Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 22 Mar 1990

Vol. 397 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Dublin-Belfast Rail Line Bombing.

Mr. Currie

I move:

That, whereas freedom of movement is a basic civil right, and whereas the IRA's disruption by bombs and threats of bombings is a denial of this right, Dáil Éireann condemns the IRA for:

(a) disrupting this service which has linked the people of Dublin and Belfast for over a century;

(b) putting the lives of passengers and rail staff at risk;

(c) threatening the jobs of railway workers;

and calls on the Government to take all practical steps which are necessary to keep the lines open.

This motion arises from the participation by a number of Deputies, Senators and others in the peace train protest last October. I understand that a similar motion has been tabled in the Seanad. I would be very surprised if the Provisional IRA were to pay any attention to the motion. The disruption of the rail link has been widely condemned by almost all sectors of public opinion in this country, North and South, without any apparent effect. However, there are others, particularly people outside the country, who in one way or another support the Provisional IRA and they may pay some attention to what our national Parliament has to say. They may be guided by it to discontinue their support for that murderous organisation.

The motion refers to civil rights. I remember well the early days of the civil rights campaign in the North when the sympathy of responsible opinion everywhere in the world was on the side of the minority Catholic, Nationalist community in the North for what were considered and seemed to be their just demands. The sympathy of the whole world was on our side. Then the Provisional IRA came into existence and, because of the way they developed their campaign, because of the murderousness of their campaign, because of their massacres and butcheries by their sectarianism, public opinion in this part of the island and elsewhere in the world began to change. Over a period of time we suddenly found that even Orange bigots were becoming respected. That was because of the murderous campaign that was being waged against them by the Provisional IRA who started to do things which people found totally inexplicable. As we know, some awful things have happened, some things which have been far worse than the disruption of the rail link between North and South. The disruption of that rail link is another example of the stupidity of the actions of the Provisional IRA as well as the immorality of them.

Why do they do this, is the question most often asked in relation to the disruption of the Belfast-Dublin railway line. What political, military or other advantage does the IRA gain from disrupting this railway line, putting the lives of passengers and rail staff at risk, threatening the jobs of railway workers, causing inconvenience and financial loss, particularly to people who do not have or who cannot afford to own a car? Why do they do it? Is it part of the so-called economic war? If it is, how many bombings, how many disruptions, how many decades will it be before the political will of the British Government is changed? Is the reason military in that the blowing up of the line and the hoax warnings provide opportunities for booby traps and ambushes? Again, if this is so they have not been very successful from the IRA's point of view.

The British know how to deal with these threats. They have learned over years of experience how to deal with them. They take a lot of precautions to ensure the protection of their personnel using aerial and other surveillance. Is it to tie down the maximum numbers of security forces? If so, they have not been very successful in this game either. The British Government have not allowed that to happen.

The inconvenience to the public has always rated a much lower position on their priority scale than military considerations and the safety of members of the security forces. I understand that. Does the reason lie in the symbolism of the railway line? A symbol it certainly is, but hardly, one would have thought, the sort of symbol the IRA find useful in its cause. The Dublin-Belfast line is symbolic of the unity of this country. The IRA is supposed to be fighting for the unity of this country and how is that aim assisted by continually blowing up a major link and symbol of the unity to which I have referred? How do they explain, for example, to an Irish American supporter that the unity of the country is hastened by blowing up one of the things that unites us? Surely even such a very gullible supporter — they have to be very gullible to continue to support the IRA — would wonder why it is not those who are opposed to unity of the country who are blowing up the railway line rather than those who ostensibly support unity. The most gullible of them must wonder about that. Again, why do they do it? None of the so-called justifications, whether economic, military or symbolic, explain why they continue to bomb this line. The answer to the question, a Cheann Comhairle, is that the destruction of the Belfast-Dublin railway line has more to do with "Mafiaism" than it has to do with patriotism.

There are economic implications but they have nothing to do with the so-called economic war. The economy that concerns them is the economic future of the godfathers of violence and the sneaking regarders who support them. A Cheann Comhairle, I have to be careful. My hatred and contempt for the Provisional IRA and all that murderous organisation stands for does not blind me to the fact there are in the North other equally contemptible organisations on the extreme Unionist side also looking for excuses and for justification for killings. I do not intend to give them any excuse by going further and being more specific. All I will say is this: there are people who have a financial vested interest in disruption of the rail line. There are direct vested interests and indirect vested interests. In the latter category I will put the dilemma of people who are more accessable to demands for protection than are the railway authorities. For those who would wish to inquire further I recommend the old Latin tag qui bono— to whose benefit? I think that would be a useful thing to recommend. A Cheann Comhairle, it is my privilege to propose the motion and recommend it not only to this Government but to the other one concerned.

Minister for Justice (Mr. Burke)

I am aware of widespread concern expressed throughout this island, which is united in its condemnation of the Provisional IRA campaign against the Dublin-Belfast railway line. I know that the views expressed by Deputy Currie will, no doubt, be expressed by other Members of the House who will join in that condemnation of the Provisionals before this debate is concluded. It should be clear to those who are involved in this campaign that their actions in disrupting a service which has linked North and South for over 100 years, in threatening the safety and well being of passengers and staff alike and in putting at risk over 400 jobs are very much resented by the people of Ireland.

Since December 1988, the Dublin-Belfast railway line has been subjected to a concerted campaign of disruption by the Provisional IRA or by persons purporting to act on behalf of that organisation. As a result of this campaign the railway line has been closed on a number of occasions during that period following actual attacks by the placing of bombs or by the making of hoax telephone calls.

A total of 24 explosives devices have been planted on the Northern side of the line during the course of the campaign, the most recent being at Newry station on 23 February, when a bomb exploded causing serious damage. It is only through sheer good luck that no passengers or railway personnel have been killed or seriously injured by the placing of such devices, although one British Army explosives officer was injured by a booby trap bomb during a clearance operation last July.

It is difficult to understand what those who endanger the lives of civilian passengers and staff expect to gain from a bombing campaign against a railway line which unites both parts of our country. Apart from raising questions about the mentality of those persons who would risk a major disaster by placing explosive devices on a railway line, one must ask what objective can be achieved by a campaign which puts jobs at risk as well as putting a question mark over a long established cross-Border link. One possible objective would appear to be to close down the line. It is difficult to see how this type of action can be reconciled with the objective of reunification. The irony of the situation becomes clearer with the realisation that, while the IRA are attacking the line, the leader of the political wing of that organisation is on record as calling for European Community assistance for the development of the link.

Deputies will be aware that the Government are most concerned by these attacks and condemn them in the strongest possible way. The Tánaiste pointed out in a statement on 13 March 1989 that the continuing campaign of violence, as reflected in the attacks on the railway line, is deepening the division between parts of the island and seriously damaging ongoing business, trade and personal links between North and South, and their further development. In response to parliamentary questions in April and May last year, the Tánaiste also pointed out that the Department of Foreign Affairs has maintained close contact with the British authorities on the matter through the Anglo-Irish Secretariat and that he had personally raised the issue with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The concern of the Government about this issue and the importance of keeping the line open and safe for travel have been brought to the attention of the British authorities on a number of occasions and they fully accept our concern in the matter.

It is important to emphasise that, while the vital railway link between the two parts of this island has been subjected to this senseless campaign, services have never been withdrawn or suspended and have been maintained by bus substitution between the nearest stations on each side of a particular incident. That, of course, is not an entirely satisfactory solution but it shows a determination to ensure that this important service will continue to run despite the pathetic attempts of the men of violence to sever the link. The staff of Iarnród Éireann and Northern Ireland Railways deserve great credit for maintaining the service in the face of adversity.

Those who are responsible for this campaign are well aware that it is a cause of considerable anger to the general public who, apart from being inconvenienced, not to say endangered, in going about their everyday business, see this campaign as a brazen affront to the very fabric of our democratic society. It is clear from the views expressed here by Deputies on behalf of their constituents, and from views expressed through the general media, that the public want this action against the line to stop now.

I would again call on those who are responsible for this senseless campaign to put a stop to it before we suffer a major disaster as a result of a bomb on the line. For my part, I can assure the House that the Government recognise the importance of the Dublin-Belfast railway link and will continue to take whatever measures are necessary on our side of the Border to ensure that the line stays open.

Mr. Quinn

It would be easy to join in the chorus of condemnation all of us share in regard to this matter but this House has a greater responsibility than that. Without in any way depreciating the stature of the current Minister for Justice, if the men and women of violence would not listen to the Pope in Drogheda in 1979 it is unlikely that they will listen to condemnations of violence from this House in 1990.

I want to put on record the Labour Party's condemnation of what we regard as the Government's continuous complacency about this ongoing campaign of violence against the railway line. It is right and proper that this all-party Opposition motion, which clearly has the support of all parties in the House, was moved by Deputy Currie. No Deputy in this House has more direct experience of the sectarian and Fascist violence of this maffioso group of so-called patriots than Deputy Currie.

We have to recognise what is at issue here. This has nothing to do with patriotism, democratic politics or decency. We are looking at a new nascent form of Hiberno-Fascist "maffiosoism", which, if we do not nip it in the bud with all the due processes of law, power and authority a democratic State commands, will lead to a situation where our children and grandchildren will live in peril of a crowd of bandits who have identified a clear target which happens to straddle a Border between the North and South of this island.

I cannot put our condemnation of this act of violence in any stronger terms than the ones I have just used. Some Members of this House have honourably severed their links with the Provos. Other Members were linked with the Provos and in some cases financed them in different times. I would say to everybody listening to this debate that the kind of maffioso gangsters who are now extorting large sums of money from people whose economic livelihood depend on cross-Border trade have never had anything to do with the politics of the nationalist struggle on this island. We have to be very clear about this.

On behalf of the Labour Party, I condemn utterly the hypocrisy of Gerry Adams, who calls for EC structural aid assistance for the upgrading of the rail link between Belfast and Dublin on the one hand and who on the other hand authorises, either directly or indirectly, the godfathers of violence to take out periodically the regular passenger and freight traffic on the railway line between Belfast and Dublin so as to ensure — this is the net point of this debate — that the extortionists can focus in on those people who depend on rail travel for their freight and say to them "Unless you deliver to us the 10, 15 or 20 per cent of the money required we will ensure that you will not travel across the Border".

That is the reality of what is happening. We are looking at a kind of Hiberno-Sicily in northern Europe where the maffioso who have reigned supreme in southern Italy since the turn of this century are now being embedded in a frightening manner in this country. Anybody who has family connections in that part of the world, as I do, has only to look at the names, the families, their background and activities to realise that they are no more patriots, nationalists, democrats or politicians than the thugs and violent extortionists who roam the streets of Chicago and parts of south Boston. These are the same kind of political animals who use the language and uniforms of politics to dress themselves up as protectors for nothing more than their own bank balances. We cannot use language strong enough with which to condemn them.

The democratic language of condemnation is not enough. We could all find unity of purpose in this Chamber to which each of us was elected, but we have to go further. I put it to the Minister for Justice that the Government are not doing enough. Al Capone was ultimately taken out of the political and social society of North America by means of civil income tax legislation. The extortionists, the businessmen behind the poor innocent gunmen who place the bombs and make the phone calls, are tools of a much wider and deeper conspiracy. I am sure Deputy Ahern and Deputy McGahon, who are present in the House, know exactly what I am talking about and I suspect they could put names on some of the beneficiaries of the extortion rackets which are a direct consequence of the frequent phone calls which inform people that there is a bomb on the railway line.

I put it to the Minister for Justice, who is present in the House, that his Department know the 20 to 30 potential beneficiaries of the disruption of traffic across the Border. I put it to his colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, that an inspection of bank accounts and the books of companies directly and indirectly related would reveal transactions which do not correlate with the normal patterns of trade. I put it to the Minister for Justice and his colleague, the Minister for Defence, that the levels of electronic surveillance along the railway line are insufficient and that the railway line has not become a symbol of North-South unity but has become a soft target which does two things at the one time — on the one hand it draws out the military personnel in Northern Ireland, the British Army, the UDR and the RUC as a kind of target where they become potential victims and on the other it ensures that the level of extortion against ordinary commercial business communities and the people who work for them, who are frequently put at risk, continues.

What can the Irish Government in Dublin do? I put it to the Minister for Justice that they can do more than the simple condemnation and the wringing and washing of hands we have heard here this afternoon from the Minister. I want to put some questions to the Minister. Has the level of electronic surveillance been improved since December 1988 when this campaign started? Has the level of top level security co-operation between the military authorities North and South improved since the campaign started? Have there been any detailed discussions between the railway authorities North and South on the question of protecting the line? This is a military security area which could be addressed. Has anybody on the ground spoken to the victims of this extortion racket? As Deputy Austin Currie said at the beginning of the debate, this is a matter of protectionism, extortion and the creation of a maffioso which will go on from generation to generation unless we do something about it.

If we approach the victims with all the discretion, with confidentiality and all the instruments that are open to this State, we can go after the real godfathers who are placing money in the pockets of the wrongly motivated innocent individuals who place the bombs. Not in any negative or partisan way, I have to say to the Minister for Justice that he and his Government are not doing enough. The combined apparatus of Government can go after the godfathers. As Deputy Currie says, we have to take these people off the political and social stage and, after due process of law, put them properly behind bars whether it is for income tax evasion, extortion or whatever. The godfathers have to be removed if we want to end this mafioso type extortion on the railway lines. Appeals to decency, so far as. these people are concerned, will fall on the same barren ground as did the appeal made by the Pope outside Drogheda nearly 11 years ago. It is not sufficient for the Government to sit back, wring their hands and say they are doing their best, that they condemn without hesitation the acts of violence and so forth. More has to be done. The Government must do what, so far as I am aware, has never been done before. They must go after the potential victims who are being blackmailed, who are being hit for money by the godfathers and ask them what kind of help they need, how they can be supported and how these godfathers can be identified, these people who have nothing to do with the reunification of the country, with the land or the people, but who are simply in it for the money. If we do not do this we will have permanently on this island a mafioso which if it takes root at all — and it has shown all the signs of taking substantial root — we will find impossible to uproot not for this generation but for future generations.

The Labour Party are totally against what is happening. We denounce it unequivocally but all of us must do more. The Government in particular must do more than simply wring their hands and say they deplore what is happening. There must be clear executive action within the framework of the law of the land. Those options are open to the Minister. I would invite the Minister or any other spokesperson on behalf of the Government to respond and outline the specific action they propose to take in the light of the continued campaign against the North-South rail link.

Mr. D. Ahern

I welcome the opportunity to speak in this motion. It is not often there is all-party agreement on motions that come before the House. In regard to Deputy Quinn's criticism of the Government my recollection is that in 1981 Fianna Fáil put specific pressure on the British Government to reopen the Newry railway station which subsequently reopened. They did so on the basis that the fact that it was closed was a disadvantage to the people living in the Newry area, it having been decided expedient by the powers that be in the North 20 years previously, to close it. It was through the pressure of the Southern Government that it was reopened, so far as I am aware. If someone else in the House can say otherwise, I would like to hear it.

It is not often that I and my constituency colleagues, Deputies McGahon and Bell agree, but this is one issue on which we do agree and it is important for us, as representatives of that constituency, to let the general public in the South know the feelings of our constituents in relation to the campaign that is being waged against the rail link.

I was honoured to be a member of the British Irish Parliamentary body at its inaugural meeting and I specifically raised the issue of the Dublin — Belfast rail link. At that time I called on both the Irish and British Governments to give a continued commitment to the retention of the rail link and I welcome what the Minister has said here tonight. I have no doubt that the British side would also be of that opinion. I also called on the two Governments to endeavour to upgrade the rail link through the trans-frontrier Structural Funds that are available. I understand that at present the Government are examining the possibility of a study group made up of Iarnród Éireann and Northern Ireland Railways and I would hope that some consideration would be given to upgrading vis-à-vis electronic surveillance and things like that.

There are other aspects which some Deputies and the general public are not aware of. Not only is the rail link disrupted by bomb hoaxes but also the road link, to coincide with the hoax on the railway. On a number of occasions around Christmas time both the rail and the road were closed for considerable periods. The Minister referred to the bus substitution and while that does work one has to go to Dundalk railway station to see how exactly it works; it means people have to lug all their baggage off the train and on to a bus and travel to the next station across the Border and that is causing severe disruption to travellers and tourists coming here and using this rail link.

There is a suspicion around where I live that the considerable time it takes to give the all clear in the case of a bomb hoax is, to a certain extent, to the advantage not only of the Provisional IRA but of the British Army who, I know, have a difficult job when they have to go out and take away a bomb and be sure that the bomb and everything in relation to it is cleared away. At one stage just before Christmas I understand that there was a bomb on the line for nearly a week before it was cleared and this caused severe disruption to the people in the area because at that time the road was also closed. All the people travelling either or north or south had to use some of the minor roads either to the west or east of the main Dublin-Belfast road.

Another aspect is that every time there is a hoax in the area it gets national and international publicity and that does not help the continued bad press that the area I represent gets. Some people have mentioned that lives and jobs are at risk. There is no doubt about that. No later than today I was talking to a retired engine driver who was hijacked on one occasion and who told me that on another occasion he passed over a bomb and but for the fact that the bomb was four seconds late in exploding he would have been killed.

If the rail link were ever to close it is quite certain that ultimately the Dublin to Dundalk rail link would also close with the consequent loss of jobs at the Dundalk station. This is something I do not think people in the Republic realise. The rail link is a vital link to a very disadvantaged area, the north Louth area. Quite a number of jobs depend on that rail link and that is something we should also bear in mind.

While I supported the peace train and was there when it came into Dundalk, it caused a number of hoax telephone calls to the Garda in the Dundalk area from the southern side of the Border, stating that there were bombs on the southern side. That never happened before. There is a feeling in the Dundalk area that the peace train has highlighted the problem to the disadvantage of the area. It is not my opinion but a number of people have said it to me.

I cannot understand how this bombing campaign has continued. The rail link is symbolic of Irish unity of whatever shape or form we would like. The acts being perpetrated against the rail link are partitionist and they frustrate the aims of the people perpetrating them. I am not totally sure that it is all to do with Mafia-type operations on the Border. The escalation of the bombing of the rail link has taken place since the watch towers mushroomed along the Border. There have also been road closures along the Border which have disrupted people's lives. This has put a ring of steel around the Border and has to a certain extent curtailed the activities of the terrorists in and around the Border but it has disrupted the lives of people in the area. The escalation of the bombing is perhaps due to a feeling among the terrorists that they have no other way of getting at the British Army. Putting bombs on the line or on the road is a way of drawing out the British Army.

Disruption is also caused because of customs delays along the Border. One has to go to the area to see exactly what I mean. The bombing of the rail line is nothing new since it has been taking place for years. I recall that it was bombed by the Official IRA in the early seventies and there were petrol bombs in Lurgan. Perhaps Deputy Currie would be able to give more information on this. I am not sure that these problems can be attributed totally to Mafia-type operations along the Border. I feel that the Provisional IRA are trying to entice the British Army out of the watch towers and bunkers. We should not forget that.

I should like to lend my voice to the commitment which has been given by the Minister here and on previous occasions. Our Government and the British Government through the Anglo-Irish Secretariat should continue to ensure that the rail link is maintained. The day it is not there, we would be giving in to the terrorists and it would be a sad day for Ireland.

Proinsias De Rossa

I am pleased to have the opportunity on behalf of The Workers' Party jointly to propose this all-party motion which deplores the attacks on the Dublin-Belfast rail line and also condemns the continuing spate of bomb attacks and the use of bomb scares by the Provisional IRA in an attempt to close the rail link. The motion also calls on the British and Irish Governments to co-operate in whatever joint ventures might be necessary to keep the line open.

During the past 18 months there have been scores of bomb attacks on the line and many more bomb scares. In one two-month period last year the line was closed for more than 50 days as a result of these attacks. The resulting commercial losses are estimated to be in the region of £800,000. A number of important issues are raised by these attacks. The most important is, of course, the threat to the lives of passengers. In one attack on 2 March last year the bomb which damaged Craigmore viaduct went off just four minutes before a passenger train from Dublin was due to leave the nearby Newry station. There were more than 70 people on the train and had the bomb gone off as it was passing over the bridge or when it was too late to stop the train the consequences would have been appalling. There was another narrow escape in August last year when an express train was due to pass the location of a bomb near Lurgan just two minutes after a warning about the device had been received. Luckily for the 31 passengers abroad, the train had been delayed at Portadown. Had the train been running on time the police would not have had time to intercept it and the bomb would almost certainly have exploded as it passed over the device.

The attacks have been continuing. Only last month the Provos destroyed Newry station and again closed the line. This was almost certainly linked to the Irish Congress of Trade Unions women's conference which was being held in Northern Ireland that weekend. The hotel in which the delegates were staying was also bombed by the Provos. This was clearly aimed at the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, who themselves have been conducting a campaign to protect the rail link as a parallel effort to other campaigns. The ICTU general secretary made it clear on that occasion that they would not be intimidated by such cowardly attacks and stated categorically that the trade union movement were totally opposed to the Provo campaign of violence.

There is also the question of jobs. Trade union leaders have estimated that up to 400 workers, North and South, could lose their jobs if the Provos get their way and are allowed to shut down the line. Apart from the railway workers directly affected, there are many more employed in firms which depend on the railway line for freight services between the two parts of Ireland. Some major firms use the line such as Cement Road-stone, Guinness, NET, Richardson's Fertilisers and Bell Lines. If they cannot get their products through or if they have to incur additional costs by transferring to roads it will clearly threaten the jobs of their employees.

There is also the question of the strategic importance of the line to transport on this island. We tend to refer to it simply as the Belfast-Dublin rail line but it is more than that. It is the only rail link between North and South. At present it is possible to travel or to move freight by train from Derry to Kerry but this will be ended if the Dublin-Belfast link is destroyed. It is also a key part of the whole Eurorail network. It was shocking to find that the European Commissioner for Regional Policy, Mr. Bruce Millan, said in Belfast on 12 January that European Community money was available for the upgrading of the line and all that was holding it up was inaction on the part of the Dublin Government. Proposals to upgrade the link were included in the transport programme submitted by the Northern Ireland Office at the end of 1989 and it is inexcusable that improvements to the line should be held up by the failure of the Irish Government to make a similar application.

Following Mr. Millan's statement the Department of Tourism and Transport tried to suggest that the delay was due to CIE's failure to submit proposals, but my understanding is that CIE simply do not have the money to upgrade the southern section of the line and feel that unless money is forthcoming from Government it is not feasible to pursue European Community funds. Whatever the reason, I would urge the Government to sort out the matter rapidly and ensure that an application is made for the money which Commissioner Milan has clearly indicated is available.

There is also a basic civil liberty issue involved. Between 2,000 and 3,000 passengers travel on the line each week for business, work, education or family reasons. In many cases people have no alternative means of transport. The effort by the Provisional IRA to close the line is a challenge to the very right of Irish people to move freely about this island. Imagine the outcry there would be if the authorities in Northern Ireland decided to close the line on their side on security grounds. No doubt Provo spokesmen like Adams and Morrison would be among the most vocal on the matter. The Minister has pointed out that with one side of his mouth Mr. Adams calls for improvements to the line but with the other side of his mouth he supports those who, virtually on a monthly basis, attempt to close it down.

The continuing attacks illustrate once again the appalling arrogance and hypocrisy of the Provisionals. On the one hand, they claim to want to eliminate the Border while at the same time they are doing all in their power to make travel and trade between the two parts of Ireland more difficult and dangerous. Their whole strategy is to create divisions between people, between communities and, indeed, within communities. Their very survival is based on feeding sectarianism, bigotry and racism.

The rail line is used entirely by civilians. This raises the question of why it has become a focal point of attacks by the Provos. There have been rumours of money being paid to the Provos to have the line closed for commercial reasons. Deputy Quinn made a very strong statement here today to the effect that he believed that is true, but I have no way of knowing whether there is any truth in it. There are strong Mafia type operations being carried out by the Provos in various parts of Northern Ireland, but I have no way of knowing whether the rail link attacks come under that heading. The fact that the rail link offers an opportunity to destroy and endanger lives and is a soft target may well be enough for their perverse logic. This has certainly been the case in relation to other attacks by the Provos, such as the Enniskillen slaughter and the murder of Harry Keyes in Donegal and Gillian Johnson in Fermanagh. The Provos themselves have claimed that their motive is the ghoulish one of forcing the security forces out into the open presumably so they can more easily murder them. Whatever the motive for their life threatening and destructive attacks on the line, it is important that the Provisionals are not allowed to succeed.

In the early seventies the Provisionals destroyed the electricity interconnector and frustrated the possibility of cheaper electricity in both parts of Ireland. They must not be allowed to do the same with the railway line. The two Governments must co-operate in whatever security and other measures are necessary to keep the line open. Workers, passengers, companies, all citizens should make their views on these attacks known publicly to the Provisionals at every opportunity. They should to be told in no uncertain terms what the ordinary public think of their vicious campaign.

The debate today is an important part of that public declaration that we want no part of what the Provisionals are about. I disagree with Deputy Quinn that the passing of this motion in this Dáil today will have no effect. Today all the democratically elected representatives of this State are unanimous when we say that we want the Provisionals to stop their attacks and that we want both the Irish and British Governments to take every step necessary to ensure that they do not succeed in their evil intent.

I am proud that The Workers' Party, my party, played a central role in the event which led to this motion being taken tonight. The Workers' Party have resolutely opposed the attacks on the line and sought to mobilise public and political pressure against them. Speaking in an Adjournment debate in the House on 10 April last year, I indicated that I had established a Workers' Party committee seeking to organise a peace train from Dublin to Belfast. The resulting response was so positive from such a wide range of political, commercial, cultural, trade union, religious and supporting interests both in Northern Ireland and the Republic that it became possible to establish two broadly based committees, North and South, who eventually organised the very successful peace train in October, which included many Deputies and Senators and many political figures from Northern Ireland. More than 1,000 people travelled on that train to show their opposition to the Fascist tactics of the Provos.

I take issue with the point made by Deputy Ahern, in some way the peace train gave weight or encouragement to the Provos. I know from people who have come to me since that they were very put out by the fact that the peace train event had taken place; it was such a massive demonstration that they felt very demoralised as a result. I know Deputy Ahern said it was not his personal view, but if we were to go down the road of saying we must do nothing in case we provoke these people, then we should simply close shop and give the country over to the Provos. That is the logic of not wanting to take any action which would in any way upset or provoke them. True to form, the Provos displayed their contempt for public opinion by disrupting the train with a bomb scare. Many on the train, including Members of the Oireachtas, decided to take a stand and refuse to submit to Provo intimidation by remaining on board.

The idea of this all-party motion had its origin in the discussions during that long night when we were marooned in Portadown, where we had excellent courtesy and care from people of all political shades. Following that event, my colleague Deputy Eamon Gilmore, circulated a motion which was signed by nine Members of the House, a slightly revised version of which is now before us in the names of the Whips of The Workers' Party, Fine Gael and Labour. It is intended that similar motions will be moved in Belfast City Council, Dublin City Council and Dublin County Council and I intend to seek a declaration, with the support of all MEPs, North and South, from the European Parliament on the same issue.

In the longer term, these attacks on the railway line and other murderous attacks by the Provos simply emphasise the need for political action to isolate and defeat the gunmen. This can best be done through dialogue between the democratic political parties in Northern Ireland, leading to the establishment of devolved government there, a government guaranteed by a bill of rights, and we will see moves towards real integrated education in Northern Ireland and the tackling of the very serious economic and job situation there.

It is not enough for this House simply to pass this motion, to feel we have done our job and then to forget about Northern Ireland. We must seek to create a sense of solidarity, commitment and unity of purpose between people North and South, which we saw in the organisation of the peace train, and develop that into an unstoppable force for peace that even the Provos cannot ignore.

Mr. McGahon

I wish to give a few minutes of my time to Deputy Roger Garland.

An Ceann Comhairle

Is that satisfactory? It is agreed.

Mr. McGahon

I do not often align myself with the gentlemen from the left but on this occasion I am happy to align myself with them. I had the pleasure of travelling on the peace train with them and I have to applaud them for their initiative and sense of fairness because they did not attempt to turn the event into a party political stunt and were very happy to share it with members of Fine Gael and Deputy Dermot Ahern who travelled on that occasion. I hope we have more pleasant journeys in the future.

I have to dissociate myself from my friend and colleague, Deputy Dermot Ahern, in his veiled criticism of the peace train which typifies the ambivalence of all Fianna Fáil Deputies about the Border question. His reference to the watchtowers in south Armagh, which is a totally different issue, is a sop to the Republican vote in north County Louth, which I understand but I do not think is particularly relevant here.

Mr. D. Ahern

The Deputy has met them on many occasions. I have never met them.

Mr. McGahon

His refusal to accept that racketeering is the root cause of this problem and of most of the problems in the Border area is staggering. I have to describe it in relation to the activities of terrorists as a babe in arms.

Deputy Quinn left no stone unturned. He called a spade a spade, and he comes from a very honourable Northern Republican family. He knows a thing or two about what happens in the Border area. John McNulty's death 18 months ago gave a clue to the extent of racketeering in the Six Counties. The recent announcement by the Bank of Ireland that they had been asked for a donation of £2 million illustrates how deeply racketeering is ingrained there. How many years will it be before it comes down here?

Deputy Currie and Deputy Quinn referred to the Mafia tactics of the IRA. On one hand you have the IRA and on the other the UDA; they have a tacit agreement in the North to ply their trade, the IRA in west Belfast and the UDA in east Belfast, and they earn huge profits from it. I know of a North of Ireland Protestant businessman who parted with £10,000 sterling in this State — he is in the lorry business — to a gentleman representing the INLA who is now incarcerated in jail, where he should be.

As I said, Deputy Quinn referred to the IRA as the Mafia and that is what they are. However, Al Capone would appear like an altar boy when contrasted with the likes of Mr. Adams, to whom I have referred on previous occasions as Dr. Mengele, the Irish angel of death. He is an abomination which this country could well do without.

As Deputy Ahern knows, our own town has suffered grievously as a result of the war carried on in the next county. That is the reason we have an unemployment rate of 34 per cent — double the national figure — and why there are more Dundalk people working in Birmingham and London than in Dundalk town. This Assembly should shed its naivety about the IRA and what they are about. They are totally removed from any previous manifestation of the IRA who, 70 years ago, were honourable people.

The IRA are a cloak to allow people to indulge in gangster activities and we should all be united in our recognition of that fact. I commend the Irish Congress of Trade Unions — I do not often pay tribute to trade unions organisations — for having the courage and the determination, despite total harassment from the IRA in placing a bomb in the lobby of the Slieve Donard Hotel, Newcastle — for defying that evil organisation and successfully carrying on this year's conference. I also commend them for their spirit, initiative, courage and determination in saying that they will go back to Newcastle. I understand that this was a ladies' conference and it must have been terrifying for many of them, especially those from the South, to face the threat of a bomb. This was a cynical manifestation of the contempt which the IRA have for Irish people. Instead of being seen as some type of red branch knight outfit, they should be seen by all shades of political opinion in this House as the vermin and scum they are.

I also congratulate the Government for their commitment to the continuation of a rail link which has served Dublin and Belfast for over 100 years. It has given gainful employment to generations of people from Dundalk, Drogheda and Balbriggan and many towns on the other side of the Border such as Lisburn, Portadown and Newry. The railway is a direct link that brings thousands of people each way to enjoy leisure activities. It also brings them on educational courses, apart from the commercial and freight carrying aspects.

The threat to the continuation of the line is hard to accept from a group of bandits who claim to want to unite Ireland and yet attempt to enforce partition and close the direct link which has been there for 100 years.

I commend the Northern Ireland Railway Company, Iarnród Éireann and the British and Irish Governments for their determination in the face of a prolonged and vicious attack on this line. A lot of money and freight has been lost to both railway companies and more will be lost in the future. I ask the Minister to give a continuing commitment to ensure that the IRA will never impose their will on the railway line and that the jobs — about 500 on each side of the Border — will be safe.

I also ask the Minister to consider that with the approach of 1992 more opportunities will present themselves to road transport companies as Europe opens up. I believe — and Deputy De Rossa touched on it — although we have no concrete proof, that the beneficiaries of a rail closure would be some people engaged in the road transport business. It is easier for the IRA to exact a road tax from people in that industry than it is to stop a train and ask the people on it to hand over their money.

I want again to refer to the Bank of Ireland dilemma last week when they were asked for £2 million. Naturally, Governments, North and South, will want to keep a lid on this but how many other business concerns one each side of the Border have been approached and asked for money? Indeed, it would be very interesting to know how many businesses have paid money to the IRA since the troubles started in the late sixties.

I acknowledge the initative of The Workers' Party and congratulate Deputy Currie, Deputy Barnes, MEP Mary Bannotti, Senator Norris and indeed everyone who travelled on the peace train. At least we defied the IRA. I ask the Minister to give a commitment at the end of this debate that the necessary rail link will be kept open as long as he is in Government.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Deputy Garland has seven minutes.

Mr. Garland

I will not take anything like that length of time. On behalf of the Green Party, An Comhaontas Glas, I welcome this motion regarding the Belfast-Dublin rail link. I would like to have been a sponsor of this motion; however I was not asked to co-sponsor it. I was one of the first TDs to get involved in the peace train as I was a patron from the very beginning. Unfortunately a long standing engagement in the country prevented me from joining the peace train and it is one of my great regrets that I did not make other arrangements. However, I do not like letting people down.

I was very disappointed to hear from Deputy Ahern that there was criticism of the peace train in the Dundalk area. I hope this does not reflect the views of the majority; perhaps he was listening to the wrong people. I certainly hope so. The peace train last October gave the general public an opportunity to show their feelings of disgust at the IRA's campaign of disruption of one of the essential services in this island.

The disruption of the rail link adversely affects both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland socially, economically and culturally and is an attack on commerce and employment in both parts of the island. If the pressure of public opinion means anything to the IRA, they must surely take note of the support for this issue from people of all ideologies, of all backgrounds, from each part of the island. Those two trains carried people from all political persuasions, of all social backgrounds and of all ages who said to the IRA: "hands off our rail link". They asked that the lines be kept open. If any message comes to the IRA from this motion it is that there are no legitimate targets and there is no support for their campaign of violence in this part of the island. We need to retain our rail link, our lines of communication and, let me repeat to those men of violence, Belfast and Dublin agreed to keep the lines open.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Ordinarily, Fine Gael would qualify for next calling and we would then call a Labour representative and then a member of The Workers' Party.

Proinsias De Rossa

On a point of clarification, Deputy Garland shared his time with a Fine Gael speaker. Therefore, presumably, the next speaker would be a non-Fine Gael speaker.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I think the fact that Deputy Garland shared his time with Fine Gael weakens your case. Fine Gael, because of their strength, qualify for two speakers as against one from the other parties but we should not waste time because I think we can accommodate three speakers.

Mrs. Barnes

I certainly will not take up the time of the House. I would like to think that everybody who wishes to contribute on this important motion will be able to do so. The representation and constructive co-operation from all sides of the House in the downright condemnation of what the Provisional IRA are attempting to do speaks for itself. That condemnation was evident when the peace train was organised and travelled to Belfast. That was a symbolic gesture. The stand that was made by the people who travelled to Belfast and back to Dublin without being forced to transfer to buses, as so many passengers had been forced to do on previous occasions, was an indication that we would not accept what the Provisional IRA were doing to the people who have to take that train day after day for business and social reasons.

One of the things that struck all of us forcibly, especially the people who travelled on that train, is that people who usually use public transport are those who are least able to afford the privilege of private transport. In that sense alone, what the IRA are doing is a denial of any sense of socialism they may claim to have. What the Provisionals are doing when they force women and children, shoppers with baskets and bags, people who might be hungry and tired and not a little unafraid, intimidated and threatened by what is happening to them, is hitting the most vulnerable people, the people with the least power and clout in our society. They actually claim, in the name of republicanism, that this is some kind of patriotric gesture. The distortion and abuse they have brought to republicanism and the tenets of a republic are horrifying and disgusting and I am glad we are able to be here to condemn them tonight. Travelling in hundreds and thousands on those trains, as people did in October, was a gesture of solidarity and condemnation of the distortion and double dealing of the Provisional IRA.

I want to congratulate the organisers of the peace train. It took a lot of voluntary organisation, time, effort and money. I also want to congratulate the people, North and South, who rallied to the symbolic gesture and gave their support. They acknowledged what the ordinary people, north and south of the Border and, as Deputy De Rossa has said, even as far as Kerry and Cork, have to put up with every time they try, as citizens of this country, to make a normal train journey. What angers me — and this is something I would lke to emphasise in this debate — is that a small, undemocratic, violent, vicious group, either through their bluff or the reality of planting a bomb, could force out everybody who travels on these trains, with no mandate, no democracy and no consideration of the needs and priorities of these people. The negation of our travelling rights is something that has to be experienced to realise what people suffer every day at the hands of the Provisional IRA, who claim to be liberating all of us and to be bringing about a United Ireland.

It is symbolic that we are discussing this motion, which I would like to think will be built on, the week after St. Patrick's Day which symbolises unity, North and South. St. Patrick was a civilising, christianising force. It was from Northern Ireland that he started his journey south. It is also symbolic that at a time when the other House debated the implications, constitutional and political, of articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution regarding the unity and the jurisdiction of this country, the IRA, without any conscious belief in the constitutional rights of people North and South of the Border, override them to the extent that they continue to do.

I would say to Deputy Ahern that it is important that we take a non-violent stand against this violence. In that way we can offer, as a contrast, a symbolic, collective, solid, supportive model. I am sure Deputy Ahern realises that the IRA did not like the international publicity they received. When they go out on their propaganda travels to gather finance as a liberation group as they term themselves, we show them to be the small, vicious, terrorist, undemocratic, unrepresentative group which they are and show what they do to the ordinary decent and vulnerable people of this country, including women and children, shoppers and others, who want to travel to see their families and relations on both sides of the Border.

It is a special distaste for all of us that in the very months when we see the crumbling of walls and boundaries in a peaceful, democratic way, as we are now witnessing in eastern Europe, the old, redundant, uncivilised, violent, vicious and bitter conflict that has dogged this country for so long can still be seen by the IRA as the only one they can put forward. They are redundant and irrelevant and they are an absolute insult to everything that this State and Northern Ireland stand for. The sooner we can get that message across to them through the corporations, councils and elected representatives, the better. The people who have been voted in have to take that stand against them and isolate them.

I am glad I have an opportunity to speak like this because I think we have to isolate them and show them how irrelevant and redundant they are in a changing world where people have coped with far greater discrimination and difficulties in a way that is a model and hope for the rest of us for the future of the world. Above all else, I want to agree with what Deputy Quinn said, that they are Neo-Hiberno-Fascists. In a world that is rejecting non-violently, thankfully, Fascism and Totalitarianism and the crowding out of individual rights, I hope that at least we may be able to get through to the IRA and show them how futile, stupid and fruitless their campaign is.

We have talked about our ambivalence and I would like to draw attention to one point so that all of us who are elected may be in a position to do something about it. I find it difficult to try to explain why the political wing of that vicious group can hold their annual conference in the Mansion House, which is a symbol of freedom and representative democracy. I would like to think that until they reject and renounce violence and accept a political solution with the rest of us they would not get that venue or any other venue in this country.

Mr. Bell

I will be as brief as I can. One of the points made by Deputies was about the trade union conferences and this reminded me very vividly of attending a trade union conference in the King's Hall, Belfast, and the having to travel back for the election of mayor in Drogheda. I let it be known that I would arrive at 7.20 p.m. and would take a taxi down to the courthouse to vote in the election. During the day I decided to go on the earlier train. Lo and behold, somebody rang in from Drogheda to say there was a bomb on the line south of Dundalk. I was lucky that I had come on the earlier train and the fellow I came to vote for was elected, otherwise the other person would have been elected. This emphasises the point that people use these tactics in all sorts of situations. People who place bombs on the railway lines of those who ring in at all times of the day and night with false alarms add to the inconvenience of people. Further along the Border, the British Army closed a number of roads for so-called security reasons. They created quite a lot of craters. There was an outcry from people particularly on the south side of the Border because the road was closed but the same people might turn a blind eye to a similar situation on the railway.

As Deputy McGahon, Deputy D. Ahern and my colleagues know, in Louth County Council, of which all three of us are members, we have cross-Border committees and we frequently meet with our opposite numbers in Newry and Mourne and elsewhere along the Border for the purpose of trying to improve the infrastructure, tourism and facilities in the interests of people on both sides of the Border. At the same time this essential and important work is being torpedoed by these irresponsible people who are acting in the so-called name of the Irish people. They certainly are not representing me or any of the people in Drogheda or in the constituency of Louth. I think they should have got that message clearly during the last elections in both the Euro election and in particular the general election in County Louth. They will get that message again during the local elections.

Many of the people engaged in subversive activity are hiding out in places like Dundalk, Drogheda-and other towns on the south side of the Border area. They take refuge on the basis that they cannot be touched in those areas and they use them as a base for carrying out attacks on the railways, for example. I served in the Army for longer than most Members of this House and from all the military training I have ever received I cannot see for the life of me what military value there is in blowing up a railway. This tactic was used successfully, of course, during the last World War but the Allies were trying to stop the Germans from shifting war equipment and weapons which would have helped to the defeat the Allies. The only thing that the railway line from Dublin to Belfast carries is people — people going to their work, people on business, people going to visit their friends or to visit people in hospital, either North or South, in Belfast, Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk. These are people who have not got cars, ordinary working people — for example, old age pensioners who have free travel and cannot afford any other form of transport. These hobos are attacking these people.

I join with my two colleagues who referred to the connection between smuggling and subversive activity. I have no doubt that exists, none whatsoever. I think one is synonymous with the other; one is supportive of the other. It is true that through smuggling that they get the money to finance subversive activities. That is why I hope that at some future date we will achieve harmonisation of taxation and move away from the differential between North and South so that we would at least be able to eliminate that activity. Hopefully, that will reduce the level of income of these "boys" who want to disrupt our country.

I joined in with the trade union protest at Oriel Park. The railway colleagues came from all over the country, from Kerry, to join in that protest. Our trade union colleagues, North and South, and indeed from the UK, also joined that protest. I was very proud to be there to join in the condemnation of the bombing. I was disappointed at the level of public support that turned out. In fact, many more had turned out for the H-Block campaign, when the shoe was on the other foot. Not as many turned out in Dundalk for this protest which in my opinion was more important than any H-Block campaign.

Deputy McGahon referred to the question of employment, but I think "unemployment" is probably the better word. In County Louth we have the highest level of unemployment in the Republic. Dundalk has the dubious honour of leading that chart, as Deputy Ahern, Deputy McGahon and I know. That did not happen by accident. Employment did not just go out of Dundalk; it left for a number of reasons. Employment was not provided in Dundalk for one very important reason, because foreign employers were not prepared to come to Dundalk. Many of them came as far as Drogheda and stopped there; and they made quite clear the reasons that they would not go to Dundalk. The people of Dundalk have to realise that is the situation. The tourists have not come to Dundalk or to the Border areas for the same reasons. I was talking to international visitors yesterday in this House and they think there is a machine gun or a bomb under every wall, in every bed, in every house and under every railway track along the Border. Their concept is that we spend all our time killing each other on the Border. The international press have given these "boys" more publicity than they deserve.

We also have to bear in mind the cost of troops, North and South. Security costs millions and millions of pounds which could be better used to get jobs for the town of Dundalk, County Louth and the Border areas. The money could be better spent than spending it on anti-subversive activity. We have to think of the families of those who work on the railway. I live beside the railway. The trains go by all night and very often I think of the mothers and fathers, and the wives of the men who have to drive the trains and work on the railway. I am sure they worry, as I do, about them and wonder if they will be home for breakfast in the morning. That is the type of thing we in County Louth have to put up with. I am glad to join with my colleagues on this occasion, as I will on every other occasion when there is a motion calling on us to be unanimous in our condemnation of this bandit land activity.

Mr. Gilmore

It is very significant that this motion has attracted all-party support; but I somewhat disappointed to see one Deputy communicate some criticism of the peace train initiative and suggest that this may have contributed to an increase in the number of threats to the line. The peace train was a remarkable event representing a spontaneous expression by ordinary people of their opposition to the repeated attacks on the North-South rail link. In the early days of the organisation of the peace train the ambitions of the organisers were quite modest. It was only after the announcement of the peace train, when members of the public began to ring in to express their interest in it, when representatives of all the political parties and members of various sporting and cultural organisations began to express their support, that this initiative gathered momentum. Therefore when it came to the day itself we were not talking about one peace train but two. Indeed, given the response of the public it would have been possible to fill a far greater number of trains with people who wanted to express their opposition to attacks on the line and their support for the continuance of the North-South rail link.

It is also signficant that a large number of public representatives and sporting and cultural personalities participated in the event and provided sponsorship. This certainly helped to make the event a success, but the real champions were the members of the public who participated to express their opposition to the attacks on the line. The real heroes are not necessarily those who stayed overnight in Portadown, which after all was nothing more than a symbolic gesture but which however did succeed in highlighting the affairs, but rather the people who get on the train every single day of the week and who cannot afford the luxury of staying overnight in the presence of the international media in a railway station in Portadown. They have to go about their day to day business as best they can and try to get to their destination on time without having to trudge off the train with their luggage at enormous inconvenience at either Dundalk, Newry or Portadown in order to avoid the bomb threat against the line.

When this motion was tabled after that event it appeared as if the peace train may have had some limited success as the number of attacks on the line lessened somewhat. Whatever hopes we might have had were well and truly shattered on 23 February with the planting of a bomb at Newry station and in the hotel where the ICTU women's conference was taking place. The question has been asked as to what effect the passing of a motion by Dáil Éireann will have on the IRA. It is fair to say that it is quite likely that the IRA will not pay a great deal of attention to a motion passed by Dáil Éireann. Indeed, there may well be a temptation for people who are antidemocratic, such as the IRA, to consider it macho to be seen rejecting a motion passed by Dáil Éireann. But the significance of this motion, which has received all-party support, is that it gives public expression to what we know the people want, which they themselves have expressed at every given opportunity, be it the peace train or the peace movement in the seventies or the signing of the book of condolences following the Enniskillen massacre. On all those occasions people showed that they are totally opposed to violence from whatever quarter and to the Provisional IRA. All they want to do is to live in peace and get on with their lives.

There is a temptation when talking about an issue like this to paint a caricature of the IRA and present them as being somehow subhuman. However, it is a fact of life that the IRA are a product of the thinking in this country. In passing a motion such as this it is very important that we bear this in mind. At every opportunity the Provisionals seek public support for their activities. They have exploited their own prisoners, the Birmingham Six and every single issue in an effort to gain public support and acceptance that what they are doing is in some way legitimate. I do not think they should be given that opportunity. Neither should they be given the opportunity to say, because additional towers have been erected and certain roads have been closed, that this in some way legitimises attacks on the railway line. This is the kind of ambiguous thinking which has given rise to the Provisional IRA and to circumstances in which there is some measure, albeit limited, of public acceptance of their activities. We must oppose their activities and reject them.

This motion is very important in that it expresses our view on the issue. It is also important because the rail line, which is of importance to the economy of the area, symbolises the need for continued co-operation between North and South and for continued dialogue and understanding. Anything which goes against that, such as public statements by politicians suggesting that there is less than tolerant attitude among the people of this island, will contribute to the problem.

Mr. McCartan

I rise at the conclusion of this debate, as one of the signatories to the motion, to support it and make a few observations. I thank the Whips of the parties who agreed to my suggestion that we should debate this motion before the Easter recess. It is important that we should write into the record of the House, the seat of democracy in our State, our unanimous condemnation of the activities of the Provisional IRA in disrupting the Belfast-Dublin rail link. It is important that we should record our demand for an end to attacks on that rail line. The debate represents an important event, all the more so in that we have all-party agreement to the motion. It is also important that we recognise the debate as part of a campaign that is slowly emerging and developing. I am referring to the campaign of democrats across our community, North and South, to publicly stand up and unambiguously challenge the activities of Sinn Féin and the IRA, as has been happening in recent months.

The singular, central important act surrounding the peace train was the fact that people from all walks of life, of all political persuasions and with different perspectives of the way forward in terms of achieving peace in Northern Ireland, were unified in one thing, in facing up to the people who peddle violence and say to them that their activities were not acceptable to us as democrats. There is no doubt that it is a feature of the political lives of those who are concerned and committed to the furtherance of democracy here that we should try to bring forward a view that exists among us all, our abhorrence of the paramilitary existence and to the use of violence. We can confront those people in elections and put them in their political place, we can speak about them on platforms at public meetings but there is always the frustration about the extent to which we are being surrounded by their nefarious activities and not being able to stand up and protest loudly and in a more unified way.

It was significant that we were able to bring on the campaign from the peace train to picketing the annual conference of Sinn Féin which was held in the Mansion House in Dublin as another manifestation of our public opposition to their political philosophy and activities. I agree with Deputy Barnes that it is a curious thing, to say no more, that the facilities of the Mansion House are made available to the people who argue for the so-called concept of democracy at one level and perpetrate a violent denial of it on another. That is something that must be addressed and I have no doubt that it will be considered by Dublin City Council in the near future.

Earlier today I had the honour of seeing a preview of the excellent television film made by RTE about the Guildford Four, centering on the character of Mrs. Sarah Conlon who was present at the showing. That remarkable film will be shown on RTE on Monday evening and I recommend watching it to all Members who are concerned with the campaign against violence and the need for the democratic process. Sarah Conlon showed, in the face of unbelieveable adversity, incredible strength, strength that exists throughout the community in Northern Ireland and amongst those who travel daily on the rail line. She was approached by the so-called green cross and by the people who said that her cause was a political one, but she turned to them and said that had they not planted the bomb her husband would not have died in prison, her son would not have been locked up for 15 years and deprived of his youth and early manhood. Her belief was that the instigators of the problem facing the Conlon family were the IRA. She had the strength to say no to their double-edged hand when they extended it to her at the time of her troubles. That type of strength must be brought into debates in the House and outside when we are dealing with issues like the bombing of the rail line and the activities of the IRA.

We must be clear and unambiguous in our opposition to the activities of the IRA. The campaign started by people concerned about democracy in the face of the attacks by the IRA on the rail line is a beginning by us all in our efforts to oppose the activities of those people. The trip by peace train, the picketing outside the Mansion House and the stating in this debate of the clear and unambiguous views of Members of the House represent a start in the campaign. There is no doubt that that campaign will continue. Eventually, we will face down the activities of the terrorists.

This issue first came to my attention most directly when a number of train drivers, some of whom are constituents and some of whom are acquaintances, told me that they could not stand the strain any longer. They explained that they had, in the face of unbelieveable pressures, written to Mr. Gerry Adams, so-called Member of Parliament for the people of West Belfast and President of Sinn Féin, requesting a meeting. Those train drivers, as workers, wanted to bring to his attention what his associates were inflicting on those who drove the trains on that line. They never received a response from Mr. Adams, a Member of Parliament for the people, as he describes himself. He refused to meet them, but two members of the so-called National Executive of Sinn Féin met the train drivers in Dublin. They listened to their case and said that regard would be had to their plea and their difficulties. However, they pointed out that Sinn Féin, and the IRA, have their own agenda, their own responsibilities, as they call them. That meeting took place late in 1989 and events subsequent to it show that Sinn Féin and Mr. Adams have no regard for the plight of the workers, those who use the rail link and their families and the other people who are concerned with that rail link.

We must bring this campaign further. There is the issue of the inter-connector which we have walked away from a little too easily. It also represents an important economic feature in the co-operation between the two communities North and South. We should be looking for the restoration of the connector as another serious declaration to the Provos that they cannot seriously bomb their will on the communities North and South. I should like to commend the police and the Army personnel involved in keeping the line clear as far as possible north and south of the Border. This point was referred to when The Workers' Party visited Army GHQ in Dublin and it brought home to us the important role being played by the Army, particularly by the bomb disposal squads who risk life and limb in trying to dismantle some of the vicious devices planted on the rail line on our behalf. There is no doubt that the Provos are deaf to democracy. They will not have any regard to the fact that the House is unanimous in stating that their campaign of terror should and must end. Consequently, the onus is on us as democrats to continue the campaign. We must ensure that our voices are heard often and unambiguously in condemnation of their activities and for peace and democracy on the entire island.

Question put and agreed to.