented and it is quite ridiculous. If we intend putting pressure on the Government we could give the Minister's their pairs — they have business to do — but I do not believe in a situation whereby members of an Opposition party are sent out of the Chamber before it comes to voting.

What about the Companies Bill?

All in all, it has to be said that this Government are not a very impressive sight and their record has not been a great deal better than their appearance. Nowhere has this been more apparent than in relation to the continuing scourge of emigration. Emigration has become the biggest political scandal in Ireland of the end of this decade. Month after month, when the live register is published, it is clear that the only thing those figures reveal is that we are driving our unemployment problem out of this country.

The truth is that more of our young people have emigrated in the last two years than in the previous 20. The drain of resources is not confined to young people either. There is an increasing trend for families to drift away from Ireland, to try to make a new start in other countries. In many ways, this is the most heartbreaking form of emigration, involving as it does the uprooting of homes and families.

It is apparent, too, that even among single people we have a new type of emigrant nowadays. In the fifties the typical emigrant was a married man, with a wife and family here at home. His one ambition was to be in a position to return home eventually. At the moment, the typical emigrant is often young, single, and better educated. Many of them are putting down roots in England very quickly, and are integrating into local communities. In many cases, we may have lost them forever.

This tragedy is compounded by the fact that in addition to driving out our people, this Government have shown no commitment to them after they have gone. In the 1989 budget, the annual allocation for emigrant services was doubled, from £250,000 to £500,000 — but we spent more in that same budget on extra money for racecourses. This reflects an attitude of "good riddance to our emigrants" on the part of this Government.

The reason this is such a scandal is that by the end of this decade we will have lost almost a generation of people — last year alone enough people were forced to leave to almost depopulate the city of Limerick. How can anyone describe an outpouring of that magnitude as economic recovery as the Taoiseach attempted to do this morning.

If the Coalition's approach to emigration is symptomatic of the continuing right-wing nature of this Government, nothing reflects their mean spirit more than their approach to Third World Aid.

The total Allocation for International Co-operation was £28.052 million in 1986, having been increased by 23 per cent over 1985. In 1987 it was reduced to £24.902 million; by the end of 1988 the allocation had fallen to £19.637 million. By the end of this year it is expected that £22.829 million will have been spent. The provision for next year, according to the Book of Estimates, is £24.146 million.

If the 1986 Estimate had been increased only in line with the rate of inflation, it would now stand at approximately £33.6 million. In real terms, therefore the amount of money we spend on Third World Aid has been cut by about 11 million pounds since 1986.

As a proportion of current spending next year, this Government will spend 38 pence out of every hundred pounds it allocates on aid to the Third World. Gross National Product at current market prices is £18.784 billion. That means that the proportion of national wealth we will spend on Third World Aid next year will have shrunk even further, to 0.13 per cent of GNP.

The United Nations target for Third World Aid is 0.7 per cent of GNP. We are getting further away from that target every year, rather than closer. We now spend less of our national wealth on Third World Aid than Mrs. Thatcher's Government — less than almost any other Government in the OECD countries. That is shameful record.

To make matters worse, it is the record of the Government of a people who have been concerned, and more generous, than any other people in the world. The Irish people have consistently been among the highest supporters of Third World aid efforts, and no Government have ever been given a mandate by the Irish people to decimate that support. But it has been done, and it will stand forever as a monument to the meanness of the right-wing philosophy of this Government.

In relation to health care I suppose, little more could be expected of a Government with the record of indifference that we have seen since they first came to office, wearing only their Fianna Fáil hat, in 1987. That indifference can be seen as always to good effect in their health care record.

In their pre-budget submission published in November and entitled Must the Poor always wait?, the Conference of Major Religious Superiors pointed out that:

Long waiting lists in public hospitals have become a fact of life for many poor people. The length of aftercare has shortened dramatically ... resources have not been allocated to build up the services in the local community ... The cutbacks in health were not based on a careful evaluation of the service but rather on an ad hoc "blunt instrument" approach. The people who have suffered most are the poor who are sick or elderly.

In each of the years since 1985, the proportion of our national wealth that we are prepared to spend on health care has declined dramatically. We spent £7 out of every £100 of national wealth in 1985, £6.90 in 1986, £6.60 in 1987, £6.30 in 1988, and by the end of this year we will have spent — even including the recent supplementary Estimate — no more than £5.90. Given the growth in the economy that has been forecast for this year and next, we can safely calculate, after publication of the Book of Estimates, that the proportion will be reduced still further by the end of 1991 — perhaps down as low as £5.60 per hundred pounds of our national wealth.

I believe that if comparisons were readily available, they would show that by the end of next year, we will be spending a smaller proportion of our national wealth on health care than any other country in the EC, with the possible exception of Portugal. But that is only half the picture. We have one of the highest elderly populations in Europe, one of the highest birth rates, one of the highest incidences of mental handicap. We are rapidly discovering the stress effects of increasing unemployment and emigration. We have yet to face up to the medical side effects of increasing alienation in our society, including drug and alcohol abuse among young people, and the fallout of homelessness and other social conditions.

Surely even the Government can see that in the face of all this the provision that they are making for health care is totally inadequate and unjust. The money being made available in next year's Estimates will do no more than paper over the cracks in the service. Yet this Government accepts a report from the Commission on Health Funding that describes health care as a basic right. How can it be described as a basic right for as long as access is determined only by budgetary decisions, and by no other factor.

Within the last couple of weeks, we have witnessed an upsurge in activity by the parents of mentally handicapped people. As we participate in this debate, there are 6,000 mentally handicapped people living in the community in the Dublin area alone, and perhaps as many as 25,000 in the Republic as a whole. And there are 6,000 families coping with degrees of stress ranging from mild to profound, coping with severe behaviour problems, coping with the worry that there is nothing for their child to do when he or she leaves school, and nowhere for them to go if their parents can no longer cope.

Not one penny of new investment in this area was made in 1987, nor in 1988, nor in 1989. The Minister for Health has hinted in recent days that he is prepared to spend more money in this area next year, but given the record of this Minister, we will have to wait until we see it before we can believe it.

It is a shocking indictment of the society that Fianna Fáil, now aided and abetted by the Progressive Democrats, have created that mentally handicapped people and their families had to march in protest on this House as recently as last Friday. They are motivated by a growing sense of anger — anger that is caused by the way in which they have been patronised and ignored, anger at the way in which the rights of people with mental handicap have been trampled on in recent years.

In one area, this Government are already boasting about their record. Their performance in relation to revenue and spending targets, and the occurence of growth in the economy, have both been a welcome change from the performance of some of Deputy Haughey's previous efforts in this area.

I stand corrected. But while boasting about the figures, this Government will carry on with the charade that a climate of confidence, the famous rising tide, will solve all of those problems without any direct intervention by the Government. But that approach ignores the reality that good statistical and book-keeping performance is not enough. It must always be contrasted with the miserable human performance of this Government and their immediate predecessor. The "indicators" might be right, but unemployment and emigration are still at crisis levels, and poverty is rampant throughout our society.

The growth in Exchequer revenue achieved through the past year reflects increased consumer spending on imported durable goods, and especially imported cars. That means essentially that our healthy statistics are a reflection of jobs being created and protected in other countries — but not here in Ireland. The economic growth we are seeing will result, in addition to increased imports, in extra profits for repatriation abroad.

That kind of economic growth is meaningless. Unless good statistics are accompanied by detailed programmes to end emigration, to reverse the unemployment spiral, and to combat poverty, they will continue to have no impact on the lives of working people.

A great deal of the growth we have already seen and are likely to see is in very restricted areas. There has been substantial growth in multi-national profits, and in profits in the financial services sector. A great deal of this growth has already drained out of the economy. It is clear from the warnings contained, particularly in the ESRI's recent report that they fear that a continuation of the policy of wealthy Irish companies of investing the bulk of their profits abroad will deny us the opportunity of benefiting from that growth.

It is also clear that the Government have no coherent industrial policy aimed at translating growth into wealth retained in Ireland, and into jobs for Irish workers. We need radical changes in industrial policy to secure the concept of value added in the Irish economy and to maximise investment in the Irish economy. One sign that those policies will not be forthcoming from the Government is their decision to halve the allocation for the National Development Corporation in next year's Estimates. Without change, our economic growth will continue to have more impact on job creation in America, Japan, and Germany than it will here.

Of course, growth has been good for some people. In the period when the two largest banks in the country report huge increases in half-yearly profits, it is surely appropriate to reflect on the way in which they continue to fail to make a social contribution to the economy in which they have thrived.

We have already tried to publicise the scandalous range of charges imposed by the commercial banks on individual and business customers. There can be very little justification for these charges, other than the contribution they make to the banks' already very large profits. These charges are imposed in the main without customers being made aware of them — indeed I imagine most customers would be both astonished and outraged to know what they were being charged for their services.

The newest charge introduced by the banks — a charge on all local authority accounts — is particularly iniquitous given the financial situation in most local authorities. The Labour Party sought recently to get an assurance from the Government that action would be taken to have these charges removed. Although the Government expressed some concern, no specific action was promised.

We believe that the Government should in the context of next year's budget, increase the bank levy by an amount at least equivalent to the yield from these charges on local authorities, if they have not been removed in the meantime. It seems that that is the only language the banks understand.

Furthermore, we have called on several occasions — the latest as recently as last Sunday — for the establishment of a commission of inquiry into the regulation of the financial services industry. There is a number of major issues involved here, for instance, the lack of exchange controls and all of the implications that arise from that; the growing practice among fund managers of distributing funds abroad, at a time when investment in Ireland is vitally needed; the growing practice among the banks of investing their profits in new acquisitions abroad; issues of "confidentiality" and "hot" money, the management of the Stock Exchange, and so on.

All these areas are surrounded by a sort of mystique, and I do not believe that even Governments are fully aware of everything that is going on all the time. I certainly do not believe any Government Minister could put his hand on his heart and say that the financial services industry always operate in the best interests of the country. That is why a full-scale inquiry into the area and the way in which it is regulated is urgently needed.

In the same area, the mortgage rate increase now due before the end of the year will mean that the cost of a typical mortgage will have risen by between £80 and £90 a month since March. Increases of this magnitude will give rise to considerable hardship. At the same time, increases in insurance premia will add to that hardship for many families and both increases will add to inflationary pressures.

All this throws into very sharp relief the Government's boast that they are in control of the economy, and particularly of its financial aspects. In fact, increases of this magnitude are an indictment of the Government's failure to control and regulate the financial sectors of the economy.

Under Fianna Fáil the financial services' sector have been able to do whatever is most advantageous to them, with little or no regulation in the interest of the whole economy. That means the banks, insurance companies, finance houses, the various funds, stock market speculators have all been able to operate with impunity, while the Government huff and puff about being in control.

The increases in insurance premia, for instance, are taking place less than a year after Minister Brennan was all over the radio and television telling us that he would not stand for further increases. We were promised again and again — by the insurance companies — that when civil case juries were abolished the long term consequence would be much lower premia. There is no evidence to suggest that the Government are in the remotest position to deliver on this promise, and certainly no evidence that the insurance companies intend to keep their promise.

The last Government established offices to develop science and technology and horticulture. That was the last most of us ever heard of those subjects. These offices were never given a meaningful budget, or adequate staff or powers to carry out their functions.

This Government have established an office to protect and improve the environment. Already it can be seen that their commitment to the environment is as substantial as their commitment to science and technology was — and all I can say is God help the environment, and fast.

It would be a tragedy if nothing was done in this area. We in the Labour Party initiated a major proposal to establish a powerful, independent agency to accomplish the objective of protecting the environment. The proposals so far emanating from Government for an environmental agency appear to be a pale imitation of what we had in mind. What more could one expect from the Government who abolished An Foras Forbartha, who presided over some of the worst planning decisions in recent history and who sat on necessary amendments to the planning laws until the last Dáil was dissolved?

They have not yet even indicated what kind of budget the new agency are likely to have. I have a suggestion to make. This new agency will do very well if the Government allocate a sum roughly equal to the Minister of State's public relations budget. I suggest to the Government that perhaps they ought to consider whether the Minister of State is suffering from over-exposure. She has certainly allowed the rest of us to suffer from the smog of the last few weeks, while she blamed everyone but herself. It seems to have been a case of Mary fiddling while Rome choked.

The Government have shown very little evidence of tackling the serious problems in our economy. From what we have seen the programme for Government is not a proper programme, it is a receipe for ensuring that the spoils of office are grabbed and held on to. From what we have seen of the Government's performance, it is clear that nothing has fundamentally changed for the better since Deputies O'Malley and Molloy left Fianna Fáil some years ago. I have heard nothing to persuade me that the Govenment are serious about tackling these problems and that is why it is vitally important to have strong, effective and vigorous Opposition in this House on every occasion, with the full complement of Deputies in the House. I assure the Taoiseach and his Ministers that the Labour Party will continue to ensure that such Opposition is provided.

This adjournment debate is taking place against a background of great change throughout the continent of Europe — East and West — and at a time when the indications increasingly are that this Government's economic strategy. so praised by right wing commentators, is coming apart at the seams. It takes place at a time when all the evidence suggests that poverty in this country is growing, and within days of the publication of a report which reveals that 200,000 full-time workers are earning less than £120 per week. The debate takes place also, unfortunately, against the background of the continuing campaign of terror on the part of the Provisional IRA and other paramilitary gangs.

Within the past few weeks there have been a number of economic developments which have very serious implications for the people of this country, which the Taoiseach ignored today, and which tend to suggest that the so called "economic recovery" for which the Taoiseach and his colleagues have claimed credit is a house built on the shifting sands of boom cycles in other economies and is not based on indigenous developments.

The most serious economic development has been the huge increase in interest rates. The increase of 1 per cent announced by the Central Bank last week — the fourth within a year — will have enormous implications for householders, for inflation, for wage rates, for job creation, for the Programme for National Recovery and for the economy generally. When interest rates were coming down, Fianna Fáil claimed credit for it attributing it to the “success” of their economic policies. People were asked to stoically bear appalling cutbacks in a wide range of essential services because the Government said that it would improve the economy and lead to lower interest rates. Now that the rates are going up again the Government are disclaiming all responsibility for it.

The Workers' Party pointed out all along that the decline in Irish interest rates was not attributable to Government cutbacks, but was largely as a result of outside factors. There is no doubt that outside factors are again contributing to the increase in interest rates, but the Government and the Central Bank seem to have abandoned any effort to try to keep rates under control.

The role of the Central Bank is deplorable and suggests that the board of the bank are firmly under the control of the commercial banks. The Central Bank is obliged by law to ensure that "in what pertains to the control of credit, the constant and predominant aim shall be the welfare of the people as a whole". Huge increases in rates may be in the interests of the money speculators, but they are certainly not in the interests of the community as a whole.

Many families, who have already seen their mortgage rates increase three times over the past 12 months, will simply not be able to meet the increased payments and the level of repossessions by the building societies is likely to increase substantially. Many of these families will have to go on local authority housing lists which have grown substantially in recent years due to Governments cutbacks in housebuilding.

The Government have a particular obligation not to abandon mortgage holders to the mercies of the money market. The whole thrust of the housing policies pursued by successive Governments has been to run down local authority housing and to encourage families to purchase houses. Many of these families now find that their mortgages have increased by up to £50 per month over the past year. They cannot be expected to see their living standards eroded in this way and will be quite entitled to seek a compensating increase in wages and salaries unless the Government and the Central Bank move quickly to bring the rates down.

The other recent startling development in the economic area was the revelation in the recent Central Bank report that factor income outflows, which are mainly made up of profit repatriations by multi-national companies, will be likely to top £3,100 million in 1989. This is an outrageous figure — 50 per cent higher than most economists had previously estimated — as is the failure of the Government to take any action to ensure that even part of these profits were reinvested in Ireland.

Some indication of the scale of the loss to the Irish economy can be gauged from the fact that the profits outflow in this year alone will exceed the total amount of money the country will receive from EC Structural Funds over the entire five year period of the Government's National Development Plan. Everyone acknowledges that the EC Structural Funding, if properly and wisely allocated, has the potential to make a significant contribution to our economic development over the next few years. But just imagine what progress could be made if even half of the £3,000 million now being repatriated by the multi-nationals was invested in the Irish economy over the next five years to complement the EC money. No doubt some of these profits arise from transfer pricing practices by the multi-nationals and this, of course, raises a further fundamental question about the growth figures being claimed by the Government.

The efforts and sacrifices of Irish workers have made a significant contribution to the huge increase in profits being raked in by the multinationals and it is simply unacceptable that this money should continue to be taken out of the country rather than being used to create additional jobs to improve the quality of life for the hundreds of thousands of people living in poverty in this State.

These huge outflows also strongly increase the case for significant wage increases for workers in these firms, especially the low paid workers. The share of national income going to labour is declining and that going to profits is increasing. In 1980 for every pound in wages there was 35p going to profits. By 1989 for every pound going to labour 53p was going to profits.

If we are ever to have any hope of significantly reducing unemployment, emigration and poverty, the Government must set about dealing with this massive haemorrhage of capital. The conditions under which foreign firms receive grants for setting up in Ireland must be altered so that they are payable only on condition that an acceptable proportion of profits will be reinvested in this country. The tax system should also be altered in the forthcoming budget to ensure that these companies pay a fair and reasonable tax contribution to the national Exchequer.

There is no doubt that the 1980s in general and 1989 in particular will be remembered as the years of massive change in Eastern and Central Europe. There is much food for thought for us all, including the Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey, who seems to take great glee in what he perceives to be the death throes of socialism. The type of political administrations which have dominated in Eastern Europe over the past few decades were, in part at least, a product of the particular conditions created by the aftermath of the Second World War and the development of the cold war. These conditions forced them into defensive positions, and as we know only too well from our experience in Ireland, a community under siege becomes intolerant and conservative.

However, change is inevitable and change has come. Sadly, much of the media coverage and political analysis in this country of these dramatic events have been superficial and simplistic. Those who expect to see the total collapse of socialism and its replacement by Thatcher style capitalism are misreading the new situation. Anyone with eyes can see that Thatcherism is increasingly coming under attack as a heartless philosophy based on greed. The people of Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria and the German Democratic Republic certainly want a more democratic form of society. It is not clear yet what form this will eventually take, but I do not believe they will all casually ignore their historical experiences and clasp to their breasts the severely flawed and incomplete democratic forms which have evolved in countries like Ireland, where one third of the population is excluded from a meaningful share in the life and wealth of this country.

Certainly, socialists are rethinking fundamental positions, which should be a continuing exercise in any event, but there is one constant principle, that of the struggle to create a new society based on liberty, equality and fraternity. That struggle has reached a new stage and the challenge for us is to make those principles also part of the everyday life of our society and in all our relationships at personal community and international levels.

It has become an almost constant refrain now on the part of the Taoiseach to make pathetic jibes towards the benches on which The Workers' Party sit. The Workers' Party are not a hostage to any dogmatic view of social change. The fact that we are in this House, that we have become a political force in this society, is proof of that. That is why we will, in the fullness of time, become an even stronger force in Irish society.

There is no doubt that the reforms of perestroika and glasnost unleashed by Mikhail Gorbachev and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union have resulted in some of the most important political advances in this century. Alone, almost, they have defused world tension, ended the cold war and made huge steps towards winding down the arms race.

The long held belief in the truism that socialism without democracy is not socialism at all is becoming part and parcel of everyday life in the Soviet Union. The real challenge for western capitalism, and indeed for capitalists such as the Taoiseach, will come when the people of this country and other western countries realise that the democratic forms held out by the Taoiseach and others as a panacea are empty unless they are also welded to the socialist principles of equality and fraternity. It is that challenge that The Workers' Party will coherently and consistently pursue.

Clearly the developments overall in Eastern Europe are positive and provide great opportunity for the advancement of society. It should be said that clearly there are certain dangers inherent in the current position. Any attempt by the NATO countries to take political or military advantage of the current position could set in train events which could seriously destabilise Europe and increase the risk of conflict and war. On the other hand, if handled responsibly in both East and West, it can and will open up new possibilities for peace and friendly relationships between all the peoples of Europe bringing nearer the establishment of a common European homeland and the dismantling of both NATO and the Warsaw Pact.

In this regard I hope the Irish Government will respond positively to President Gorbachev's proposal for the convening of a European Helsinki II next year. This would afford neutral countries like Ireland an opportunity to make an input on the major issues facing the European continent, ensuring that it is not left solely to the members of NATO and the Warsaw Pact to chart our future. Recent efforts by the United States Government to take the lead in setting the agenda for the continuation of NATO as a military alliance must be resisted.

In particular, this House should take note of a motion passed by the European Parliament yesterday, one proposed by the group to which I am affiliated there — the Left Unity Group — which was supported by all the Socialist Parties, Communist Parties and other progressives in the European Parliament. That motion dealt specifically with the outcome of the Heads of State Summit last weekend, with the Social Charter, economic and monetary union and a number of other issues. Under three headings it dealt with the position obtaining in Eastern Europe and it would be important to quote them. I stress that this is the majority view of the European Parliament. (1) It welcomes developments in Eastern Europe aimed at encouraging broader participation by the peoples of the countries concerned in the development of economic and political democracy in forms which they themselves can choose; (2) it welcomes the development of relations between the Community with the member states of the CMEA and points out that this co-operation should be developed with respect for the policies chosen by the people of each of the countries concerned; (3) it believes, in this respect, that the principle of the inviolability of frontiers is an indispensable, fundamental element in European security and stresses the need for each Government to respect all the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act; and (4) it regrets — and this is an important point — in this respect the failure of the conclusions of the European Council to refer to the principle of the inviolability of frontiers.

It is important that this House should note that this is the view of the European Parliament, indeed as should the Taoiseach as he takes on the role of President of the European Council. It is important that he be aware and fully conscious that that is the view of the European Parliament, that he does not go down the road of siding with conservative elements in the European Parliament who would like to see a virtual overnight reunification of Germany and all the implications that would have in relation to the frontiers of other States in the region. It is important that the Irish Presidency should move very carefully in relation to developments taking place there.

While it is understandable that the focus of attention should have been on Eastern Europe in recent months, there are many other international issues requiring attention. I find it appalling and shocking that the continued slaughter of Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip should be receiving such little world attention. In the past two years more than 700 Palestinian civilians, many of them children, have been brutally murdered by the Israeli security forces, yet the international community has silently stood by.

There is the continued injustice of apartheid in South Africa, the conflict in Central America and the terrible prospect of a return to power of Pol Pot and his murderous Khmer Rouge régime in Cambodia. Most of all, there is the continued obscenity of world hunger at a time when so many countries continue to spend vast sums on weapons of mass destruction and produce consumer goods in abundance. The reduction in our level of overseas development aid by successive Governments has left a stain on our record that must be undone by rapid progress toward the achievement, at least, of the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of GNP.

The question of the Adjournment of this House for the Christmas recess was raised by Deputies Dukes and Spring. I might refer to the summer recess. The Workers' Party have consistently argued in this House for shorter summer recesses in particular. In our view the kind of sitting hours Deputies and indeed staff are obliged to be available for here, immediately after the summer break, when we break sometimes early in July and do not resume until late in October are quite nonsensical. The amount of legislation which could be dealt with by resuming in the month of September rather than late October would ensure that this House could give due time and consideration to the legislation brought before us. It is quite nonsensical to have guillotines on Bills, with the House sitting until midnight on many occasions at a time when most people are simply worn out. I very much support the idea — as we have done in the past — of a shorter summer recess. Indeed, I would draw the attention of the House to the fact that on numerous occasions we have tabled motions to that effect but received no support from any of the other parties.

In regard to the Christmas recess on which we are about to embark, we had considered tabling an amendment to the Order of Business here this morning suggesting an earlier resumption date. Indeed, if such a motion comes before the House, we will have no problem supporting it. However, in not tabling such an amendment to the Order of Business we bore in mind the fact that the Taoiseach will be taking over the Presidency of the European Council in January, that many Government Ministers will be involved at top level in the European Community, that they will also be responsible for the preparation of the budget and that there will be quite a workload for the Government in the month of January. We took all those factors into consideration when considering the Christmas recess. We have no hard and fast views on it. If it is the view of this House that we should return earlier in January so be it, we will be here to do our work. But I would urge the House to bear in mind the fact that one cannot get a quart into a pint, that the Government should be given some headway to do the job properly both in regard to the budget and the Presidency of the European Council.

The past year has seen many significant developments in social welfare. Despite the economic and financial constraints facing the country we have made major improvements in the social welfare system and in the management and delivery of our schemes and services.

Over the past two years the Government, in co-operation with the social partners, have tackled the economic problems facing the country and, at the same time, developed the social dimension. Our approach is three-fold. First, to create a climate conducive to economic growth leading to increased employment, second, to correct the imbalance in the public finances and, third to ensure that the benefits and sacrifices are shared equitably across society.

Tackling our underlying economic problems has contributed to and made possible significant improvements in social welfare. Increased economic activity means that fewer people are now claiming social welfare payments and more people are contributing to the social insurance fund. We see the results of this in a healthier social insurance fund. We have also achieved greater equity in financing social welfare benefits by including the self-employed, who will contribute £54 million to the fund in 1990.

The Government are committed to maintaining the value of social welfare payments and to providing special increases for those on the lowest payments. We made considerable progress over the past two years and will consider further progress in the forthcoming budget. In this regard, I would like to refer to recent statements about the level of social welfare payments.

I want to refute in the strongest possible terms the recent insinuation by Deputy Jim Mitchell, Fine Gael spokesman, that there is no incentive for a person on unemployment assistance to take up employment at the average industrial wage. This was based on a very dubious use of statistics. If this statistical falsehood and misrepresentation is not exposed, then it will be used to argue in support of policies which would make the poorest in our society even poorer. Some simple facts will show the real situation facing the majority of those on unemployment payments and demonstrate that Deputy Mitchell does not know what he is talking about.

First, a single person earning the average industrial wage of £212 per week takes home £141.50, after deduction of income tax and PRSI contributions. The same person would receive an average of £47.60 per week for long-term unemployment assistance, inclusive of the Christmas bonus. There is therefore a £94 per week incentive for the single person to take up work. The average male industrial earnings are £247 per week, considerably higher than the figure given by Deputy Mitchell. I would also mention that 70 per cent of those on the live register are males. Single people comprise 56 per cent of unemployment assistance recipients and 52.8 per cent of all recipients of unemployment payments. The take home pay of a married couple, where one partner earns the average industrial wage is £159.60 per week, irrespective of the number of children. The average weekly unemployment assistance entitlement of a married couple with four children is £118.60 per week, inclusive of the Christmas bonus. Those with fewer than four children have, of course, a smaller unemployment assistance entitlement. There is therefore a minimum incentive of £41 per week to take up employment at the average wage. Married couples with four children or fewer account for 37.4 per cent of those in receipt of unemployment assistance, and 41.4 per cent of all recipients of unemployment payments.

The true situation is that only 6.4 per cent of unemployment assistance recipients and 5.8 per cent of all unemployment recipients have more than four children and are in receipt of relatively high unemployment payments. Only a minority of these would experience the deductions from take-home pay that are alleged if they took up employment. It is easy to misinterpret the figures to suggest that individuals with large families are better off on unemployment payments. The reality is that very few, less than 6 per cent of families, are better of on unemployment payments.

The case is misrepresented: by assuming that all long term unemployment assistance recipients are in receipt of a fuel allowance, when only 50 per cent are entitled to it, and only for 26 weeks per annum; by assuming that all recipients of unemployment payments are in the local authority rental sector and would suffer a rise in their differential rent payments if they took up employment. In fact, a survey of unemployment benefit claimants in the Dublin area, conducted by my Department, indicates that only 6.5 per cent of them are paying differential rents; and by assuming that everyone taking up employment is forced to take out an occupational pension, when only 61 per cent of the workforce choose to subscribe to this extra benefit. These items were all included to reduce the apparent incentive to work for indivduals with large families.

A minority of individuals on low pay are, however, faced with an incentive problem. The family income supplement scheme was designed to overcome this problem. Major improvements in the FIS were implemented in the 1989 budget. Overall expenditure was increased by 20 per cent to £6.1 million. In practical terms, the effect of the changes I introduced is that a family with five children on a weekly income of £120 qualifies for a payment of £50 per week.

On the income tax side, we increased the tax exemption limit to £6,000 for a married couple and brought in a new special child-related tax exemption of £200 for each dependent child. This means that a couple with five children who have income of up to £7,000 a year are not now liable for income tax. In addition, marginal relief applies where the couple's income does not greatly exceed the exemption limits. This combination of FIS improvements and tax exemption measures has increased substantially the incentive to work for the small minority of large families who are facing high replacement rates.

This talk about families on low pay should not distract us from the plight of those who are without work through no fault of their own. As a caring society we have a duty to ensure that the unemployed are afforded the means to achieve a decent standard of living. Considerable progress was made in this regard in the 1989 budget. A special increase of 12 per cent was afforded to the long-term unemployed, which when combined with a similar increase in 1988, amounts to a rise of almost 25 per cent over the last two years. I will continue the policy of the last two years of preserving the real value of social welfare benefits and targeting special increases to the most needy sections of our community.

In providing special increases, the Government have been assisted by improved management of the system and by increased control of fraud and abuse of social welfare payments. This year alone we will save a further £30 million on specific abuse control measures. Since 1987 we have saved over £100 million. That does not include the vast savings which are not readily recordable.

I have developed the systems of control and introduced a range of new and effective measures. These include: more regular interviewing of claimants to establish whether their claims are genuine; the external control unit which operates in the unemployment payments area has been particularly effective; special campaigns by the special investigation unit in particular sectors where a high degree of fraud has been identified; the setting up of the joint investigation unit between my Department and the Revenue Commissioners to tackle in a co-ordinated way abuse of the tax and social welfare code in certain industries and better control of the disability benefit scheme.

On the question of collusion between employers and employees, it is clear that a small, but increasingly significant, number of employers are encouraging their employees to operate in the "Twilight Zone". Where an employer does not deduct PRSI it can amount to a passive encouragement or invitation to work and sign. This unscrupulous employer then hopes he can avoid paying the proper rate for the job. In effect, he expects taxpayers to subsidise him and assist him in undercutting his competitors. The special investigation unit and the joint investigation unit are tackling this problem very effectively. I have also taken a number of additional measures to tackle this problem. These include the requirement that employers in selected industries notify my Department when they take on new employees.

In many instances employers and employees collude to facilitate persons concurrently working and claiming. Last January I introduced new regulations designed to discourage this collusion by requiring employers in the construction, contract cleaning, forestry and security industries to notify my Department of all new employees taken on. These measures have proved highly successful. Up to the end of October this year, my Department have been notified of almost 13,000 new employees taken on in these four industries. To date over 900 employers have been surveyed to ensure that they are complying with these new requirements. Many anomalies were found to exist. Arising from these surveys, the question of legal proceedings is being examined in relation to 15 employers.

There remains a widespread practice whereby persons are engaged to carry out work on a subcontractor basis. In order to deal with abuses in this area, I have now made further regulations requiring employers and others in the construction and forestry industries to notify my Department of all subcontractors engaged by them. These regulations also require subcontrators to notify my Department of any person engaged by them. These two industries have been singled out because of their extensive use of subcontractors. These new regulations, which will come into force on 1 January next, represent a major crackdown on the black economy in these two industries.

The 1989 budget is a practical example of the Government's commitment to protecting and improving the position of people dependent on social welfare. We gave substantial real increases to those on the lowest payments and focused our attention on the needs of families. That this was the correct approach was confirmed by subsequent ESRI reports.

New legislation will be introduced next January to protect the interests of workers in occupational pension schemes by laying down minimum standards; providing for compulsory preservation of pension entitlements for members who change employment; providing for the disclosure of information to members; introducing a minimum funding standard, and clarifying the duties and responsibilities of pension scheme trustees. It will also provide for the implementation of the terms of the EC Directive on equality of treatment in an occupational pension scheme which was published in the middle of this year. This will be very comprehensive legislation and will bring about major improvements in the whole area.

One of the most significant developments this year in social welfare was the setting up of the new social welfare appeals office. The Government have approved the setting up of a separate appeals office which will operate as an executive office of my Department. This is in line with the undertaking in the Programme for National Recovery and the Programme for Government. Arrangements to bring the new office into operation on an administrative basis have already begun and the necessary legislative changes will be introduced in next year's Social Welfare Bill. The new appeals office will provide an improved service to social welfare claimants generally.

The Government have significantly improved the position of lone parents who are recognised as an "at risk" category. I introduced a new scheme last October of allowances for widowers and deserted husbands with dependent children. There are now six separate social assistance schemes for lone parents and I am examining the possibility of replacing them with a lone parent allowance scheme for parents bringing up children on their own. I expect to bring forward proposals in the near future.

I am concerned about the position of part time workers under the social insurance system. The National Pensions Board are, at my request, examining the question of their pension entitlements and will report to me in mid-1990. Insurability is a very complex matter with considerable financial and other implications. The approach to part time employment has to be carefully examined to ensure that the position of an already vulnerable group of employees is not made worse. The review currently being undertaken in my Department is addressing issues such as the definition of regular part time work, insurability for benefit purposes, rates of benefit, appropriate contribution rates and employer costs.

I would like to refer to other major developments in the social welfare area. I have continued my policy of making the social welfare system as flexible and as responsive as possible to the needs of claimants. This week I made regulations allowing long-term unemployed people aged 21 years or over to take up full-time educational courses, leading to certificates recognised by the Department of Education, while at the same time continuing to receive their social welfare payments. These new regulations complement the vocational training opportunities scheme introduced earlier this year. I am considering the participation of the long-term unemployed in third level courses and in community enterprise projects and I expect to have a pilot scheme up and running in the new year. These opportunities will make second chance education a real option for the long-term unemployed who want to improve their employment prospects.

Because of the difficulties experienced in some cases by spouses in receipt of separate payments, I will shortly introduce regulations to pay to a spouse, usually the wife, of a claimant, half the combined personal and adult dependant rates together with any child dependant increases. The prescribed relative's allowance scheme needs to be reviewed in the context of arrangements generally for looking after incapacitated elderly people. Forthcoming regulations will provide that the allowance be paid direct to the carer in the case of new claims. Existing pensioners will have the option of continuing to receive the allowance or having it paid to the carer. The new preretirement allowance scheme for certain long-term unemployed people over 60 years of age will be operational early in the new year.

My relations with voluntary bodies active in the social services area have been particularly close and fruitful. During 1989 I have been able to allocate grants amounting to £1.35 million to assist voluntary bodies. As a further development, I will be arranging a major conference in Galway during the Irish Presidency of the EC on the role of the voluntary organisations in the social services area.

To meet the problems experienced by people who resort to borrowing from moneylenders, I initiated an action plan to tackle the problems of moneylending. A central element of this plan was the establishment of a £200,000 loan guarantee fund, financed equally by the Government and the Irish Banks Standing Committee. I established a supervisory committee to oversee the operation of this fund and to work out the details of its operation. The committee recommended that the fund should be used to expand on schemes already operated locally by the Society of St. Vincent de Paul and some credit unions. It recommended that the society should have day-to-day responsibility for the central administration of the fund and that there should be maximum flexibility to operate the most appropriate measures.

Schemes are already running in a number of areas and I expect that a nationwide service will operate early in the new year. The new schemes will provide for debt counselling and debt negotiation, with special emphasis on budgeting and savings. Clients will be encouraged to join a credit union, thus giving them access to credit at reasonable rates. In this way, the cycle of dependency on expensive credit from moneylenders will be broken. People will cease to be trapped in poverty by exorbitant loan charges.

Ireland assumes the Presidency of the European Communities on 1 January. This will be a significant and important six month period and I intend to bring social welfare matters to the forefront. Great emphasis is being laid on the social dimensions of the internal market — the rights of employees must be protected and they should share in the expected benefits from 1992. I am convening a special Informal Council of Social Security Ministers from the 12 member states in Dublin in April next year to debate some of the issues we will have to address in the run up to 1992.

I interrupt the Minister to advise him that he has one minute left.

I disagree, I have more than one minute left. I specifically noted when I started my contribution that I had until 12.58 p.m.

Acting Chairman

I thought the Minister was due to finish at 12.56 p.m.

Perhaps the Chair would like to check with the officials.

The Council will consider two very important issues, namely, the convergence of social security policies within the member states with the eventual aim of aligning the protection offered in the different states, and the improvement and extension of the existing arrangements for the protection of the social security entitlements of migrant workers. This council will play an important part in stimulating debate and in giving an impetus to these very important issues.

Significant progress has been made this year in tackling the problem of inadequate facilities and accommodation at my Department's local offices. Three new offices have been opened this year bringing to 13 the number of new offices opened since 1985. I am continuing this progress with a further three new offices scheduled for opening next year. In addition, eight offices have been extensively refurbished since 1985 with similar work in progress at present in three offices and a further four offices planned for next year. All new and refurbished offices are being designed to take advantage of modern technology and to provide facilities for privacy. We also completed the decentralisation of our pensions office to Sligo. My aim is to provide the highest standards for public and staff alike.

There have been many significant improvements in social welfare in 1989. We have made great progress in improving payments and the delivery of our services. We intend to continue this work in 1990 and I look forward to a further fruitful year. I want to thank all the staff of my Department who contributed to this work and to the services we provide to the most vulnerable in our society.

I should like to take this opportunity to wish the Ceann Comhairle, the staff of the Houses of the Oireachtas and Members of the Opposition a Happy Christmas.

I should like to share my 20 minutes with Deputy Mary Flaherty.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

In the short time available to me it is only possible to deal with a few issues in the area of industry and commerce. The first point I wish to make relates to prices. If we are to continue persuading workers to accept low increases in wages and salaries it is vitally important that steps be taken to ensure that prices are not allowed to get out of hand following the abolition of price control. Some weeks ago my colleague, Deputy Michael Noonan, and I raised this issue and also the failure to pass on to the consumer the benefits to be had as a result of the strengthening of the Irish Punt against Sterling. After some threats by the Minister for Industry and Commerce we saw some movement in prices to take account of the benefit of the stronger Punt. However, I am still not satisfied that there is a proper mechanism in place to see to it that the consumer benefits as a result of favourable conditions and I again call on the Minister for Industry and Commerce to outline clearly how he proposes to deal with this issue.

I also call on the Minister to introduce anti-monopoly and anti-cartel legislation immediately after the Christmas recess. It is vitally important that competition is allowed in areas where there is little or none at present, especially in the area of professional services.

With regard to the increases in wages and salaries I want to say that we got very good co-operation from the trade union movement and workers in general over the past number of years in accepting low wage increases. That was based on the assumption that we would have low inflation and that every effort would be made to keep prices down and correct the way the economy was going with resulting benefits to workers. In their magnificent PR exercises the Government tell us that we have favourable interest rates, a fovourable rate of inflation and an ideal climate for investment here. I should like to remind the Minister for Social Welfare, who is representing the Government, that in 1986 mortgage interest rates were 9.5 per cent and the rate of inflation when they took office in 1987 was 3 per cent. We have been told today that inflation is running at 4.7 per cent and we are all aware that this year interest rates rose by 4 per cent.

After enjoying a honeymoon period it is time the Government did some work and put an end to the PR hype. We should work together to create a more favourable climate for employment creation and investment. Any advantages, such as a strengthening of the punt against sterling, should be passed on to the consumer. A saving of £3 or £4 per week on essential items is equivalent to an annual saving of £150 and a reduction in mortgage repayments of £50 per month will result in an annual saving of £600. In the last year increases in insurance premiums cost the average consumer about £100. We are now talking about a figure of £850 and that amount out of the taxed income of an average worker is a considerable expense. If the Government are looking to the workers to make sacrifices by accepting lower wage increases they have an obligation to see to it that prices are kept under control, that interest rates are brought down to the level they were at in 1986, as a minimum, and that inflation is not allowed to increase. The amount of £850 out of a taxed income is equivalent to £1,700 per year to the average worker or about £35 per week. Let us have less of the PR exercise and more action by the Government on the problems that face the country.

Another point I should like to touch on concerns the banks. As the House is aware a special committee are debating the Committee Stage of the Companies Bill. There has been widespread support, particularly from small businesses, for the Fine Gael amendment which is designed to limit the practice of banks demanding personal guarantees from the directors when giving loans to companies. The banks are already charging an interest rate which is 3.75 per cent above the base rate. That is the largest excess charge in any OECD country and it is more than sufficent to allow the banks cover the risk of default on loans by companies without demanding personal security. Demand for personal guarantees is essentially hostile to young people seeking to set up in business because they are unlikely to have had the time to accumulate personal assets.

Given the unacceptable level of unemployment here it is vitally important that we encourage individuals and companies to start up new ventures and expand existing ones. This, however, cannot be done without the full co-operation of the Irish banks. It is important that they realise that it is the success of Irish businesses that will ensure their continued survival. Their obsession with security deeds and personal guarantees is the wrong approach for Irish banking in the nineties.

Our amendment was tabled at a meeting of the special committee about ten days ago. When I listened to the Leader of the Labour Party castigating the Fine Gael Party for giving pairs to the Government I could not help recalling that when a vote was taken on our amendment it ended in a tie, six for six against. That amendment would have been passed by the special committee had a member of the Labour Party on that committee been present. The Labour Party have suggested that it is time Irish banks played their part in developing Irish industry but when they had an opportunity to do something about the position of Irish banks during the debate on the Companies Bill, their representative was not present to vote for our amendment.

In recent days we have had further demands for increases in motor insurance premiums. They are being sought on the basis that underwriting losses continue to rise despite the changes made by the House in abolishing juries in civil actions. I should like to put a number of questions to the Minister in respect of demands by insurance companies for increases in motor insurance premiums. We have heard a lot about underwriting losses but what about investment profits? Surely, where the public are obliged by law to insure their cars it is only right and proper that a portion of investment profits should be taken into account before increases are granted in premiums based on losses? Will the Minister explain why public liability and employers' liability premiums are reducing? In some cases there has been a reduction of up to 50 per cent but we have been told there is an urgent need to increase motor insurance premiums in order to keep insurance companies viable. Motor insurance is part of the overall liability area and it is strange that premiums in some liability areas are reducing while motor insurance premiums are increasing.

I suggest that the Minister carry out an urgent review of the manner in which motor insurance premiums are charged. Serious consideration should be given to a proposal made by me some time ago to alter the present system of insuring the car as distinct from the individual. I maintain that each individual driving a vehicle should carry their own third party liability cover. If that system was in place a disc would be issued to each individual who would display it on the vehicle they were driving thus making it easier for gardaí to check if motor insurance is in place. It would mean that more people would be contributing to the pool thus reducing the cost for each individual. We cannot allow a situation to continue where anything between 20 per cent and 25 per cent of our drivers are uninsured. If we managed to reduce that figure to 5 per cent it is estimated that there would be a saving of £20 million to the Motor Insurance Bureau which is funded through insurance premiums.

With Deputy Richard Bruton I tabled parliamentary questions to the Minister and it is strange that the only response we got from him was that he had to have regard to the fact that it was important that insurance companies were kept viable. He has told us that he had no option but to allow increases to take place but I am surprised that proposals have not been presented to the House to change the way we underwrite motor insurance. Will the Minister tell the House how much money has been collected through the 3 per cent levy on all insurance premiums to pay for the losses incurred by the PMPA and the ICI some years ago? Is it not time that that levy was abolished? I am certain that those companies are in a position to trade profitably and carry any losses from the past. The public have made a sufficient contribution to those losses and at this stage the levy should go. Each person who has any type of insurance has to pay this 3 per cent levy. Three per cent of the gross amount of any premium comes to a substantial amount of money. Again, we have heard nothing from the Government on this levy but each day of the week we have to listen to demands for an increase in motor insurance premiums. From memory, it is about five years since this levy was imposed on policy holders. At this stage, a considerable amount of money must have been collected by way of this levy. I would like the Minister to tell me how much has been collected and for how long more this levy will be in place. Given the high rate of insurance premia, it is time this levy was abolished.

My final point relates to another scandal which I referred to some time ago and which has received very little coverage, that is, the selling off of land and premises by the IDA in 1988. The IDA, following a decision of the previous Government to ask them to contribute £5 million to the Exchequer, had to sell off land and property, which cost the taxpayer £11.185 million. They sold this land for £4.1 million. Therefore, the loss to the taxpayer was £7.7 million, this at a time when property prices were beginning to increase and when they were at their highest in Britain.

Provision is made in the 1990 Estimates to provide the IDA with £12 million to buy land. I listened to the Minister for Social Welfare outline to us the improvements which have been made to various social welfare schemes but I ask the Government what benefits we could give to young children in schools and to social welfare recipients if we had that £7.7 million? It is an absolute scandal. No one has come into this House to explain to the elected representatives why the Government demanded £5 million from the IDA who in turn had to sell off land at a loss of £7.7 million in order to give £5 million to the Government. Next year the taxpayer will have to put his hand in his pocket and pay £12 million to the IDA to buy land.

Let us have less of the PR and more action. The Minister involved should investigate this scandal to see what action can be taken to ensure that it will not recur. If such action was taken in private business, the person who took the decison would be out the door. I would like to know at this stage who is going to control the activities of semi-State bodies. I am sorry, Acting Chairman, I thought you were going to remind me that my time was up.

Acting Chairman

No, I was going to call on Deputy Flaherty who has five minutes.

On a point of order, in this instance, we have no objection to the sharing of time but I would like to make it quite clear that we are not agreeable to Opposition speakers sharing time during the rest of this debate. In our opinion the Order of the House of this morning should be adhered to. I therefore want to make it clear that we are not agreeable to any further sharing of time.

Acting Chairman

I must say that it was agreed on this occasion that Deputy Barrett would share his time with Deputy Flaherty.

I accept that.

Acting Chairman

Is the Deputy not accepting that list?

What I am saying is that from now on, once Deputy Flaherty has concluded, we will not be agreeable to any sharing of time. I want to make that quite clear to the Chair irrespective of who is in the House.

Obviously I will have to speak very quickly in the time available to me. The Government's performance during this session has been dismal. Coming towards the end of this decade and this session, the people of this island have very little to celebrate. In our society poverty is now more widespread than every before, this at a time when, in the words of the Minister for Social Welfare, we have achieved unprecedented savings in social welfare. I am glad that the Minister for Labour is present in the House as a substantial part of my speech relates to the issue of low pay. Some rates of pay are now lower than the rates which applied even in Victorian times when Victorian sweat shops prevailed, this at a time when we tax 15 per cent of the poorest people in our society and when the job creation figures include the number of people taking up job sharing or part time work. Full time workers are now being replaced by part time workers. This practice is becoming rampant. The Minister is as aware of this is I am, and as you are, Sir. In the constituency we both represent, during the last decade, large-scale employers have gone from recruiting core groups of full time employees to recruiting large numbers of part time employees. This practice is becoming more widespread. Women account for a significant proportion of these.

Moneylending is now rampant in the poorer communities. Again, despite the gestures of the Minister for Social Welfare, more of a PR kind than containing anything of substance, people are not getting enough in social welfare to survive and as a result have to turn to moneylenders to provide for their basic needs. The Combat Poverty Agency in their report indicated that this is the reason people turn to moneylenders. They do not do so to provide for luxuries or extras but rather to provide the basics and to enable them to pay their rent and meet the expenses of First Communions and Christmas, the only family occasions which bring some light into their lives.

For the first time in eight or nine years, and this is disturbing, the level of violence, vandalism and social alienation, as highlighted by the recent attacks on the Garda Síochána, is on the increase.

Acting Chairman

I am sorry to interrupt the Deputy but she has one minute of her time left.

Did the Acting Chairman give me five minutes and did he include the time in which the Minister of State intervened?

Acting Chairman

The Deputy has been given five minutes.

In relation to the Social Charter, the Government have disgraced themselves. Alone with Margaret Thatcher in Europe, they stand against the introduction of a minimum income. I see this as a signal to European and worldwide investors that they will be able to provide low paid employment here and that we will not insist on the same kind of standards for our workers which are demanded in other European countries. This is a very retrograde step. Fine Gael assert their support for a meaningful Social Charter. Earlier this session a dismal Social Welfare Estimate was introduced.

Acting Chairman

I ask the Deputy to conclude.

The drive for savings will continue and indivduals will continue to be harassed. Nothing has been provided for community development or the dental services while there has been no increase in disability benefit and an inadequate expansion of educational opportunities for the unemployed.

I sympathise with Deputy Flaherty who had to cram what she had to say into four minutes which must have been very difficult.

Over the past few weeks the increasing importance of the European Community dimension has become more evident.

First, the massive cash injection of the Community Support Framework will help us achieve improved competitiveness and efficiency. Human resources development has a major part to play in this task. This is recognised in the priorities of the Community Support Framework where £2,209 million will be spent on strategies to promote training and employment Of this, £1,123 million will come through the Structural Funds. This is equivalent to more than a third of the total assistance guaranteed to Ireland over the next four years.

Already we have benefited very significantly from Structural Funds assistance, particularly the Social Fund, over the past years. This year alone Ireland was approved for assistance of over £183 million from the Social Fund. This was used mainly to fund programmes of vocational training and job creation for young persons, unemployed adults, the long term unemployed and the handicapped. Management and new technology training also benefited. The main recipients of this assistance were FÁS, the Department of Education, the National Rehabilitation Board, the IDA, TEAGASC, CERT and Údarás na Gaeltachta. Aer Lingus also received assistance towards the cost of training pilots.

I have reported before the view in Brussels that Ireland shows the clearest evidence of all the member states of the value of this Social Fund assistance. The Exchequer would not have been able to create unaided the comprehensive range of programmes and the networks of support structures that we now have. Without this, the development of our industry and services would have been seriously impaired.

In the development of the single market, the social dimension is as important as the economic dimension. The Government have always strongly supported the social dimension as an essential counterbalance to the concentration on economic development.

Many aspects of this policy have not been controversial, for instance, in the field of safety and health at work where valuable progress has been made. Indeed, in Ireland, we have this year seen the parallel enactment of the safety, health and welfare at work legislation, which radically extends statutory protection and emphasises the need for preventive strategies.

However, in other spheres such as the Social Charter, it has proved more difficult to reach unanimity. The Social Charter was eventually accepted by Ireland and ten of the other member states. It was drawn up with the objective of reducing disparities between working standards between member states. It also seeks to ensure that basic protective standards are maintained in the single market.

The Charter is a valuable signpost and has always, at every level, been fully supported by Ireland. We did not at any time seek to dilute the Charter. Any amendments which we sought were aimed at ensuring that the Charter was compatible with our national circumstances.

In the negotiation of the Charter, we had two overriding priorities. First was the fight against unemployment. This does not, of course, preclude a policy of improving the conditions of those at work, especially regarding basic protection standards. Second, we wanted to ensure that only those tasks that could better be achieved at Community level would be the subject of Community law. For other tasks, because of the delivery of national practices and the complexities of change, it will be up to member states to implement the commitments through collective bargaining and national legislation.

The text which finally emerged from the negotiations was a reasonable balance, retaining the overall aims but including elements of compromise by all the member states.

I want to emphasise that the Charter, together with the Commission action programme for its implementation, is very important and far reaching. For the first time it sets out a coherent and comprehensive strategy in the field of worker protection. Its implementation will be a challenge for all of us: the Community, the Government, employers and employees. We have to improve and maintain working conditions and at the same time improve the efficiency and competitiveness of our businesses and sustain a healthy economic environment.

It will fall to us, when we take over the Presidency in about two weeks' time, to maintain this momentum. I have already discussed our Presidency programme with the Commission. I will be developing these discussions further, in consultation with both the Commission and the Social Affairs Ministers of the next two Presidencies, Italy and Luxembourg. My overriding priority in the Social Affairs Council will continue to be job creation, and a particular help for the long term unemployed. This is a Community wide problem and Community wide action must help to tackle it.

I also hope to complete FORCE 92, a proposal on in-company continuing training. We want to make progress on dossiers such as those on freedom of movement for workers, safety and health and measures for the disabled. I want to continue the progress towards improved living and working conditions. This is an essential part of making sure all our people benefit from the completion of the Single Market.

Turning to the Industrial Relations Bill, 1989 and to the domestic scene, an important factor in promoting conditions for employment growth is the degree of industrial harmony. Last week I introduced in this House the Industrial Relations Bill, 1989. The measures it contains represent the most significant changes in this area since the 1940s. I am confident that it will provide a better framework for collective bargaining and dispute settlement.

I do not want to go into too much detail about the Bill, as the House will have the opportunity of debating it early in the new year. But I would just remind the House that in summary it provides for amending trade dispute law in relation to civil immunities, to secondary picketing, to mandatory secret ballots in advance of industrial action and to the granting of injunctions. The Bill also provides for the establishment of a labour relations commission, which will enable the Labour Court to become again a court of final resort dealing with the most serious and intractable disputes.

The Bill was drawn up following lengthy discussions with both sides of industry, to which I was committed under the Programme for National Recovery. I am satisfied that it represents a package which all sides can support. I thank the Federation of Irish Employees and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions for the time and effort they put into the discussions leading to the drafting of the legislation.

It is a particularly favourable time to introduce these changes because of the improving industrial relations climate. I am delighted with the further dramatic drop in strike activity this year. The number of strikes is likely to be the lowest in the history of the State. The number of workdays lost will be about 40,000, only 10 per cent of the level some four or five years ago and way below the catastrophic level of over one million in the 1970s. Much of this dramatic improvement is, of course, attributable to the Programme for National Recovery and its associated pay agreements, together with tax reductions from the Government.

On worker participation the success of the historic consensus in the programme is equally applicable at the level of the individual enterpise. In the challenging decade ahead, it is vital for companies to gain the full support of their workforce in the drive for quality and competitiveness. State bodies have made considerable progress towards employee involvement. Where appropriate, this is at board level, and indeed Deputies may remember that I recently apointed two worker directors to the board of FÁS. In other organisations, sub-board participative structures are being developed as being more suitable. I would strongly urge the private sector to follow suit. They should consider what consultation arrangements can be introduced which would be to the mutual advantage of both the individual enterprise and to employees.

In March earlier this year I held a briefing day on sub-board participation for public sector management, and in September my Department published, in conjunction with the Irish Productivity Centre, a book of "Case Studies on Employee Participation". I recommend this book as providing evidence of the benefits of employee involvement, in articles written by the people actually concerned.

I would like here to make a brief reference to the completion of the difficult task of negotiating the framework agreement on hours of work between the social partners in February this year. I understand that progress is being maintained at individual company level in negotiating actual reductions in the length of the working week. Again this agreement is further evidence of the success of the consensus approach at national and local levels. I hope that during the early months of 1990 any concluding areas will be agreed and hours reduction will be widespread.

The development of the skills of our workforce, both employees and those seeking work, is an essential element in our overall strategy for economic development.

FÁS this year will have an average of about 14,500 people in training in any one week, and throughout the year they had about 15,000 on employment programmes. The priority groups continue to be early school leavers and the long-term unemployed. The regionalisation of both planning and delivery within FÁS has meant that programmes are much more closely aligned with local circumstances and targeted to local needs. In training those with jobs, the employer has the primary responsibility but FÁS continue to be available to assist where possible. The levy-grant system has recently been revised to make it less bureaucratic and easier for both sides to operate.

Planning for a new programme of retraining for industrial restructuring is at an advanced stage. This programme is aimed at helping employees, particularly in small and medium sized enterprises, to update skills and acquire new skills in anticipation of the changing needs of the 1990s.

On apprenticeships earlier this week I launched a major discussion document drawn up by FÁS on apprenticeship training. I want to stress that this is a discussion document; it is not a decision by the board of FÁS. I know that FÁS are very anxious to get the views of all interested parties on their proposals before coming to a final decision in the spring.

We all know that a high level of craft skills is a cornerstone of the quality of our workforce. While the existing system has worked well in the past, we need now to develop a system emphasising flexibility and the achievement of internationally recognised standards. The proposed new system recognises this by requiring the achievement of set standards for each module and by providing a broadly based training initially, with the chance to develop specialist skills later on. It will rationalise the delivery system and avoid duplication of State resources. The proposals also include special provisions to facilitate and encourage the entry into apprenticeship of early school leavers, older workers, disabled people and women.

The proposed system will increase the demand for apprentices and it will share both the costs and the benefits of apprenticeship more equitably between employers. I would urge everyone concerned to consider it carefully and positively, and to pass on their views to FÁS.

In the hotel, catering and tourism sector, CERT continue to provide excellent training with a virtual guarantee of a job for those completing both their craft courses and their short basic skills courses. They also provide valuable assistance, through both direct training and consultancy work, towards the future development of the industry. Their activities are central to the achievement of the Government's ambitious targets for the growth of this sector.

I have been very concerned to ensure that the benefits of the State's substantial provision of training and employment programmes are spread equitably among the unemployed. With this in mind, I have taken a number of measures this year, both in relation to allowances and for other support mechanisms.

I wanted to ensure that older people with dependants could opt for training or employment programmes without financial cost. I have, therefore, introduced a weekly £10 bonus to trainees with dependants, on top of their existing training allowances which are set at the equivalent of their social welfare entitlements.

On the social employment scheme, I also introduced an allowance of normally £10 per week for each dependent child. This will operate from 1 January 1990. This is, of course, in addition to the increase I secured last July in both the basic wage, up from £60 to £65 per week, and the adult dependant allowance, up from £25 to £27 per week. The new child dependant allowance will significantly improve the position for social employment scheme participants with family commitments.

I also introduced, as part of a Government package, measures to stimulate activity in disadvantaged urban areas, in other words those areas with unemployment rates substantially above average. I got approval for an additional 1,000 places on the social employment scheme specially for these areas, and I am delighted to say that over 300 of these places have already been taken up. Additional financial help is now available towards community youth training programmes and community enterprise schemes in these areas. A new workshop programme for older people who left school without qualifications is being piloted by FÁS.

I have asked FÁS to play a lead role in organising and encouraging community projects in disadvantaged urban areas, which might not otherwise fully take up a fair share of the opportunities available.

I was delighted to see from my Department's 1989 school leavers survey, published last Monday, that the number of young people dropping out of school without qualifications is falling, down by nearly a full percentage point from last year. I have always been convinced that the education system is the best way of tackling this undoubted problem, with its life-time result of poor employment prospects. However, I am also pleased to see that FÁS and the VECs are successfully operating the Youthreach programme, which started last January. This programme, designed especially for early school leavers, gives them a real chance, over two years, to develop skills and improve their chances of getting viable, satisfying jobs.

For the 83 per cent of the labour force who do have jobs, I am anxious to ensure that their working conditions are protected by the necessary statutory provisions. I have already referred in this context to the Social Charter and, briefly, to the extension of occupational safety and health protection.

My priority now is to ensure that part-time workers are no longer excluded from the existing body of workers protection legislation. I hope to bring proposals for legislation before the Government shortly and to introduce the resulting Bill into the House in the new year. I appreciate the legitimate concerns of employers for flexibility in the operation of their business, but I feel it essential to put in place balanced legislation which will give part-time workers the necessary degree of protection.

The preparation of amending legislation on employment equality, unfair dismissals and the payment of wages is also well advanced. However, I have been giving priority to the Industrial Relations Bill and the needs of part-time workers. Consequently it was not possible to make sufficient progress on the other items of my legislative programme to enable me to introduce the relevant Bills in the House this year.

There has been much talk recently, in the context of both the Social Charter and recently publicised Irish research, on the problem of low pay. I have examined this very carefully and am strongly convinced that the best hope for progress in this area lies in the strength of our collective bargaining system. The pay agreements associated with the Programme for National Recovery took account in particular of the needs of the lower paid. In individual sectors, about 40,000 workers are already covered by the Joint Labour Committee or JLC system, which is a flexible and effective means of tackling the problem.

I would like to emphasise briefly three particular points in relation to JLCs. First, JLCs can be set up in any area which is felt to be in need of wage regulation. Secondly, the minimum rates set under JLCs are enforced by inspectors of my Department, who collected for employees over £100,000 in arrears last year. And, thirdly, the new Industrial Relations Bill includes provisions designed to improve the functioning of existing JLCs and to speed up the establishment of new committees. The proposed new Labour Relations Commission would monitor and review existing JLCs and would examine whether and where new JLCs were needed. Overall, I am satisfied that the existing system is itself effective and can be extended as necessary.

The overall objective of labour market measures is to facilitate and contribute to job creation and tackle unemployment. It is important, however, that these should not be considered in isolation. Earlier this year the Government set up a ministerial committee on employment, which I chair. This committee has already had a wide ranging package of proposals accepted and implemented. It is continuing to consider further initiatives.

Two proposals in particular were aimed at creating new jobs: first the introduction of a new PRSI exemption scheme, targeted to achieved at least 5,000 new jobs, and secondly, a new system of training contracts for young people, targeted to achieve 1,000 jobs.

The package also improved the employment incentive scheme to give improved assistance, targeted on early school leavers, the long-term unemployed, and other disadvantaged groups. For example, if used in conjunction with the PRSI exemption scheme, employers can qualify for subsidies of nearly £4,000 for the first year of taking on additional staff from the ranks of the long-term unemployed. And the enterprise allowance scheme has been revamped to concentrate the financial assistance in the early months of a new business. The availability of these various aids to job creation underpins my recent appeals to employers to create more jobs.

I welcome the drop in redundancies notified to my Department in 1989. They are down some 40 per cent on last year's levels. This at least means a higher net job creation level due to lower offsetting job losses.

Last week I took part in a very productive seminar, which FÁS organised at my request, to consider measures to boost job creation. The seminar brought together prominent employers and trade union leaders in a private forum outside the normal mechanisms for exchanging views. I was very pleased with the very informative proceedings and the positive atmosphere. The results of the conference will be very carefully considered by the ministerial committee on employment early in the new year and by FÁS themselves where appropriate.

I hope these measures will contribute to a real increase in job creation. Emigration and unemployment, especially for the nearly 50,000 who have been unemployed for over three years, are a waste of both individual and national resources and must be beaten. This is the area we must continue to tackle in 1990 to reap as many of the benefits as we can from the economic revival to lower the number of unemployed, particularly in the long term category.

I thank the Cathaoirleach, the various Deputies and the staff of the House and wish them and my colleagues in Opposition a very Happy Christmas and a peaceful New Year.

I propose to share my time with Deputy Richard Bruton.

Is that satisfactory? Agreed.

As the decade of the eighties closes and we approach the nineties with its exciting possibilities, I have to say that for the people of the Border region the past 20 years have been two decades of unremitting gloom. For the people who live in County Louth, the smallest county in the country which yet has the two largest towns, there has been no ray of sunshine. It is a county which has been consigned according to a modern day version of "To Hell or to Connacht". The tragic fact of economic life in County Louth is that nobody in authority in any of the Governments in the recent past seems to have given a tuppenny damn. The agony of towns like Dundalk, Ardee and to a lesser extent Drogheda has taken place over 20 years and businesses in these areas have withered away like snow in a ditch. Today Ardee is all but a ghost town and Dundalk, with a population approaching 30,000, has the unenviable record of 34 per cent unemployment, double the national average.

Despite repeated appeals for help made in this House during the seven years I have been here, these appeals have been unheeded by all Governments and all Government Departments. There is an unstated belief that while the Ulster troubles last the Border region cannot be helped. This policy of disinterest has driven to emigration thousands of people from my county and the north east region. Emigration from the north east is now the heaviest in the country, whereas in earlier years emigration from the west was traditionally highest. The list of industries which have foundered in my native town of Dundalk makes tragic reading. Some of them were founded in the last century. While I accept that some of the circumstances were outside the control of any Government, the disinterest in what has happened to the Louth region is the unkindest cut of all. I charge all parties in Dáil Éireann with wanton disregard for the economic plight of my constituents who have watched and waited for a ray of sunshine, a break in the cloud or some type of hope over long years, but none has come. What has come is the long shadow of the spectre of the IRA with grisly realities of death and racketeering along the Border region which has turned many industrialists away from a town with wonderful traditional and educational skills and facilities.

The inane and stupid policies pursued by successive Governments of having unequal and lopsided excise duties and taxes have undoubtedly plunged the Border area into total economic darkness. The amount of money given to the coffers of the British Treasury is in billions of pounds instead of millions of pounds. Because Government Departments cannot quantify it, nothing is done. To give an example, recently a company situated on the Border in a quiet backwater of County Louth admitted a turnover for a six month period of £1.474 million. No one is employed in this mysterious company which has failed to make returns to the Companies' Office since 1983. Recently an application was made by this company for increased oil storage tanks. The size of this operation is a definite pointer to the huge amounts of money being lost to the Irish Excheqer and the unwillingness of all Governments to investigate what is happening on the land frontier between the two parts of the country.

The rise in the price of the pound has also had very serious consequences for the retailers who are left in the Border area. Money is pouring across the Border for the undeniable attractions on offer in the Six Counties. The Border counties are facing yet another bleak Christmas and the Government simply shrug their shoulders and walk away. As 1992 looms large on the political front the lack of preparedness for this historic event is a warning signal to those survivors left in business not to expect any significant changes. The signs have been clear in the last 20 years that no Irish Government have given priority to the plight of Border traders.

The year 1992 will not turn out as many people imagine. The Irish Government of the day will continue to screw the man in the street through licences which will be introduced as a way around the Single European Act. The Government have the begging bowl out for anything that goes from the EC, yet they deny their own people the benefits of a free and equal society. The Irish Government must recognise that the people of the Border area have suffered enough for far too long. They must introduce measures designed to help the area. Some form of relief must be introduced, such as the derating of business premises or the creation of an incentive zone as was used very successfully in Belfast by the British Government in the early seventies to keep business alive. Today they are very much alive as many traders in the Border area know to their cost.

The IDA must be replaced by some other body who will offer inducements to industrialists if the Border area is not to collapse economically, beyond retrieving. The efforts of the IDA are abysmal in the Border area. Over the years visiting industrialists, on itineraries provided by the IDA were brought anywhere but to Dundalk. They were brought to Galway, Cork, Limerick and Waterford, but they were not brought to my town, the biggest in Ireland. If they are brought to Dundalk, it is as an afterthought and I mean no disrespect to the people who have the unfortunate task of working for the IDA in the Border area. I realise better than most the circumstances associated with the Border, but the IDA have failed to make any impression on the desperate unemployment in my region. Unemployment in my town is double the national average, yet all Governments seem to feel that the Border cannot be helped as long as the tragic war continues in the Six Counties. I cannot accept that and again I ask the Government to create an incentive zone to help the hapless people who live in the Border area.

The Government have displayed alarming complacency in the face of growing evidence that the real indicators are that economic well being is steadily deteriorating. In recent months we have had successive disappointments in the areas of employment, emigration and poverty. In every area, as we have seen in very recent times, new figures come to light each worse than what went before, despite the claimed great recovery the economy is enjoying.

The Government's strategy has created an extremely narrow based recovery. It has fuelled the money economy. We have seen the benefits for some few people reflected in the boom in property prices. We have seen growth in the profitability of financial institutions and the profitability of export sales of a limited number of industrial sectors. These are sectors, unfortunately, dominated by foreign rather than Irish companies who are predominantly repatriating their profits. That is the sort of economic recovery we have had. The benefits of this recovery which the Ministers have been flaunting here today are not trickling down to those at the bottom of the heap. That is amply displayed by the evidence in recent months. The reason is that none of the policy fundamentals that could change the way in which this economy is working have been touched by this Government.

There has been a welter of reports in recent years highlighting policy failures. We have had the ESRI survey of proverty, the Central Statistics Office results on employment, the NESC's assessment of policy towards the EC, the Tax Commission reports, the Social Welfare Commission report, but how have the Government reacted? They have weaved and dodged and fudged, but at the end of the day as the headlines fade for each of these reports the one thing that is always clear is that nothing has changed. The snares that keep people in the poverty trap are well known and are capable of change, yet they remain intact. The distortions that make property investment much more attractive than enterprise and make labour shedding much more attractive than providing employment have been amply documented, yet they too remain intact.

The future prospects of this economy are blighted by the failure of this Government to undertake change. The recent ESRI forecast shows we are embarking on a period of unprecedented opportunity for Ireland. Growth rates will be boosted by generous EC spending. However, that very same report showed that on present Government policies we will still have close on 200,000 unemployed in 1994, 20,000 emigrating each year, and that at the end of a five year period of unprecedented growth. That must bring all Members to our senses, particularly, I hope, the Minister opposite who recently joined this Government.

The Conference of Major Religious Superiors put this much more succinctly than the ESRI when they said: "The Government's present strategy will not eliminate poverty. Consequently, to persist with these policies is morally unacceptable". That is a very bald statement, but all the evidence coming from statistics published by different sources underlies that this is the case. The Government are closing their mind to these facts and displaying far too much complacency. Recently the Taoiseach had a much publicised meeting with the heads of semi-State bodies, but I think this is an example of backslapping and mutual self-congratulations that the Government have been engaging in. None of the policy issues facing these State bodies was addressed; none of the issues that could lift their performance was discused and there were no new policy initiatives. It appears that Ministers and the Taoiseach surface for prestige events. When there are opportunities for confidence boosting exercises, they are there in their numbers but when it comes to deciding on policy changes that can deal with the problems that are affecting so many, they are not to be heard. In the next six months there is a real danger we will be entertained by a circus of Ministers portraying themselves as great players on the European stage. However, it will only be ham acting if the problems at home remain untouched.

The resounding vote of no confidence in the charade we have seen from this Government comes from the fact that three-quarters of all new entrants into the labour force are seeking their future overseas. That is a stinging indictment of what is happening in this country. The Taoiseach and his Ministers should spend a little time in the smoke-choked Dublin Corporation housing estates and they would see the realities facing many families this Christmas. The reality is alarming. Every second house in Corporation housing estates has no person working; two-thirds of those households are living on incomes equivalent to less than £48 per adult. Where work is available, it is part time and low paid and it is typically for women who are forced out of the home just to keep the home going. I do not believe that words can describe the corrosive effect that long term unemployment is having on these communities — the queueing and hassle involved in trying to get welfare payments, the tensions in families, the inability to participate in any type of social activity. People are isolated and it appears they are forgotten by the Government in their losing struggle. This is not a passing problem of recession that economic recovery will alter. It has been perpetuated by poor access to educational opportunity. The vast majority of children who drop out of school early are from families where the head of household is unemployed or in low paid work. A recent survey published by the Minister for Labour showed that such children face the prospect of 45 per cent unemployment and those who do not get work earn an average of £42 per week, which is below any standard of acceptable support for a person let alone a family. Virtually no children from this background go to university and only one in 25 get any form of third level education. Figures published in recent months and over the past year show an alarming bias against the disadvantaged in the field of education. I estimate that the State investment in the education of a child who drops out of school without any qualification is about £7,500, by contrast a child who goes on to university and gets a degree has had a State investment in his education of at least £30,000 and possibly far more and he enjoys a better lifestyle after that. That contrast is a challenge to us all.

The Minister for Education appears in recent months to be moving in the opposite direction as far as things affect my constituency. She has failed to resolve a staffing problem in the most disadvantaged schools in my area and has also provided totally inadequate funding for adult literacy. It does not need a large financial investment to resolve problems in those two areas, yet nothing has been done. The Minister is reinforcing the educational disadvantage in the system.

It is not only in education that public spending is biased against those who need it most. One only needs to read today's papers to see public squalor amidst a great deal of private opulence. There was the tragic account of two infants burnt to death in a travellers' camp site that was totally unsuitable to live in. In the Focus Point report we read that every month in Dublin there are an additional hundred new homeless cases, mostly mothers and children. We also read that the two major public hospitals have closed down admissions to public patients for the foreseeable future. If one wants evidence that we are creating a divided society and that we are not devoting State resources to the places where they are needed, one need go no further than the headlines in today's paper. The Government must wake up to the reality. Many people are caught in the backwash as the Irish economy is supposedly sailing into better prospects in the nineties. These problems need earnest attention. The Government will be judged on whether they have a coherent strategy in next year's budget and on their policy thereafter.

The Dáil term ending today marks the conclusion of the session that has witnessed a new era in Irish politics. The 26th Dáil, elected on 15 June last, and the resultant formation of a Coalition Government between the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil represents in my view a welcome movement in Irish parliamentary democracy towards the norms of mainstream continental European politics. I am particularly proud that it has been the Progressive Democrats, a party who are still less than four years old, who have been the catalyst in forcing this historic realignment of the political parties resulting in the first ever Coalition Government of broadly ideologically similar parties in this country.

As we enter a new decade and Ireland's Presidency of the European Community and see the acceleration of the integration of the Community states leading over the next few years to the complete free movement of people, goods, capital and services across an increasingly federal Europe it is entirely appropriate that our domestic political alignments should also reflect the patterns of the wider European Community. I also believe that the Programme for Government negotiated between my party and Fianna Fáil, which is part of the agenda for Government in the next four years, will ensure that in many other respects, too, this country comes of age and comes more into line with European economic and social norms. What I have in mind is the commitment to reducing income tax over the next four years to a standard rate of 25 per cent; extensive law reform, including the codifying of criminal law and the abolition of the death penalty; liberalisation of our road and air transport laws, extensive reform of the Oireachtas and the establishment of an independent environmental protection agency to ensure uniformity of environmental standards and their enforcement throughout the country.

Will the Minister's script be circulated?

It may not be available yet, but it will be circulated shortly. Another key development in the Irish economy over the past three years which the Progressive Democrats had a key role in influencing was the consensus that emerged within the Dáil once and for all to tackle the problem of over-spending by the Irish Exchequer, so as to begin to halt the massively accumulating debt burden of the State. It is the mere balance thus brought into the current annual public finances which now leaves us poised to countenance the possibility and the prospect of current budget surpluses within a couple of years — something absolutely unthinkable until recently and which now makes possible increased economic progress in the coming years. However, we must never lose sight of the extent of the problem posed by the inherited debt of previous years and, in particular, the fact that servicing that debt sucks out of our public finances and out of the domestic economy approximately £2.1 billion each year.

That colossal sum absorbs virtually the entire tax take from the PAYE sector, which is £2.3 billion this year, and it constitutes a major constraint on the ability of any Government in this country to develop social and economic policies that can guarantee a decent standard of living for every family in the State.

I believe we have overcome the darkest hours for the national economy and that the debt crisis has finally been brought under some control. Undoubtedly, of course, the increase from a very low base in inflation over the past year and the repeated increases in bank interest rates occasioned by factors outside our control domestically, are very unwelcome features and will add further to the debt servicing bill next year. However, the important factor to bear in mind is that the rate of inflation will now abate and the 0.8 per cent rise in the three months to mid-November underlines a far more satisfactory trend than had been the case in the previous quarter. In this regard the fate of sterling has brought us mixed blessings. It will certainly act, on the one hand, as a depressant on inflation here as cheaper British goods and industrial raw material costs have their impact on our own economy.

In this regard I have taken very definite action in recent times to ensure that the full benefit of the weakness in sterling is being passed on to Irish consumers by importers and distributors of goods originating in Britain. The situation is being constantly monitored by my Department and I have recently decided in the light of a range of price reductions over the period October-November and others which are continuing throughout December, that there is no need at this time to introduce statutory price controls. I have, at all times, made clear my reluctance to go down that road given the increased costs it would impose not only for the State but also for the wholesale and retail sectors in this country. I have also made it very clear to the appropriate companies through their representative body, the CII, and I repeat my warning here today, that unless the full extent of price reductions arising from the prevailing sterling exchange rate are passed on quickly to Irish consumers, I will have no hesitation in taking direct action to ensure that this will come about.

The main down side of the sterling situation, however, is that it has led to an outflow of funds by those who wish to purchase that currency for trade or for other reasons. As a result it has in recent days enforced a further and unwelcome 1 per cent rise in domestic bank interest rates. This poses problems right across our economy and, in particular, the knock on effect of the mortgage rate for householders in obviously a very serious matter. In view of that, calls for increases in the mortgage interest tax relief are understandable but they are not consistent with the overriding imperative of securing overall tax reform in this country.

The various extensive reliefs within our tax system narrow the tax base and, therefore, push up the rates of tax. We cannot have it both ways. That is to say we cannot increase costly tax breaks within our existing code and at the same time argue for — much less implement — actual cuts in income tax rates. I wish some advocates of increased mortgage tax relief would be frank and honest on this point.

It is worth bearing in mind in this regard, for instance, that the cost of the existing mortgage tax relief this year will amount to £165 million which is equivalent to the cost of reducing the present standard tax rate of 32 per cent by 3 percentage points. I and my party believe that the logical consistent long term route that must get priority is overall reform of our tax system focused, in particular, on the reduction of the standard rate — that rate which applies to the vast bulk of the workforce. This in turn is a major impediment to employers and Irish industry taking on extra workers which must be the primary concern of any Government and it certainly is my primary concern as Minister for Industry and Commerce.

The key elements of a tax reform strategy must amount to altering the burden of taxation and, in particular, reducing the present incidence of tax on work. It is absolutely perverse, in an economy such as ours, with 220,000 people unemployed that we tax work as if it were a luxury item. Because of that, other sectors, including the corporate sector, must carry an increased share of the tax burden, more commensurate with the levels they bore in previous times.

In my Department at present there is a major review of industrial policy being conducted. The primary focus of that review will be to ensure that everything possible and every positive measure is taken to ensure that the impediments to greater job creation are removed and that every possible incentive towards greater employment is put in place. It is in that context, too, that the importance of tax reform really comes into proper focus and is confirmed by some interesting data now becoming available to me. As part of the review of industrial policy, my Department have carried out a survey of major Irish firms, ranging from medium sized to large enterprises, to ascertain their views on all aspects of industrial policy including impediments to employment and the prospects for increasing employment within our economy. The findings are very salutary. They again constitute a compelling and irresistible case for comprehensive tax reform focused on reducing the present level of taxation on work and employment. While I have yet to receive all the details of the comprehensive survey carried out in the middle of this year, some of the data is extremely interesting. For instance 77 per cent of all firms surveyed regard taxes on labour as the most onerous State burden on business while 50 per cent regard employers' PRSI as a major impediment also to employing additional workers.

When it came to identifying which were the key factors influencing industrial costs and choosing from a list that included labour costs, energy costs, transport and insurance costs, domestic raw material costs, interest rates and exchange rates the single largest group by far — 40 per cent of the firms surveyed — felt that direct labour costs were the most important factor. A further piece of data which must concern us was that of most firms surveyed, which had reduced their workforce over the past three years, the main reason, cited by 43 per cent of the relevant firms, was to reduce total labour costs and in that way reduce their total costs. The next reason cited by 22 per cent of the relevant companies who were reducing the number of workers was because of falling demand for their company's product. Therefore, twice as many firms were shedding labour without a reduction in demand for their products than were shedding labour because of a reduction in demand.

Clearly this information coming from a very representative sample of 500 medium to large companies provides final and irrefutable proof, if it was ever needed, of the extent to which the levels of taxation on work need to be reduced if we are ever to be effective in facilitating greater employment creation across our economy. That is why I and the Progressive Democrats have put such emphasis since our foundation, on this issue and why we will continue to do so.

However, I also accept that notwithstanding the pace at which tax reform and necessary changes in industrial policy can be realised the scale of our unemployment crisis is such that it cannot be resolved satisfactorily within a short or even a medium time frame. We must also ensure that parallel measures are taken to alleviate the plight of those who are out of work and, in particular, the long term unemployed. The category I have in mind here are the 100,000 people who have been unemployed for over a year. I fully accept that their plight is such that they cannot wait for the kind of comprehensive economic recovery and greater job creation which is the ambition not just of every member of the Government, but, I am sure of every Deputy in this House. Special measures have to be taken to ensure that their plight is addressed.

In that regard I am very pleased with the initiative announced by my Cabinet colleague, the Minister for Labour, Deputy Ahern, to include a £10 premium per child for married people taking up places in social employment schemes. As it stood the social employment scheme was totally unattractive to married people given that the allowance under that scheme is £92 whereas a married man with three children would be getting £107 per week on social welfare. The £10 premium per child will ensure that this person will now get £122 per week on a social employment scheme which, clearly, is a positive incentive for married people to take part in such schemes. Participation in SESD programmes not only involves carrying out very useful work in the community at various levels, it also provides an opportunity for the individuals concerned to enjoy the dignity of working and to enjoy a greater sense of self-fulfilment than life on the dole.

The Programme for Government agreed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats also highlights the necessity to reduce the incidence of poverty by providing special increases for families with dependent children and to ensure that special account is taken of the needs of small farmer households. These two groups constitute the households where the greatest incidence of poverty arises and the Government are fully committed to ensuring that every possible help is given to them.

As we come close to 1990, I look forward with anticipation to presiding over the Internal Market Council of the European Community. In that council, over the next six months, a very large number of the major directives will have to be agreed which will bring about the final achievement of a single internal market by December 1992. A wide variety of measures of all kinds will come before that council and the work involved in negotiating their passage through the council will be among the most important work that will have to be done for the achievement of the more integrated Europe to which most of us aspire and which is the programme of the Community itself.

In so far as 1990 is concerned, on the domestic front within my Department, I propose to bring forward — as I have repeatedly announced over the last number of months — a new competition Bill which will have the effect of prohibiting the abuse of dominant positions within the market-place here and which will control effectively for the first time the abuse by monopolies of their position within the market-place here. It will introduce into Irish law, for the first time, the principles in regard to competition which are enshrined in articles 85 and 86 of the Treaty of Rome. It was, therefore, with some amusement — particularly since this appears in the programme for Government and has been spoken of by me for more than 12 months — that I heard Deputy Noonan on the radios this morning calling for these things as matters which he had identified as being necessary for the economic progress of the country.

Deputy Noonan, during the course of his political activities, does not pay much heed to the provisions of the Copyright Act. On that interesting note and expressing the hope that Deputy Noonan and his colleagues will pay greater heed to our copyright laws in 1990, in response to your frantic signals a Chathaoirligh, I wish you a very happy Christmas.

It is my intention, with your permission and that of the House to divide my time with my colleague, Deputy Connaughton.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Agus muid ag druidim le deireadh na bliana, sílim gur am-tráthúil-é seo dearcadh siar ar cad a tharla le bliain anuas agus dearcadh ar aghaidh le feiceáil cad tá le tarlú san am atá romhainn. Is cosúil go bhfuil na comharthaí éadóchais i bhfad níos mó le feiceáil ná na comharthaí dóchais. Aon dul chun cinn atá déanta ag an Rialtás ó thaobh airgeadais de ó tháinig siad i mbun oifige, tá sé an-teoranta ar fad.

Rinne cuid de na cainteoirí tagairt do na comharthaí eadóchais sin. Mar shampla, tá rátaí úis ag dul in airde agus sin ualach mór ar go leor daoine agus ar an eacnamaíocht féin. Chomh maith leis sin tá an ráta boilscithe ag dul in airde arís agus tá impleachtaí aige sin don eacnamaíocht fosta.

Tá uimhir na ndaoine dífhostaithe go fóill i bhfad os cionn 200,000 agus níl an imirce ag dul i laghad. Deirtear gur fhág idir 40,000 agus 50,000 duine an tír seo le bliain anuas. Beidh go leor acu ag teacht abhaile ó Shasana, ó na Stáit Aont-aithe agus ó cheantar eile sa domhan, an tseachtain seo agus an tseachtain seo chugainn. Beidh fáilte mhór againn uilig rompa ach ní bheidh siad ag fanacht ach seachtain nó deich lá agus ansin beidh siad ag filleadh ar ais ar na tíortha sin chun a slí bheatha a bhaint amach.

Tá luach an phuint ag dul in airde agus deir daoine gur rud maith é sin mar go bhfuil ár n-allmhairí níos saoire ach tá taobh eile den scéal a rinne mo chomh-leachaí an Teachta McGahon, tagairt dó, go bhfuil impleachtaí móra aige sin do na ceantair le cois na Teorann, mar a airde a théann an punt i gcomparáid leis an punt sterling, sin mar is mó a bhíonn na dearcrachtaí a chothaítear i gceantar an Teorainn. Tá na céadta agus na mílte daoine a chomhnaíonn i gceantair na Teorann ag dul isteach go dtí Tuaisceart na hÉireann agus ag ceannach a gcuid earraí ansin. Is cuma cad atá á dhiól ag daoine a bhfuil gnótha acu i gceantair na Teorann — ola agus mar sin de — tá dochar uafásach á dhéanamh do ná gnótha sin. Ní shílim go bhfuil aon phol-asaí ag an Rialtas faoi seo agus ba chóir dóibh a n-aire a dhíriú air sin san am atá romhainn.

Bhí an-spéis agam féin sna Meastacháin a foilsíodh trí seachtainí nó mí ó shin, ag féachaint cé mhéad airgid a bhí á chur ar fáil ag an Roinn Comhshaoil do thith-íocht sa tír seo. Tá fadhb mhór tithíochta againn i gceantair na n-údarás áitiúla uilig. Suim de £39 milliún a solathraíodh don ghnó seo anuraidh, ach i mbliana, níl thar £6 mhilliún leagtha amach dó. Is uafásach an scéal é seo do dhaoine faoin dtír atá ag feitheamh ar na húdaráis áit-iúla chun teach a sholáthar dóibh. Tá teaghlaigh agus tuismitheoirí san áireamh anseo, iad uilig ag brath ar £6 mhilliún do na riachtanaisí tithíochta. Tá míle go leith duine ar an liosta feithimh do thithe i mo chontae féin, Contae Dhún na nGall, agus níor tógadh i mbliana ach cúpla dosaen teach; de réir na Meastachán, is ar éigean a dtógfar an oiread céanna an bhliain seo chugainn. Is beag uchtaigh agus is beag dóchais atá sna Meastacháin sin do na daoine atá ag fanacht ar thithe. Tá an scéal seo amhlaidh i nGaeltachtaí uilig na tíre agus sa Ghalltacht, chomh maith. Sílim go bhfuil an Rialtas ag déanamh faillí ina ndualgais chun tithíocht a chur ar fáil do theaghlaigh a bhfuil a leithéid sin de dhíth orthu.

Tá deacrachtaí tithíochta ar leith ag na ceantair Ghaeltachta. Is in iarthar agus i ndeisceart na tíre atá a bhformhór suite agus is é an easpa cumarsáide an deacracht is mó go hiondúil. Tá crut ainnis ar na bóithre isteach chuig na Gaeltachtaí agus tá súil agam go gcaithfear riar cóir den airgead, atá le teacht ón Eoraip sna cúpla bliain atá romhainn, ar na contaethe a bhfuil ceantar Gaeltachta faoina gcúram, d'fhonn bóithre maithe a sholáthar iontu. Gan na bóithre, is deacair forbairt a dhéanamh. Is é Údarás na Gaeltachta ar ndóigh atá freagrach as forbairt na Gaeltachta. Molaim go gcuir-fear na hacmhainní cuí ar fáil don Údarás le go bhféadfaí fostaíocht a chruthú a mhaolódh ar líon na n-imirceoirí as an nGaeltacht.

Is ar Bhord na Gaeilge atá an cúram maidir le polasaithe i leith na Gaeilge a chur i bhfeidhm, ní hamháin sa Ghaeltacht ach ar fud na tíre. Sílim gur uafásach an scéal ar fad é gurb é seo an t-aon Bhord Stáit atá gan chathaoirleach le breis is bliain. Tá sé dochreidte go bhfágfadh Rialtas ar bith, atá in ainm is a bheith dáiríre faoi cheist na Gaeilge, an bord seo gan chathaoirleach agus tá sé fholún-tas eile le líonadh ar an mbord céanna. Níl an Taoiseach ná Aire na Gaeltachta anseo le go n-iarrfainn àir na folúntais uilig a líonadh gan mhoill ionas go mbeadh sé ar chumas an bhoird dul ar aghaidh agus na dualgais atá leagtha orthu a chomhlíonadh.

Rinne mo chomhleacaí, an Teachta Taylor-Quinn, tagairt ar maidin do na deacrachtaí atá ag gabháil le tionscal na hiascaireachta. Is feasach dom go bhfuil Aire na Mara ag dul anonn go dtí an Bhruiséal an tseachtain seo chugainn d'fhonn na cuótaí a shocrú don bhliain 1990. D'éirigh go holc linn anuraidh sa mhéid seo. Islíodh an cuóta ronnaigh go dtí 69,000 tonna, agus dá bharr seo, tá an cabhlach iascaireachta ceangailte suas sna Cealla Beaga, i nGaillimh agus i ngach port eile, le mí anuas. Tá súil agam go mbainfidh an tAire agus a sheirbhísí, margadh níos fearr amach sa Bhruiséal i mbliana ná mar d'éirigh leo a bhaint amach anuraidh.

Tá an-chuid deacrachtaí ag na hoileáin freisin. Tá siad suite amach ón gcósta, ó Dhún na nGall anuas go Corcaigh, agus go Ciarraí, agus bhunaigh Rialtas Fhianna Fáil Comhairle Airí na nOileáin, trí bliana ó shin, le freastal orthu. Go fóill, níl plean, scéim ná moladh feicthe agam ag teacht ón gcomhairle sin. Tuairim is seachtain ó shin, dúradh liom nach maireann an chomhairle seo a thuill-eadh ach go bhfuil sé beartaithe comhairle dá leithéid a bhunú go luath.

Ní leor comhairle a chur ar bun. Sílim nach bhfuil an Rialtas ag léiriú aon dháir-íreacht i leith ceist na n-oileán. Tá plean forbartha curtha le chéile ag Oileán Thoraidh i mo dháilcheantar féin le bliain anois agus gan aon dul chun cinn a bheith déanta ina thaobh. Tugtar cuairteanna orthu ach ní chuirtear airgead ar bith ar fáil faoi choinne an phlean forbartha. Tá muintir an oileáin sin ag feitheamh ar ghníomhaíocht éigin, mar is amhlaidh freisin i gcás Oileán Árainn Mhóir. Gealladh scoil iar-bhunoideachais dóibh ceithre bliana ó shin nuair a bhí Gemma Hussey ina Aire Oideachais, ach níl fáil air go fóill. Ní mór don Rialtas a dhíograis sa cheist seo a léiriú trí rud fiúntach a dhéanamh d'Árainn Mhór. Ná ligimid i ndearmed ach oiread na hoileáin eile ar chósta na Gaillimhe, ar chósta Chorcaí agus ar chósta Chiarraí. Caithfear na riachtanaisí cuí a sholáthar do na hoileáin seo uilig ionas go mbeidh an saol chomh compórdach céanna dá muintir agus atá do mhuintir an mhórthír. Ní foláir don Rialtas breis oibre a dhéanamh ar son na ndreamanna seo ná mar a rinneadar go dtí seo, lena léiriú go bhfuil siad dáiríre mar gheall orthu.

I would love to be able to speak Irish like that. The opportunity afforded me today to highlight most disturbing developments in the economy is welcome. A few weeks ago we debated the Estimates for 1990, embellished as they were with an injection from EC Structural Funding not alone for 1990 but right up to 1993. The injection of £3 billion over the period of the plan is expected to gear our economy to withstand competition in a free market environment. Our competitiveness at that stage will decide whether our products will be sold on the market outlets of Europe. Our management of the economy, together with our ability to discipline ourselves to export products that are of a quality that will allow outstanding salesmanship to maintain and expand market share will be vital. We must build on our natural advantages. Our agricultural sector is vital. In keeping with all other nations our agricultural community is in decline. To secure a vibrant young farming community we must create an environment where every conceivable pound is extracted from the land. We must supply products that are required by the market. We must ensure that resources are available so that farmers can adapt to vital changes in the product range, presentation and marketing. We must capitalise on our strengths, keep our country green and link that image with all our food exports.

Crazy mistakes are already being made. Teagasc, the organisation which should be the powerhouse of this mammoth drive, is being kicked asunder. It appears the Government have accepted the fact that about 40,000 commercial farmers will make the grade and that the farm advisory body will be built around them. It is now time for every organisation with a concern for rural Ireland to shout stop.

Research is vital. Research which has been carried out in the past, mostly by the agricultural institutions, has proved invaluable. Research is no less relevant today than it was in the past. Our research facilities are being decimated at the same time as our competitors are putting more financial resources into research programmes. A look at the Dutch experience in this regard makes Ireland's performance look embarrassing. If our research facilities deteriorate any further, future research findings will be conveyed to Ireland by returning holidaymakers. Government policy seems to be against marketing. CBF are left on a shoestring budget only because the Government feel that individual companies will look after meat exports themselves. We need to analyse this policy in much more detail.

We proved one thing in 1989, that if individual meat companies can make greater profits they will organise themselves to engage in collusive activities to keep prices down. Watch out for the 1989 profit margins of the meat processors compared to those of 1988 and the answer becomes immediately evident. CBF have a vital role to play on behalf of independent farmers where market information and product promotion are vital. Of course, CBF suffer from the disadvantage that, irrespective of whether they are involved in the identification of markets, they will not receive the kudos if the product is successful and will get failure ratings if nothing happens.

The announcement today of the resumption of live cattle exports to Libya is welcome. In an ideal world we would prefer to slaughter our cattle at home for employment and value-added reasons but 1989 proved that the little bit of competition in the sales ring makes all the difference.

I am convinced that there is no overall strategy for agriculture. When the President of the EC Commission, Mr. Jacques Delors, visited Ireland earlier this year, he indicated that retaining families on the land would be a top priority in the next stage of evolution within the Community. On a farm walk-about in County Wicklow he and Commissioner MacSharry enthusiastically spoke of measures to help farming families remain on the land. The major plank of this crusade, if one could call it that, was to revolve around direct income aid for small farmers, increased headage payments and a breakthrough in integrated rural development programmes.

This was the year to act. The financial structure for the five year programme was being worked out. Ireland sought £664 million from the Structural Fund and received £508 million. We had sought £266 million for headage funding over the next five years and received £216 million. The Government — in their Programme for Government— spoke about doubling headage payments over four years and extending them to areas not already covered. The EC provision of £43 million per year over the next five years is nowhere sufficient to meet the financial commitment of Government promises.

Ireland received £38 million from the EC towards headage payments in severely handicapped areas in 1988 on a 50:50 funding basis. I want to dwell on this point for a moment. Surely it is now obvious to everybody that we need two vastly different approaches to sustain our agricultural industry. For commercial farmers, most important, we need to control inflation, hold interest rates down and provide a good advisory service backed up by excellent research. Our ability to put sound, sensible agricultural programmes before the EC, to influence current EC strategy to suit Irish farmers is self-evident but is not always achieved. Even with all of that, commercial farmers will have to be top class managers to remain in business. There is another large category of small to medium-sized farmers for whom EC market supports will not greatly help simply because of their size. All surveys undertaken nationwide now identify small farmers everywhere, particularly non-dairy farmers, as having a chronic income problem. Many thousands of such farming families live on less than £100 per week, including farmers dole and EC subsidies. That is an important point to be made.

The recent fall in cattle prices has aggravated the overall position. For the first time in the ten years in which I have been a public representative, I was asked on three different occasions last week by farming families to put them in touch with St. Vincent de Paul centres. Rural poverty, like urban poverty, brings tremendous problems in its wake. Lack of money to meet the most ordinary demands of a family brings a great veil of depression and indeed anger. That is why the concept of direct income aid, either through headage payments — which I favour — or any other system of channelling funding through to families in need, is vital.

The current yuppie proposals — I can only describe them as such — to counteract this trend by means of the integrated rural development proposals is somewhat misguided. The concept is good. A programme of action which will motivate rural communities to help themselves is laudable and should be encouraged but rural development is a slow burner because it takes years of patience and persistence to change attitudes. Endeavours to convince a farmer and his wife that agri-tourism, deer farming or mushroom production constitutes their means of remaining on the land, in theory is correct but, when there is no disposable income to pay for school books, college fees or to keep food on the table, then the integrated rural development plan is pushed somewhat into the background.

I fully acknowledge that the problem is way beyond the capacity of the Irish taxpayer to solve. However, the EC ideal, as enunciated by Mr. Delors on that Wicklow farm earlier this year, is no nearer achievement. The budgetary measures contained in the community support framework for the next five years do not hold out much hope for small farmers. This issue must be addressed by all.

The record of the Government in the economic sphere over the past three years has been a phenomenal success. They have made outstanding progress in correcting the imbalance in public finances. Exchequer borrowing has been reduced dramatically. We all agree that that economic growth has been remarkable. Exports have been such that, for the first time, our balance of payments has been in surplus for each of the past three years, a record of which we can be justly proud.

Interest rates have been relatively low, all the more so when they are compared with those obtaining in Britain, a country whose wealth far exceeds ours. This is such an incredible position it has even led to British economists raising their eyebrows. Even our rate of inflation is lower than that prevailing in the United Kingdom.

All in all the picture is a very rosy one and a record of which any Government should be very proud. Seeing these impressive figures one would think we had very few problems, or at least none of great consequence. However, when one endeavours to explain these figures to the 220,000 people on the dole, it is a very different matter. I find that an impossible task; for example the debt-GNP ratio does not gel with them. Neither does the fact that we have reduced our Exchequer borrowing requirements from 13 per cent to 3 per cent of GNP raise an eyebrow. The balance of payments surplus fails to relieve the gloom and despair of those compelled to live on £42 a week supplementary welfare allowance, or the thousands of able-bodied men unemployed for many years who suffer the added indignity and humiliation of a miserable pittance of unemployment assistance for the simple reason that their spouses are working. When one endeavours to explain our great economic growth to those with serious afflictions on extended hospital lists inevitably the response is a blank expression. If one endeavours to tell chronic asthmatics, or chronic respiratory cases, that the smog problem will be resolved in 1992 — because we are so preoccupied at present with economic growth it cannot be tackled before then — one discovers such explanation has little impact on them.

The danger with economic indicators such as these is that they induce a certain complacency on the part of Governments. It was Séan Lemass who said that a rising tide lifts all boats. But the "boat people" in Ireland, the poor, the desolate, the disabled and the unemployed, have been told to sink or swim — the boats that are lifted are those of the entrepreneurs, speculators, company directors, industrialists, whereas the small man, the small families struggling for assistance, are lost and trampled on in the mad scramble for the spoils of economic growth in the recent economic upsurge. I often think that what is needed, and needed badly, is a caring face of Government that would show concern and give the greatest priority to the needs of the less privileged in our community.

I remember in 1975-76 the Taoiseach, Deputy Garret FitzGerald——

Liam Cosgrave.

——rushed emergency legislation through this House to rescue the Insurance Corporation of Ireland because it was in danger of collapsing. We were in Opposition at that time and it puzzled me why we should support it but I was told that it was necessary and that we must ensure that Allied Irish Banks, the owners of the Industrial Corporation of Ireland, were not imperiled by this. I found it difficult to support funding to the extent of over £100 million, which was guaranteed by the Government at the time. I well remember, too, 12 months later, Allied Irish Banks laughing themselves sick with massive profits while the Government were left holding the baby and the public footed the Bill.

I never see emergency legislation being brought in to rescue the problems of the mentally handicapped. They are there in numbers but they are rather defenceless. They are the defenceless members of the community who have been ignored and, worse still, they have been treated with contempt. If we are not going to help these people, if they are not going to be included in a list of priorities, I think we better be honest with them and say so. Then we better resort to the measures that have been employed by Fascist governments in the past and rid ourselves of them. That is what we must decide to do if we are not going to help them because in an incipient way we are relegating them to the bottom of the heap.

As I have said, sometimes when we talk about the great economic indicators we lose track of what this is all about. What is Government about? What is economic progress about? Economic progress and growth is of no significance whatsoever unless the people can benefit from it. It must not be there to benefit the few but it should be there most of all to benefit those in most need, the unemployed, the disabled, the handicapped and those who are chronically ill. We have made a fatal mistake in our health services. We have, by a blunt surgical scalpel, tried massive cutbacks that have turned the whole health service on its head. We have created a catastrophic situation. We will not solve the problems now by a haphazard approach, with repairs here and there. Our approach has affected the health service fundamentally. It has consequences not only for those people on long lists awaiting operations or attention but also for people on social welfare benefit, people whose veracity is doubted. Those people must prove they are ill. To get the necessary medical evidence they must see a consultant but they will have to wait seven to ten months or longer to see that consultant who will vouch that they are ill and meanwhile they are disqualified. That is the worst form of discrimination that exists today. We must seek to end it. These people have their rights. An accused person is stated to be innocent until he is proven guilty. These people must be stated to be ill until they are proven to be in normal health.

The Minister has tried to help by providing small amounts but the problem is deep rooted. It was created some years ago and it will not go away. People are living in fear of getting ill and there is no use saying that is not the case. We cannot shove the problem under the carpet and say that everything is all right in the health service. I tried to fool myself with that one time but people are on waiting lists in need of treatment and we have to decide what our priorities are. Maybe the public will help but more funds have to be provided. We must ensure that those who are ill get the best attention. At the moment there is fear, in particular among the elderly, that they may not get treatment and this is causing a mad scramble for membership of the VHI because they feel that is the only lifebuoy that will help them in times of illness.

I say these words of criticism about unemployment because, as I said, there are 220,000 people unemployed. I do not think any Member of this House, Opposition or Government, can be complacent or satisfied to say that 10,000 extra jobs have been created since 1987. It will be way into the next century before we can make any dent in the unemployment figures. I am sorry to be so critical but I would not be honest unless I highlighted some aspects of our economic progress that have not been translated into improved conditions for those most in need.

This Government are presiding over a complacent society. The society, and the Government in particular, are complacent about the fact that almost one-third of our people are excluded from active participation in Irish life by virtue of long-term unemployment. Those of us who live in relatively prosperous environments are complacent about the fact that as far as some of the corporation housing estates around Dublin are concerned, in 60 per cent of the households there is nobody at work. In those households and estates there is a huge prevalence of suicides, comparative to the national average, family break up, violence, petty crime and drug abuse, including the abuse of valium and such apparently acceptable medically prescribed drugs. I believe there is a solution to this problem. We can include rather than exclude the long-term unemployed by an active programme to encourage community projects, managed by the people in the areas concerned, with public support, and by an active programme to get rid of the poverty traps created by means tests and the social welfare and PRSI systems we operate, which make it unprofitable for people in many of these cases, if they have dependants, to take up employment. We could do something about this problem if we had a system of early identification of children who are in difficulty. This is a very important aspect.

In Ireland there is no system of liaison between the health boards and the schools where the health boards might identify for the schools, through their social workers, children from households who may need special help. Likewise, there is no system where school principals can, on a systematic basis, call on the health boards for help to deal with the home dimension of what may also be an educational problem. We have no system for testing young people in our schools to determine, on an objective basis nationally, where they are falling behind and where remedial help is needed. It is a scandal that our health boards who are concerned with one aspect of social policy and our schools who are responsible for another aspect have no system of co-operation whatever. If we want to eliminate poverty it has to be done by a concerted effort of educational help combined with social support. We do not even have the institutional means of putting that help in place, let alone be willing to provide the funds.

As a society we are very complacent about our position in the European Community. We are prepared to accept handouts from Brussels and we boast and argue about whether the Government have got a bigger or a smaller hand-out. The Government have come in for criticism — to which they are very sensitive — that they could have got more. This is the wrong debate. We have acquired a mentality of constantly looking to someone else somewhere else — in the last century we looked to Westminster and in this century we look to Brussels — to solve our problems for us. Frequently when we do something good we look for money from America to encourage us to continue doing this. We look for a sort of reward for problems we try to solve on our own.

There is no reason we as a society should not concern ourselves first and foremost with being able to do the job properly ourselves. What is the point in bringing extra money into this country from Brussels if we have practically the dearest postal service in Europe, one of the dearest telephone services and one of the most expensive electricity services, all of which have occurred because of practices which are within our control? What is the point in bringing in money from Brussels if virtually every item we export has to be exported via Larne in Northern Ireland because our transport and port systems are not sufficiently effective to deliver the goods? Even though those goods are being exported to the Continent they have to go north before they go back south. We should be able to do something about this problem on our own.

Our banking system must be one of the most inefficient, overstaffed, monopolistic and lazy in the world. Irish businesses and professional borrowers pay higher interest rates than the banks pay for the funds they receive and they pay much higher interest rates than those paid in any other OECD country. The difference between what the banks pay and charge is bigger in Ireland than in any other OECD country. Before the Government go knocking on the door in Brussels looking for more money they should first knock on the door in the bank centres in Ballsbridge and Baggot Street and ask why our banks, unlike banks in other countries, have to penalise and demand so much money from those who borrow from them. Why can our banks not be more efficient?

This culture of inefficiency extends right across the private sector as well as the public sector. I am not criticising the public sector in particular; I have identified a problem which exists in regard to banks as well. We are very complacent about all these matters and we believe the solution is to look to Jacques Delors to provide us with more money. There is a lot to be done before we can do that.

We are also complacent about our educational results. A recent international survey showed that 13 year old Irish students came third last in a survey of competence in science. By far the best performances by 13 year olds in science were to be found on the Pacific rim, in British Columbia and Korea. Korean 13 year olds are far more competent in science than Irish 13 year olds even though the Korean GNP per head is probably about half ours. If we want to stay ahead our educational system must be competent. We constantly congratulate ourselves on how well the minority who pass exams at leaving certificate and university levels do but we do not pay sufficient attention to the huge number who fail out of the system.

We are also extremely complacent about crime. Last year 1,000 people were clogging up our prisons for the non-payment of minor fines while people who had committed serious crimes were prematurely let back into society. Our criminal law needs to be radically overhauled with authority given powers to confiscate assets derived from the proceeds of crime and the forfeiture of bail when an offence is committed by someone on bail. Major changes should be introduced to encourage the use of on-the-spot fines for certain offences which would avoid the necessity of putting the Garda, who should be concentrating on serious crime, to the expense of bringing prosecutions in the case of minor offences.

We are also complacent about the fact — I say this advisedly — that we have no system of local government. We do not have local democracy of any kind. Councillors are condemned to be public relations officers for the council officials and they have to go around the country trying to explain why the Government did not provide enough money for local government and why local government cannot raise their own money. The officials make all the decisions and the councillors have to explain them. Local government in Ireland is unpaid public relations for maladministration.

What was the Fianna Fáil response to this problem? In their election manifesto they said specifically they were going to establish district councils, give statutory block grants to every council to allow them to make their own financial decisions and allow local councils to have direct access to the EC. Fianna Fáil have broken every one of those promises. They probably recognise in their hearts that local government need a new system of taxation administered by themselves so that they can raise money and have genuine financial autonomy.

What Fianna Fáil want to do is set up an all-party committee so that we can take blame for what they are being paid to do, that is, make decisions. This Government do not want to make decisions about the funding of local government because they are afraid. They want to wrap Fine Gael and everybody else around them because they are insecure in making decisions. This is not the Fianna Fáil of Seán Lemass who prided themselves on being a body who could make decisions; this is the Fianna Fáil of Deputy Charles J. Haughey, the Taoiseach, who are afraid to make any decisions. They want to set up an interdepartmental committee which would include members of Fine Gael, Labour and The Workers' Party in order to take the harm out of any decisions that might have to be made in the area of local government. This is not government; it is political cowardice. The two words complacency and cowardice epitomise what this Government is about. Those are the characteristics for which, I believe, the Irish people on reflection will have little time. As we look back on two-and-a-half wasted years, except in the narrow financial sense, I hope the Irish people will begin to awake from their slumber and realise that this country deserves better.

Mr. Lenihan rose.

The House has already agreed that Deputy Bruton can share his time with Deputy Barry. The Deputy has nine minutes.

This is power sharing.

I thought the Deputy wanted a consultative role.

Earlier we heard the Taoiseach and several Ministers painting a rosy picture of progress, prosperity and advancement. If things are so good and rosy why is it not possible — and I am glad the Minister for Defence is present — to make some gesture of advancement in pay towards the Defence Forces personnel? As the Fine Gael spokesman on Defence I raised this issue with the Minister for Defence and I was told that it was being dealt with by the Gleeson Commission. I accept that they are an excellent commission and I am confident that they will produce a worthwhile report but we will have to wait until June or July for it. I am disappointed that we will not be receiving an interim report from the commission.

I appeal to the Minister, even at this late stage, to promise to make an interim payment, a payment on account. We all expect the Gleeson Commission, because of the merits of the case and the composition of the commission, to recommend a substantial pay award to Army personnel. The least the Minister can do is to make a payment on account to the Defence Forces personnel many of whom, particularly privates, are in a desperate state. All Members accept that. Many soldiers are not in a position to feed and educate their families. Some live in appalling housing conditions and others are in the hands of money lenders. We all like to praise the Army and to compliment the soldiers on the service they give to the country. I join in that praise. We ask members of the Defence Forces to work 24 hours stints and to put the Army before their families. They do that but when it comes to doing something about the poverty that exists in certain sections of the Defence Forces we are not willing to make a gesture to them. There is no doubt that we make gestures to other sections in society.

The House will be aware that members of the Defence Forces have established their own representative body and I understand that it is not contrary to the Constitution but the Government have not recognised that body. I have not heard of any offer by the Minister for Defence to meet that group to discuss their urgent needs. I appeal to the Minister to take action on that front. I accept that the Minister is determined to improve morale in the Army and recognition of that body would help in that direction.

Another area of my responsibility is arts and culture. I expressed concern recently about the haemorrhage of works of art, amounting to £15 million to £17 million annually. A variety of our treasures, ranging from antiques to valuable paintings, leave this country each year but the Government have not done anything about that. When I was Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach a decision was made to establish a special committee to investigate such losses to the country. That committee, known as the Hamilton Committee, produced an excellent report and it was praised by all sides. We got as far as preparing draft legislation but the Government have not brought it any further. Since Fianna Fáil took office in 1987 I asked on many occasions when the Bill would be published and during each session of the Dáil I was told that the Bill would be published during that session. I have been told that constitutional difficulties have arisen and it is unlikely that legislation will be produced. I accept that constitutional difficulties exist but some of them were got rid of following the decision in the Derrynaflan case. It should not be beyond the ability of those who prepare legislation to produce a Bill that will stem the outflow of our treasures without interfering with the rights of private property and of people to get the maximum value from the property they own.

The National Museum is in a disgraceful condition. It is understaffed and under funded. That statutory body should be given the funds to enable them to improve the appalling conditions there. The same can be said about the National Library. I appreciate that the Taoiseach is extremely busy and cannot take a great interest in what is happening in the National Museum, particularly now that he is assuming the Presidency of the EC Council. It is because of that that I appeal to him to appoint a Minister of State to carry on the good work I was doing in that area.

A great effort is being made to make Dublin the cultural capital of Europe in 1991. Some hold the view that that will solve all our problems but, as I pointed out recently, Glasgow, which will be the cultural capital next year, was given a budget of £40 million to help them prepare. I am not suggesting that we should allocate that amount of money, or £30 million, for this purpose but I cannot help describing as derisory the £250,000 that has been given for work in 1990. I hope we do not end up in this great centre of culture and the arts with a Mickey Mouse manifestation that will do more damage than good to our international reputation. In an effort to get the goodwill of other member states I suggest that the Government, during our Presidency, hold the Council meeting of EC Ministers in charge of culture in Dublin rather than in Brussels, as is planned. If we want to make a success of this venture we should invite other Ministers responsible for culture to Dublin and thereby create goodwill. There is no doubt that when they return to their countries they will arrange exhibitions and so on.

That is an excellent suggestion.

I should like to refer to the closure by the ESB of the power station at Arigna with a loss of 260 jobs. Many of the people who work in the power station, and in the local mines, live in my constituency. When Fianna Fáil were in Opposition not only did they promise to keep that power station open but they announced that it was their intention to build another power station in the area. The Arigna station uses 95 per cent of the coal produced in the local mines. If the power station closes the local colliery will have to close permanently. It appears that the decision to close the station is final and because of that I am appealing to the Government to establish a replacement industry in the district as a matter of urgency. Coillte Teoranta and the IDA are in consultations about establishing a paper and pulp mill and I suggest that it should be located in the Arigna district.

Some years ago Deputy Fahey, Minister of State with responsibility for sport, promised a swimming pool for Sligo but not one drop of water has trickled in that direction. I have carried out surveys in my native parish, and in neighbouring parishes, to get an idea of the extent of emigration and I was shocked to discover that emigration is as bad, if not worse, as it was in the fifties. Emigration in the district electoral divisions of Tubbercurry and Ballymote is the worst in the country, according to an analysis carried out by the former Taoiseach, Deputy FitzGerald. We need to tackle the problem of emigration.

I fear that the designation of the Structural Funds will prove to be a failure as far as the north west is concerned. There is no Euro route to that part of the country. Funds have not been allocated for the development of Sligo port or the local airport. I understand that £3 million has been allocated for the improvement of the ports and airports in the north west but a Minister of State on his arrival on Tory Island recently promised almost the entire amount for developments there. The Government should have another look at the allocation of those funds. They should concentrate on improving tourist facilities. We should do everything in our power to encourage tourists to visit that region.

One of the great achievements of this Government, and their predecessor, is that they have got away from the politics of promise making to which Deputy Nealon alluded. I agree with the thrust of the comments made by Deputies Bruton and Nealon in regard to educational and cultural matters. At the end of 1989 we must take stock of the eighties and look forward with optimism to the nineties. We should learn from the lessons of the eighties. There is no doubt that in the mid-eighties the country, governed by the Fine Gael-Labour Coalition, experienced the worst period of protracted recession in modern times.

To make matters worse, while our economy stagnated, the countries around boomed. The unpalatable conclusion we all had to face in the middle eighties, during that period of Government, was that our economic problems were largely inflicted by the Government parties who were pathologically incapable of agreeing with each other because of their respective philosophical and political stances at that time. This was revealed in all its nakedness in 1986 when the Labour Party withdrew from Government and left them to stagger on for a few dreadful months more. In March 1987 following the general election, the Fianna Fáil Government faced the situation. However enormous damage had been done to our economy during that bad period of the eighties.

Looking forward to the nineties and taking the positive view, as a result of Government action and co-operation with the social partners and the people generally, we have some grounds for optimism. The foundations have been laid for sustainable and continuing economic growth. This year the Exchequer borrowing requirement, which lay at the root of many of our problems, may be as low as 3 per cent of gross national product, down from a staggering 13 per cent in 1986 when there was no real Government in this country. The growth in the level of investment is likely to be in the region of 8 per cent to 9 per cent for the year as a whole. This is a sure sign of business confidence out of which more jobs are created. Through control of inflation and reasonable wage settlements we improved our competitiveness in international markets. Accordingly, exports during 1989 have remained buoyant with overall growth in the region of 11 per cent being predicted, this on top of the growth achieved in 1988 over 1987. While interest rates have risen recently they have been successfully decoupled from the higher rate prevailing in the United Kingdom. We continue to have lower interest rates than the United Kingdom.

Inflation, which it is Government policy to control, has to be watched very carefully. We can take confidence from the fact that our rate of inflation is running at just about half of the UK rate which is predicted to be close to 8 per cent. The figure is to be published this afternoon. Our rate of inflation is in the region of between 4 per cent and 5 per cent. Today's United Kindom rate will, on my information, be nearly twice that while the average European Community rate, at 5.3 per cent, is also above our rate. Therefore we can take some confidence from the fact that during the past three years inflation has been controlled. We cannot become complacent or self-satisfied about this. We have to continually watch inflation as we are a country with the big social problems of unemployment and emigration. We will only get extra investment, increased business confidence and discipline, worked out with the social partners, if we control inflation. Therefore it has to be watched and watched carefully even though the signs are, as I have indicated that we are doing a lot better than the United Kingdom or other member states in the European Community.

This dramatic turnaround in the economy has been due in large measure to the partnership between the Government and the social partners. We made this our prime socio-political objective on coming into office in March 1987. Under the Programme for National Recovery restraints and targets have been agreed and objectives covering all social and economic objectives have been achieved. This has ensured an orderly industrial relations environment which has been a basic prerequisite for economic growth. I express the hope that when the current agreement finishes next year a new programme will be agreed between the Government and the social partners to underpin our economic recovery in the nineties. I think the social partners appreciate that this is fundamental to future progress.

The gains made have been hard going but we have made a start in correcting the massive financial and economic problems which arose during the earlier part of this decade, particularly during the period of office of that Fine Gael-Labour Government. The ratio of national debt to GNP is still high and the cost of servicing the debt amounted to more than £2 billion in 1988 and accounted for over 28 per cent of total taxation revenue. While the measures we have taken over the last few years have borne fruit we must not forget the painful lessons of the eighties. Excessive Government spending which led to excessive borrowing was at the root of our economic difficulties and public finance problems. The drift in control and management of our public finances during the period of office of that Government lay at the root of the problems we had to face into and which we have largely surmounted.

To put it into simple language, excessive borrowing exacerbates poverty — this needs to be emphasised — regardless of the good intentions of those who lobby for extra spending. Spending money which we cannot afford can create a short term illusion of progress towards a more equitable society. We could throw money out and for a few days it may appear to settle the matter but it does not. In the medium and long term it inevitably hurts those whom it sets out to help. That is the real personal and social tragedy which results from excessive borrowing. It needs to be emphasised again that inflation is the enemy of the poor. The only way to combat poverty is to promote growth. The only way to achieve long term sustainable growth is to persevere with our current policies. There is no short cut to economic success and social equality and equity.

Job creation is the overriding requirement in our economy. We must ensure that the economic growth results in job creation. That will be the measuring rod at the end of this Government's term of office in four or five years time. All the current economic indicators now point to an improving situation and we can take cautious optimism from this. The most recent economic commentary from the Economic and Social Research Institute forecasts that total employment will rise by 11,000 in 1989 and by a further 19,000 in 1990. That is the ESRI forecast and not the Government's. In the first ten months of this year, the seasonally adjusted live register was 9,400 lower on average compared with the same period of 1988.

There has been a very strong recovery in the construction industry with employment among larger firms showing an increase of almost 11 per cent in the year to September 1989. There has not just been an increase in output but also an increase in employment in the construction industry up to September of this year. There has been a sharp fall in job losses across all sectors. Another criteria which bears out this contention of mine is that notified redundancies in the first nine months of 1989 were 40 per cent lower than in the corresponding period in 1988. However, while the situation is improving the level of investment still needs to be raised substantially if we are to make a real dent in the problems of unemployment and emigration. Achieving this aim remains the overall goal of the Government's economic policies.

The nineties will see Ireland participating in the growing integration of the European Community. The enhanced Structural Funds being made available by the Community, totalling almost £3 billion, will enable us to fill the gaps in our infrastructure, improve our communications and train our management and workforce to grasp the opportunities presented by the Single European Market. The development of the single market is not of course an end in itself. The objective of the Community, is to achieve economic and social cohesion which must involve policies designed to remove social and regional disparities within the Community and this must remain high on our agenda as a member state.

The Minister has three minutes left.

Eastern Europe has been swept by change during 1989. The European Community will have an important role to play in the building of a new order across Europe as a whole. A strong, united Community can act as a magnet towards Central and Eastern Europe. In this respect I welcome the approach of the Federal Republic of Germany in linking the question of a united Germany with the question of a united Europe. It is from within a united Europe that we all hope for a united Germany.

The spread of peace and democracy across Europe must focus our minds on problems nearer home and the Taoiseach has rightly drawn attention to the opportunities for a united approach within Ireland as a whole in a European framework. In the closing years of the eighties, the Government have been required to take tough decisions. In a few short years, Government spending has been reduced from 55 per cent of GNP to 45 per cent. I wish to stress that this containment of spending has a positive purpose. Just as European Union works towards economic and social cohesion and the removal of imbalances between different countries within the Community, the Government are committed to greater social equity in this country as well as in the EC. To achieve this aim, we must build a strong economy, capable of delivering a decent standard of living for all and our policies will provide the economic resources from which the weak and underprivileged can be helped to the maximum extent possible.

With the permission of the Chair I would like to share my time with my colleagues, Deputies Browne and Jim Higgins.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Notwithstanding what the Minister for Defence has said, with particular reference to the alleged ideological differences which existed in the Government from 1982 to 1987, that was a time of stable government, the only stable Government from 1977 to the present, with the exception of the present Government. From 1977 on, the only period of stability in this country in public administration was during the period from 1982 to 1987, when there was at least consistency and we moved away from what had become the norm in Irish politics, from changing policy to suit the needs and the whims of every pressure group that presented itself to Government. Any group who wanted to achieve their objective only had to pressure the Government between 1977 and 1981 to achieve those objectives. In that period the seeds of the worst possible things that happened here were sown — the seeds of high inflation, high expectations and low delivery. The seeds that were sown then undermined this economy, created instability and indecision and led to what we have now in terms of unemployment and the other unfortunate circumstances we have had to face. When bouquets are being handed out, the brick bats should be handed out as well and people who want to take credit for the positive aspects should take responsibility for the negative things which caused the unfortunate difficulties that beset us.

Having listened to Government back-bench speakers this morning I know that some of them are aware of the problems. It is unfortunate that we did not hear more of that awareness of the problems coming from the front benches. I listened with interest to Deputy John O'Connell who is obviously well aware of the problems facing the old, the sick and the handicapped. Those problems have been accentuated now more than ever before in the history of the State and certainly since I became involved in public life. It is sad that nowadays the elderly, the vulnerable and medical card holders in general can expect hospital attention only when they become emergency cases. Every day public representatives spend their time writing to health boards, to consultants and to hospitals on behalf of constituents in relation to cataract and other common operations only to be told there are no beds available.

In response to the Minister's castigation of the 1982 to 1987 Government I would say that during that period, despite all the Opposition antics to destabilise every applecart, the Government found it possible to maintain a very high standard of health service and that was at a time when there were 150,000 or 160,000 more people in the country than there are now. It was also possible to ensure that there was not the same hardship there is today when for example, there are long waiting lists for the results of appeals vis-à-vis social welfare payments. This situation was admitted by speakers on the Government benches this morning. Despite all the problems the 1982 to 1987 Government were supposed to have, they were still able to achieve a high delivery of services in a very difficult economic climate and without the assistance of constructive Opposition. The first time there was constructive Opposition to any great extent was during the period of the last Government.

In relation to interest rates I would set down a warning. Once interest rates begin to increase and become oppressive — and they are increasing at the moment — it is impossible for business and industry to survive. In order to make a profit and remain in business companies must price themselves out of the market either by paying themselves more or reducing staff. If business or industry gets a period of up to a year of bad trading they find themselves unable to pay their debts. They find themselves a year behind with repayments, then their charges are doubled, interest accumulates, penalty clauses are imposed and so on. This trend has been repeated on countless occasions in the past. I appeal to the Tánaiste and the Government to do whatever they can to stabilise interest rates now. We should remember that the ordinary £30,000 house mortgage in the last year alone increased by £80 a month and that is coming from the pockets of the people who can least afford it.

I know it is the festive season, the season of goodwill, but I had to put on record my frustration with what is happening. I conclude by extending to the Chair, to the Tánaiste and to the Minister opposite the compliments of the season. I hope we will all be here in the New Year.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): Tá an áthas orm a bheith ag caint anseo inniu os rud é go raibh mé as láthair de bharr timpiste le cúpla seachtaine. Is áthas liom freisin go bhfuil an Tánaiste ar ais go sláintiúil agus tá súil agam go n-éireóidh go geal leis sna blianta fada atá roimhe.

Go raibh maith agat.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): In these few brief moments I would like to point out a few things that I hope will be rectified in the coming year, especially with the budget so close. I will start by saying a few words on education which has a personal appeal for me. I read today that the Minister in an interview yesterday talked about improving the pupil-teacher ratio. That is very important, but it is easy I suppose, to improve the teacher-pupil ratio if you have worsened it, by what was one of the worst decisions made in education since 1831.

As a teacher I know exactly what an overcrowded classroom means, how difficult it is for the children to learn and to benefit and how difficult it is for the teacher not alone to educate children but to hold their interest. I appeal to the Minister in the coming budget to ensure that the dreadful decision of worsening the pupil-teacher ratio is rectified. It will not be enough next year to bring figures to where they were before this decision was made; it is important that the ratio is reduced taking into account what happened to the population. The population is reducing and to keep the pupil-teacher ratio at the same level, it will have to be reduced to even lower than it was before the last decision was made.

I want to highlight a problem I have raised here by way of a question. I cannot understand why the qualification at RTC level is a basic honours degree and when it comes to teaching typewriting and shorthand there is no such degree. Those who qualify in these subjects get a diploma. I find it incredible that somebody who got top marks at diploma level and is teaching typewriting and shorthand for maybe the last 15 years in the regional colleges has to go to the employment exchange each summer because his or her qualifications are not recognised for permanent work. The idea that you get an honours B. Comm. and then do a diploma in typewriting and shorthand as a sideline sounds crazy if the skills of teaching typewriting and shorthand are covered in the diploma course. I have asked the Minister about that kind of anomaly and I hope she will seriously consider dealing with it.

On social welfare, I ask the Minister to pull in the rein slightly on the difficulty people have about applying for work. Women in particular are being told they were not making a genuine effort to look for work. No matter what letters they bring in they are simply told the same thing again — they are not looking for work. Business people are fed up giving letters and it is becoming almost impossible for such women to get unemployment benefit.

DPMA holders who are single are allowed free travel as single people, but because they are on DPMA many of them are unable to go on their own. I ask the Minister for Social Welfare to do something about this and he has promised to look at it, but this year has passed and nothing has happened. If a married person on DPMA is allowed to travel accompanied by his or her spouse for safety, then it follows logically that the single person should have some named person as a travelling companion. Why should somebody who cannot keep his balance be expected to travel alone or be expected to have a family member pay rail or bus fare to travel with him? It is completely unjust and I would like something done about it.

Medical referees in the past year have given some of the most weird decisions. People come to Dublin to see specialists, they have operations and they get letters saying they are unfit for work. Then, in the cold rooms of many employment exchanges these medical referees leaf through a few pages, look at the person and decide he is fit for work. There is something wrong when this practice is tolerated. A short while ago a person who had a hernia operation that went wrong had to go to the hospital regularly, for a full month, to have it dressed. After five weeks it was decided he was fit for work, even though he worked in heavy steel welding. On appeal he was turned down. We need some sanity here. It is very easy to say that fewer people are unemployed when we are telling people they should be working who are not fit to work.

We claim that unemployment figures are decreasing when really our people are emigrating. This is affecting many families. Some of our people in the USA and Australia are so highly qualified that they are regarded as assets and are being offered citizenship of those countries. As I said, many young people are leaving our shores. I hope we will see a real improvement in the employment figures next year rather than the mythical figures we have been seeing lately.

I do not know why there is such a long delay in bringing in extra money for the disadvantaged areas. Many farmers would benefit immensely if there was not such an unnecessary delay because a great deal of work has been done. I hope in the coming year the Minister will bring in more European money that we need for so many farmers who are working in disadvantaged areas and for that reason are unable to earn the money they would normally get.

I am sharing my time with Deputy Higgins. Let me say as a newcomer that the working of Dáil Éireann leaves me stone cold. If Daniel O'Connell could survive in the British House of Commons and if Gilbert and Sullivan could write operas, then all the ingredients are here. I do not wish to sound as if I am blaming you, a Cheann Comhairle, but how you raise a topic of importance in this Dáil is beyond me. You have to contend with the rat race of 40 people asking to raise such and such on the Adjournment. It is a lottery and you may or may not come out. The other day a Minister was accused of misleading the Dáil. If such a case happened in England I am sure the Minister would resign and if it happened in France he would commit suicide.

Why would we do that?

You would not want us to do that.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): I would like to hear the Minister say he did not mislead the Dáil. I put down a question to the Taoiseach asking him if he would bring this Chamber into the 21st century and you, Sir, said that question was asked before. I am quite sure it was asked, but I would like to hear an answer that would help. I am not blaming the present Government. The system is there but as a newcomer I want to say the way we work here is crazy. I described it as a fool's paradise, but then someone said I made a great effort to get in here so I do not know whether I am a fool or in paradise.

Nollaig faoi shéan is faoi mhaise do gach éinne.

I welcome this opportunity to make a very brief contribution on the Adjournment. I refute totally the charge made in the House this morning by the Leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Spring, about the pairing arrangements which operate between the Government Party and the main Opposition Party, Fine Gael. Deputy Spring's accusations were totally misleading and without foundation. As somebody whose party, the Labour Party, participated fully in pairing arrangements when Labour were in a Coalition Government, Deputy Spring's charges smack of nothing but jealousy and puerile wrangling. Undoubtedly it stems from the fact that as the minor Opposition Party they are not recognised by the Government for pairing purposes. Deputy Spring knows full well that pairing is a long established, civilised arrangements in this and other Parliaments to maintain the mathematical ratios that apply in Parliament. It is an important part of the orderly behaviour of the House. I categorically refute his imputation that Fine Gael have been guilty of what he describes as pulling out Deputies. I wish to make it perfectly clear that this has never happened on a single occasion, certainly since I became Chief Whip. The House will recall that I categorically refused to do anything of the sort on the motion to replace Deputy Liam Lawlor on the Joint Committee for Commercial State-Sponsored Bodies during the term of the last Government. That Government were defeated on that occasion. I challenge Deputy Spring to give a single instance where Fine Gael have been guilty of doing what he alleged this morning.

Deputy Spring would be well advised to look at his own party's lack of commitment to this House. He is obviously unaware that two weeks ago a Labour Party Deputy was missing for a vote at the Select Committee on the Companies Bill on a section dealing with worker participation on company boards. The tied vote which ensued would have been a victory for the Opposition had the missing Deputy been present. It shows some commitment to the cause of the rights of workers which Deputy Spring purports to espouse so fondly.

On 19 July 1989 on Vote 30, Marine, four Labour Deputies were missing, despite several heart-rending speeches on the rod licence dispute. In Votes 41 Social Welfare, 32 Agriculture and Food, 26, 27, 28 and 29 Education, on the same day, a Labour Deputy was missing. On the Fine Gael Private Members' motion regarding inadequate funding for the dental service on 25 October 1989, no fewer than five Labour Deputies were missing. On section 1 of the Child Care Bill on 1 November 1989 two Labour Deputies were absent. On the Trustee Savings Banks Bill on 2 November a Labour Deputy was missing for the vote on Second Stage. On a Fine Gael amendment No. 4 to the Children Bill on 7 November 1989, two Labour Deputies were absent.

On a Labour Party amendment on the same day inserting a new section to the Child Care Bill two Labour Deputies were missing. On amendment No. 23 on the same day in the name of Deputy Alan Shatter, two Labour Deputies were missing. On a further division on the Derelict Sites Bill relating to amendment No. 25a two Labour Deputies were missing. That amendment had been tabled by The Workers' Party, their colleagues on the left. On 8 November 1989 on a Labour Party amendment in the name of Deputy Liam Kavanagh to the Video Recordings Bill, a Labour Deputy was missing. On 15 November 1989 on a Report Stage amendment No. 1a in the name of Deputy Mervyn Taylor to the Prohibition of Incitement to Racial, Religious or National Hatred Bill, no fewer than four Labour Deputies were missing, including the Labour Leader, Deputy Spring.

The pattern continued on 22 November when two Labour Deputies missed a division on the Bill dealing with Dún Laoghaire Harbour. The list goes on. There were 43 Labour absences for reasonably crucial votes in one term of eight or nine weeks. The Labour leader's comment was most unworthy. I appreciate that accidents happen and that people can miss votes on rare occasions, but it was a most unworthy exercise to launch such a vigorous attack, particularly when Deputy Spring is not in a position to sustain it. The final irony is that this week over half the Labour Party were missing from a Vote in this House, including Deputy Spring, while pursuing the very enjoyable exercise of carol singing on the streets of Dublin.

A Cheann Comhairle, I wish you and Members of the House on all sides, including Deputy Spring and the Labour Party, Nollaig faoi shona is faoi mhaise.

It is regrettable that we had to start the last day of the term with a hypocritical outburst from some Members of the Opposition. One would expect a little more from the Leader of the Opposition, especially when he, as Minister for Finance in 1984, was against the appointment of an Ombudsman. Be that as it may, we will continue to do our business, irrespective of the divisions and problems which may arise on the Opposition benches.

We have reached the end of a decade of exceptional turmoil. We have passed through the depths, but have seen the worst. As we enter a new decade, perhaps we should consider where we have come from, where we now stand, and where we hope to go from here.

The 1980s saw us prove that the "free lunch" does not exist. There is always a "tab" to be picked up. Our emigrants in Britain, the US, Europe and elsewhere are paying the price. Our unemployed are also part of the bill. The taxpayer, burdened as he is, is also experiencing the pain of past profligacy. Does anybody want us to chart the same path through the 1990s that imposed these burdens on so many of our people?

In recent weeks — and again in this debate — we have heard calls for some of the same steps to be taken again, which precipitated the crisis of the 1980s. The Opposition want better public services but lower taxes at the same time. It is a delusion that we can have both, except as the product of genuine economic growth, the kind of growth which is only created through sound, responsible, attitudes and policies. We have spent most of three years putting these in place. The Opposition, given their head, would not only abandon our strategy, but reverse the progress that has made it possible to contemplate a better future.

I believe that we can make the 1990s a decade of progress and opportunity, and finally put behind us the despair which prevailed a few short years ago. But we cannot make that advance by reviving tired and failed formulae.

What should we do to make sure that the years ahead continue the pattern of economic growth and rising, sustainable employment we have now begun to experience?

We have to out-perform our competitors in the new integrated Europe. This is not a demand for falling wages and profits. The approach instead can be one of increasing productivity faster than them; this would allow for both expansion of employment and growing real incomes.

We have to get firmly and finally off the treadmill of rising debt, high interest rates and the inevitable consequent increases in taxes. This is not a demand for continuing heavy cuts in public expenditure; it is, rather, a call to face the reality that spending borrowed money today is the sure way to higher taxes tommorrow.

We have to maintain the consensus approach which has allowed all sections of society to work together for the greater national interest. This is not a demand that people forego their legitimate aspirations; it is, instead, a recognition that we can meet those aspirations better through co-operation than through conflict.

We have to face up to the inevitable trade-offs between different objectives and interests, and choose courses which best reconcile those conflicts with our overriding requirement. That overriding requirement is to improve employment performance.

We have to take a hard look at many policies and practices. Our actions must be compatible with the demands of the Single European Market. Within that context, the focus must be on enhancing investment and sustainable employment.

These are some of the key factors that can make or break this country in the decade ahead. The basis for progress in each of these respects has already been laid. We are seeing the fruits.

The recent CSO Labour Force Survey has one central message. It is this. Private sector employment is responding positively to the environment we have created. It is growing — and faster than we have seen for many years. If we keep the policy mix right, that progress can be continued and strengthened.

The Estimates for next year were much less constrained because of the progress made to date in reducing borrowing. That reduction freed resources which, otherwise, would have had to go out in interest payments. How much more would we be paying if we had continued to borrow at 1986 levels? Would "a tenner a week" per worker be far off the mark? Even today it costs every working taxpayer £40 per week to service our national debt.

Let us look at inflation and take-home pay. One of the cornerstones of progress in the past few years has been moderation in costs, including pay. It has not mean declining living standards. Real take home pay has increased since 1987. Wha did workers find before 1987? The plain fact was that large wage increases were more than eaten up by rising taxes and prices. Living standards fell. What is more, so did employment. Moderate increases combined with tax reduction made the difference. If one takes account of the increases in inflation and other increases in recent times, the real take home pay has increased by 3.5 per cent to 7 per cent depending on income and tax levels of individual workers.

Would we not be foolish to let our selves be knocked off this progressive path by the current, temporary blip in inflation? The underlying rate of increase in domestic costs is still very low. The reality is that international influence have contributed substantially to recent increases and that those same influence will work in our favour in 1990. Inflation will come down as we go through next year. It is clear to anybody who watched international inflation trends that the trend has been downwards since September. We know that other increases have to be taken on board and we expect that the position at the end of February will be somewhat similar to the position at the end of November but by the end of next year we expect inflation to be down to 3 per cent.

We will shortly take over the Presidency of the European Community. Our Presidency occurs at a crucial time, both for the Community itself, for the wider Europe and for the world at large. We will be faced with many challenges in discharging this role, but it also offers us a magnificent opportunity. The eyes of the world will look towards us for the next six months. As they watch our performance in the Presidency, they cannot fail to see how we manage our own affairs. In this area all sections have a vital contribution to make. By acquitting ourselves well at home as in Brussels we can add to the international regard for what we have already achieved.

I have made the point before that in my book people matter, not statistics. What I look for are signs of real improvement in the economy. Indeed, as we continue to manage our affairs properly, we have to ensure that the fruits of economic growth are spread throughout the community. All around me I see signs of real improvement. People are spending more, and more people are spending. I see more people at work. I see more houses in the making. I see more businesses investing and more businesses being created.

The Minister does not sound as if he believes what he is saying.

Members of the benches opposite do not seem to recognise any of the realities of life today. They seem to live in a world of their own. They can continue with their negative thinking for as long as they like, but we will continue on the steady path of non-inflationary growth during the early years of this decade.

Put a bit of passion into it.

When we finish our term of Presidency at the end of June, Ireland will have gained an international focus of its own and people will be able to see how well we can manage our affairs — that we can keep inflation at half the British rate, that we can keep interest rates significantly below the British rates and indeed, significantly competitive with the German rate. Talk about ill judgment should not come too easily from people on the benches opposite who try to undermine the strength of confidence in the Irish economy and in our exchange rate. It will be seen quite clearly that the net inflows into the country over the past few days is a continuing demonstration of confidence in the strength of our exchange rate and the way in which we manage our economy. This progress can continue and strengthen throughout the nineties.

The land of milk and honey.

I am confident that if we continue to follow the right strategy, the further advances we hope for will materialise.

I join with other Deputies in wishing everyone a very happy Christmas.

May I advise the House, that it was decided on the Order of Business that the proceedings on item No. 5 be brought to a conclusion at 4 p.m. It is not exactly 4 p.m. yet, but may I put the question now?

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 74; Níl, 71.

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Dermot.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Cullimore, Séamus.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Dennehy, John.
  • de Valera, Síle.
  • Ellis, John.
  • Fahey, Frank.
  • Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
  • Flood, Chris.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hillery, Brian.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Jacob, Joe.
  • Kelly, Laurence.
  • Kenneally, Brendan.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Kitt, Tom.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, John (Wexford).
  • Callely, Ivor.
  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McDaid, Jim.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Morley, P. J.
  • Nolan, M. J.
  • Noonan, Michael J. (Limerick West).
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Donoghue, John.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Ned.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Roche, Dick.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Wallace, Mary.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Belton, Louis J.
  • Boylan, Andrew.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Byrne, Eric.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Connor, John.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Currie, Austin.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deasy, Austin.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Fennell, Nuala.
  • Ferris, Michael.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Flanagan, Charles.
  • Foxe, Tom.
  • Gilmore, Eamon.
  • Gregory, Tony.
  • Sherlock, Joe.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Harte, Paddy.
  • Higgins, Jim.
  • Higgins, Michael D.
  • Hogan, Philip.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kemmy, Jim.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Lee, Pat.
  • Lowry, Michael.
  • McCartan, Pat.
  • McCormack, Pádraic.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • (Limerick East).
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Shea, Brian.
  • O'Sullivan, Gerry.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Reynolds, Gerry.
  • Rayn, Seán.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, Patrick J.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies V. Brady and Clohessy; Níl, Deputies J. Higgins and Boylan.
Question declared carried.

Before the Adjournment proper permit me to extend to all the Members of the House sincere good wishes for a very happy Christmas and a bright and prosperous New Year. Beannachtaí na Nollag agus athbhliain faoi shéan agus faoi mhaise dhíbh go léir.

The Dáil adjourned at 4.15 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 30 January 1990.

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