The invasion and annexation of Kuwait have shocked the world community. They represent the most flagrant violation of the UN Charter since the end of the Second World War. Iraq's action amounts to snuffing out a small state; it aims at no less than the disappearance of a member state of the United Nations.
With the ending of the Cold War, which had bedevilled international relations for over 40 years, we had all hoped for the possibility of a more reasonable world order. Such an order is not possible if actions such as those of Iraq in invading and annexing Kuwait are not rejected utterly. The invasion and subsequent annexation of Kuwait by Iraq have served to remind us of the paramount need for respect for international law and the central place it must have in any acceptable world order.
When, on 2 August, Iraq invaded Kuwait on the pretext that a popular uprising had taken place and that the provisional Government had requested Iraq's assistance in the maintenance of law and order, Iraq set itself on a collision course with the rest of the world. It is estimated that over 100,000 Iraqi troops were involved in the invasion. They met little substantial resistance. The Emir of Kuwait and a number of the Kuwaiti Cabinet fled to Saudi Arabia. On 8 August Iraq purported to annex Kuwait. It is noteworthy that no evidence of a popular uprising has been presented and that, up to the time that complete annexation was announced, no Kuwaiti of any kind could be found to lend himself to Iraq's charade of setting up an "independent" Government.
Both Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, which feared further aggression, requested assistance in accordance with Article 51 of the UN Charter, which upholds the inherent right of states to individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations. Some countries have provided this assistance, notably the US and UK, together with Egypt, Syria, Morocco, Bangladesh, Pakistan and, most recently, France. Some of these have also agreed to send vessels to the region, as have a number of other countries, including Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, West Germany, Greece, Italy, Netherlands, Spain and the USSR. The tasks of all of these are not absolutely clear: some vessels are in the region for general surveillance purposes, while others intend to help enforce the UN embargo. Some other countries, including members of the WEU which have not yet acted, and Japan, are considering taking action.
In accordance with the provisions of the Charter, member states of the United Nations are providing support for the deployment of these forces. In our case, the refuelling facilities given at Shannon are within the bounds of established policy in the event of an international crisis. Such facilities are in keeping with our commitment to uphold the UN Charter and to ensure that it is respected in all its aspects. The UN Security Council, in their Resolution 661 response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, specifically cite Article 51 of the Charter, which provides for the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence of all member states. The troops transported through Shannon were provided in response to a requested for assistance from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Our action in this matter is consistant with our support for action under the Charter. I might add that another neutral state, Austria, has provided over flight facilities for these flights.
The UN Security Council have taken action which is both decisive and unprecendented in the history of the organisation. It is important that this UN approach should be effective. This calls for full support for the decisions of the Security Council which, of course, are mandatory on all states. Under Article 42 of the UN Charter, there is provision, if necessary, for further action amounting to a blockade. Ireland would support such further action if decided by the Security Council. International solidarity is absolutely essential to deal with this threat to the international order. Short of military force, only an effective international embargo offers a prospect of a solution. It is very important that the determination to avoid the use of force and to seek a peaceful solution to be maintained.
Iraq will have to withdraw from Kuwait and the legitimate Government of Kuwait will have to be restored. These are the basic requirements of the UN Security Council resolutions. Security Council Resolution 660 of 2 August calls for the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Iraq's forces from Kuwait, the immediate start of negotiations between Iraq and Kuwait, and support for Arab League efforts in this direction. Resolution 661 of 6 August, imposing sanctions on Iraq, is an unprecedented example of the potential of the UN to act. It was subscribed to by all the permanent members of the Security Council — USA, UK, USSR, France and China. The sanctions which have been imposed cover trade in all commodities and products with Iraq, excluding those supplies intended strictly for medical purposes and, in humanitarian circumstances, foodstuffs. Resolution 662 of 9 August, adopted in response to Iraq's declaration of a "Comprehensive and eternal" merger of the two countries, declares that the annexation of Kuwait by Iraq is null and void. Resolution 664 of 18 August demands that Iraq permit and facilitate the depature from Iraq and Kuwait of all third country nationals and, in the interval, do nothing to jeopardise the safety of such nationals. Resolution 665 of 25 August calls upon those member states with maritime forces in the Gulf region to "use such measures commensurate to the specific circumstances as may be necessary" to enforce the embargo on trade with Iraq. This resolution provides the UN cover which the multi-national force was seeking for its enforcement of the trade embargo.
Ireland, as a member state of the European Community, has sought from the outset to co-ordinate our policy in relation to events in the Gulf as closely as possible with our Twelve partners. In European political co-operation this happens automatically. Given the position of our citizens and those of our EC partners in Iraq and Kuwait, the need for the closest possible co-operation in this field has become even greater. Since the invasion, I have attended two extraordinary ministerial meetings with our Community partners and participated in a ministerial troika visit to the region, in which we had valuable discussions in Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
In a statement on 2 August, the Twelve strongly condemned Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, supported UN Security Council Resolution 660 and called for immediate withdrawal of Iraq's forces.
On 4 August, the Twelve reiterated their condemnation and went on to agree, inter alia, an oil embargo on Iraq and Kuwait; the freezing of Iraqi and Kuwait assets; and the suspension of milittary sales to Iraq. The Twelve also indicated firm support for any UN Security Council resolution introducing sanctions against Iraq should it not withdraw from Kuwait. These decisions were implemented by Community action on 7 and 8 August and by national actions by the Twelve.
On 10 August, the Twelve recalled again their condemnation of Iraq's invasion and rejected its annexation of Kuwait.
At a meeting in Paris on 21 August, Ministers recalled their condemnation of Iraq's aggression against Kuwait. Further, they forcused on the position of nationals of the Twelve in Iraq and Kuwait; called for their immediate release, and warned Iraq that any injury to such nationals would provoke a very strong response from the Community.
Ireland has participated in making and implementing these decisions and our position is fully reflected in the stance adopted by the Twelve. We support the Community's willingness to assist those countries which are confronted by special economic problems arising from the carrying out of the UN measures. Already, we have joined with the Commission and our partners in providing assistance for evacuating from Jordan a large number of Egyptian refugees who were stranded there after fleeing from Iraq.
The invasion of Kuwait has caused a crisis in the Arab world. The Arab League adopted a resolution condemning the invasion and annexation on 10 August. Strenuous efforts are being made to resolve the crisis within an Arab context. The Twelve have declared themselves ready to support Arab efforts to restore international legality in the framework of the Resolutions of the Security Council. One of the purposes of the Troika mission was to signal clearly that support.
A number of initiatives are under way to find a peaceful settlement, notably the meeting of the United Nations Secretary-General with Iraq's Foreign Minister Aziz in Amman tomorrow. Mr. Perez de Cuellar will be basing his approach on the need for strict implementation of all the Security Council Resolutions, but particularly of the resolutions calling for withdrawal of Iraq's forces from Kuwait and calling for the release of all foreign nationals.
King Hussein of Jordan and Chairman Arafat of the PLO are trying to promote an "Arab settlement". The Twelve are prepared, as I have said, to work with the Arab countries to achieve a settlement on the basis of international legality as set out in the UN Charter and in the Resolutions of the Security Council. Any settlement must, of course, take into account the fact that the issue, crucially important as it is for the future world order, is one of concern to the world community in general and not just to the Arab countries. Accordingly, any effort at finding a settlement has to have the prospect of finding a just and lasting one in the framework of the Resolutions of the Security Council.
The Government recognise the sense of frustration and helplessness which is felt by many people who have family in Kuwait and Iraq. We are doing everything in our power to deal with the difficulties caused to the Irish citizens by Iraq's actions. The safety and welfare of our 350 or so citizens in Kuwait and Iraq has been, and will remain, the Government's first priority. All the Irish citizens in both countries are safe. No Irish nationals have been detained or moved to other locations, as has unfortunately happened to some nationals of the United Kingdom the United States, France and the Federal Republic of Germany.
We insist that the rights of Irish and other citizens be respected. These rights include the right to leave Iraq and Kuwait for destinations of their choice. It is not, however, within our power to bring our citizens home without the acquiescence of the Iraqi authorities. We will continue to bring all pressure to bear to achieve this end. The Taoiseach and I have, directly and personally, involved ourselves in co-ordination of the national response to the plight of our citizens in the two countries. Efforts to secure their release have been conducted at several levels: Bilaterally — our Ambassador to Iraq has made numerous representations to the authorities in Baghdad, both nationally and as a member of the Twelve to seek the release of our citizens; the UN— the Secretary-General will meet Iraq's Foreign Minister tomorrow, when the issue of foreign nationals will be one of the main items on the agenda; the Community—there is very close co-ordination and mutual co-operation of all Twelve; and the International Committee of the Red Cross— I discussed the matter with the President of the Committee on 21 August.
We are very grateful for the very valuable assistance we are receiving from our Community partners in looking after the welfare of our citizens trapped in Kuwait. Despite the declared intentions by Iraq to close all embassies in Kuwait on 24 August, their embassises are staying in Kuwait as long as possible in order to look after the welfare of their — and our — citizens. They are determined to do this — as some personal cost — despite Iraq's harassment, such as interference with water, electricity and gas; prevention of exit from, or access to, the embassis and a purported withdrawal of their diplomatic immunity.
It is a regretable fact that the Iraqi authorities are playing on our concerns for the welfare of our citizens in order to erode the solid stance of the whole international community aimed at reversing the illegal annexation of Kuwait. The right of foreigners to leave the country they are in, for destinations of their choosing, is firmly anchored in international law. We call on the Iraqi authorities to fulfil their international obligations in this respect. These obligations apply to all foreigners in Iraq and Kuwait; we refuse to accept that one illegality, the invasion and annexation of Kuwait, should be compounded by another, affecting the rights and welfare of our citizens in Iraq and Kuwait.
I would like to recall in this connection the statement of 21 August in which the Twelve warned of the Iraqi Government that any attempt to harm or jeopardise the safety of any EC citizen will be considered as a most grave offence directed against the Community and all its members states and will provoke a united response from the entire Community. Further, the Twelve warned Iraqi citizens that they will be held personally responsible, in accordance with international law, for their involvement in illegal actions concerning the security and life of foreign citizens. The responsibilities of Iraq in regard to our citizens are grave.
Only international solidarity, as expressed in the UN Resolutions, can bring about a peaceful end to Iraq's violation of international law. Such a resolution would also safeguard the welfare of our citizens now trapped in Kuwait and Iraq. In Kuwait, we are totally dependent on the assistance of our Twelve partners to look after the welfare of our citizens. There is no evidence that, by seperating ourselves completely from the Twelve position, we would obtain more favourable treatment for our citizens. If all countries were to follow an individual path, the result would be international anarchy in which no act of illegality could be reversed and no concerted response to the violations of our citizens' rights could be sustained.
In order to cope with the extra demands being placed on them, I have increased the staffing of the two Irish embassies in the region. I have also asked officials in my Department to work extra hours, both in overtime and through the cancellation of summer leave. I can say that the staff of my Department, both at home and in Iraq and Saudi Arabia, are unstinting in their commitment to looking after the welfare of Irish citizens.
We in Government are fully aware of the distress and frustration which the present situation causes to relatives of Irish nationals trapped in Iraq or Kuwait. These relatives can be assured that the Government will not cease their efforts to secure the rights of their family members to leave these two countries.
In order to ensure that relatives are as fully informed as possible, the Government formalised the provision of information with the establishment of the "Special Information Service on the Middle East". This service collates all available information from our diplomatic missions, from our EC partners and from other sources. It has provided regularly updated information to relatives of those in the Gulf region for 17 hours daily, from 7 a.m. to midnight. At its peak, the service provided valuable information and a sympathetic hearing to almost 200 callers per day. Demand has declined substantially in recent days, most noticeably in the early morning and late evening. Therefore, the service will in future operate for 12 hours a day from 9.30 a.m. to 9.30 p.m. The infrastructure for the service will remain in place, so that, if there should be any increase in demand for any reason, an extended service can be resumed immediately.
In addition to telephone contact, we identified quickly the need to be available for meetings with groups of relatives. My Department have readily agreed to provide a venue for the weekly meeting of the Gulf Relatives' Support Group. My officials have met with the Relatives' Support Group on four occassions and provided comprehensive briefing. I am pleased to see that this type of information exchange has been welcomed. The most recent meeting of the Gulf Relatives' Support Group, held in the Department on 27 August, attracted an attendance of over 130 people. Representatives of PARC and the Department of Health were also present to answer relatives' questions.
In order to reach as many people as possible, the Special Information Service also circulates names of members of the Relatives' Support Group who are willing to talk to other relatives unable to attend the Group's meetings. A small committee of the group has now been established and my Department will continue to keep in close touch with the committee between the weekly meetings.
The Committee of the Relatives' Support Group have asked to see the Taoiseach and arrangements are being made for the meeting. I understand this meeting will take place at noon today. It will be another in a number of steps which the Government have taken to keep the public informed and to allay the fears of relatives.
As was discussed yesterday, the crisis has impacted severely on our exports. The sanctions imposed by the United Nations cover Trade in all commodities and products with Iraq, excluding supplies intended strictly for medical purposes and, in humanitarian circumstances, food stuffs.
Irish exports to Kuwait amounted to £11.2 million in 1989. Irish exports to Iraq amounted to £47.4 million in 1989 of which £42.4 million was beef. Adding export refunds, the trade was worth £90-£100 million annually. Ireland's dependency on this trade is relatively the highest in the Community. Between 40 per cent and 50 per cent of Iraq's beef imports come from Ireland and beef represents 10 per cent of total Irish exports world-wide. As I said in a television interview on 23 August, there is a need to develop alternative markets for beef and cattle and I have been concerned to remove any obstacles in the way of exporters.
I am pleased that, following a lot of pressure on my part, the Twelve have agreed that the ban on high level visits to Iran should be modified to permit visits by Ministers dealing with "technical" portfolios. In relation to the question of the ban on the import of Irish bone-in beef because of fears of BSE, the decision allows the Minister for Agriculture and Food to visit Iran. His visit will, I hope, clear the way for the full acceptance of our beef on the Iranina market. I also used the opportunity of my recent visit to Egypt as a member of the EC Troika to impress on the Egyptian Minister for Agriculture the quality and disease-free status of Irish beef.
To return to the main subject of the debate — Iraq's invasion of Kuwait — I would like to underline once again the great importance of the international community making clear the absolute unacceptability of this kind of behaviour. Without respect for international norms none of us is safe. To bring about a return to legality is, of course, not just a matter of speeches and statements, but also a question of the international community reasserting the rule of law and being determined that violations of international order, such as we have witnessed in recent weeks, will be redressed.
We now have an important opportunity to take a collective stance in order to demonstrate this unacceptability and thus set out the parameters for the kind of order which will make for a more secure and stable world, now that the Cold War can be assigned to history. A good beginning has been made. The reaction of the Security Council — the highest organ of the United Nations — has been unprecedented in its speed and in its scope. The capacity of the UN to act in such situations is the central element in a future world order which can provide the assurances we all need. Hence the need for international solidarity in support of the condemnation of Iraq's action.
The Twelve, too, have been able to act effectively in support of one another, particularly in seeing to the welfare of our citizens in Iraq and Kuwait, and in support of the action taken by the Security Council.
The Government are determined to continue to act in solidarity with our Community partners in total commitment to the measures adopted by the UN. It is our hope that this first test of the world system after the end of the Cold War can be resolved in a peaceful manner in accordance with the UN Charter.
As the House is aware, Iraq announced yesterday that all foreign women and children who wished to leave Iraq were free to do so. It was unclear whether the concession will apply to all women or only to those who are dependent. As has already been announced, we are treating this announcement with caution, as previous reports on similar lines have proved unfounded. Our ambassador in Baghdad is urgently seeking immediate clarification and when we have received same, we will be glad to make a statement on it.
