Jim O'Keeffe
Ceist:1 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his discussions on Northern Ireland with the US President, Mr. Bill Clinton.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - United States Visit.
Proinsias De Rossa
Ceist:2 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his visit to the United States and his discussions with President Bill Clinton.
Mary Harney
Ceist:3 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his visit to the United States of America and the steps, if any, he took to counteract the propaganda boost for the IRA which Mr. Gerry Adams's recent visit constituted.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 3, inclusive, together.
I made a most successful visit to the United States from 12 to 19 March, with in the region of 30 engagements in New York, Chicago, Washington and Hartford. My visit was directed towards the advancement of two principal objectives which mirror the two priorities of this Government.
First, I actively promoted the peace initiative of the Irish and British Governments, which lays the ground for a resolution of the Northern Ireland conflict on the basis of the principles enshrined in the Joint Declaration. Second, I sought, in direct contacts with US business and political leaders, to promote increased investment into Ireland, increased exports to the US and on that basis increased job creation. The visit was extremely successful in terms of both objectives.
On Northern Ireland, I used every suitable occasion to enlist US support for peace, and for the development of a political settlement. I believe that my discussions with the President achieved a most satisfactory outcome. His personal interest is a source of great encouragement to us. He has given his own, and his administration's, full support for the joint efforts of the Irish and British Governments to advance the peace process. He publicly urged those engaging in violence and terrorism to take this unique opportunity to honourably embrace the democratic and political process, because the Joint Declaration affords, as he put it, "the best chance for a future of tolerance and reconciliation in Northern Ireland". He urged those who have not yet done so, to endorse the declaration as the best, indeed the only, way forward.
I greatly welcome the President's wholehearted support and encouragement. His words reflect the overwhelming view in Congress, expressed in the very positive statement by the Friends of Ireland, fully supporting the declaration, calling for an end to violence, and urging the start of negotiations. The President's view also mirrors the firm views expressed by Irish-American business leaders, and, I believe, the sentiments of the vast majority of the 44 million or so Americans of Irish birth and descent. This is a weighty opinion, which cannot be lightly ignored or dismissed by anyone with a genuine desire to advance the cause of peace in Ireland.
President Clinton made clear that he is ready to help, in the most constructive way that the United States can, to resolve the Northern Ireland conflict. Indeed, he showed this commitment in a very tangible way by confirming that the full $19.6 million would be provided for the International Fund for Ireland in 1995, thus restoring the US Government's contribution to last year's level. The Government is deeply appreciative of this very valuable expression of US support.
My discussions with Speaker Foley also focused upon Northern Ireland. Like President Clinton, he has been a very influential and consistent friend of Ireland and is strongly supportive of the Joint Declaration. The Government here attach great importance to his support. In response to a request from him, we announced agreement on an exchange arrangement between the Oireachtas and Congress. This very positive and significant development will further enhance the excellent bilateral relations which exist between Ireland and the United States.
I also held discussions with Senator Mitchell, the Majority Leader in the Senate, and with other very influential members of Congress such as Senators Kennedy, Moynihan, Leahy and Dodd and with Representatives Hamilton, McCloskey and Obey. Other opportunities to enlist support for the peace process included my address to the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations and numerous media interviews.
Apart altogether from daily RTE interviews, and briefings of Irish journalists, I gave four extended TV interviews on American channels, and further interviews on 80 other channels, both American and British. I also gave about ten radio interviews on American radio stations and on the BBC. I held two media breakfasts and press conferences with 40 to 50 leading correspondents and editorial writers in New York and Washington, and spoke to the Irish-America media and correspondents based in the US such as the Irish Echo and the Irish Voice. In the course of all my interviews I stressed that continuing acts of violence, such as the attacks on Heathrow Airport, are a profound miscalculation. I also made it clear that in the wake of the declaration, there was no longer even a vestige of justification for continuing to resort to violence.
On the basis of my visit I am particularly satisfied that the Irish-American community represents an immense and invaluable resource of constructive friendship and goodwill for this country, and the vast majority of them are anxious to see peace with justice in Ireland, as we are, and are willing to use their influence to that end.
My second priority objective in visiting the US was to promote Ireland as a location for US investment and in providing a basis for increased exports — manufactured and services, including tourism. Throughout my visit, I sought, whenever appropriate, to stimulate further enhancement of our excellent bilateral relations in the economic and trade spheres.
It was my great privilege to officially open Ireland House in New York on 15 March. I have long been convinced that consolidating the Office of the Consulate General of Ireland and the six State-sponsored agencies in New York would make sound economic and administrative sense. Under the same roof individuals may obtain information on such matters as passports, visa and citizenship requirements as well as information on Ireland as a tourist destination. Here too companies can get expert advice on trading with this country and information on Ireland as a location for investment. This sharing of facilities enables us to maximise our resources through a more effective and cohesive approach and, thus, to realise the maximum benefit of the opportunities available. Ireland House, therefore, constitutes a valuable enhancement to Ireland-US economic and trade relations.
On the same day I presented in New York the Irish America Top 100 Awards for 1994. These awards have been a vital part of that magazine's strategic marketing programme since its inception in 1985. In my address to the Ireland-US Council for Commerce and Industry I placed special emphasis on the 400 US companies which are operating competitively and profitably in Ireland and which are exporting in the region of $11 billion of goods and services each year to the rest of Europe. Ireland as a gateway to Europe offers special advantages and I, therefore, greatly welcome the work currently under way to establish a partnership in the pharmaceutical sector between US companies and the Irish health research community.
I attended a valuable meeting of the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board in Washington on St. Patrick's Day. The meeting dealt with four areas where Irish American expertise can productively complement the work of Irish Departments and agencies. These are: an integrated strategy for marketing Ireland in America, a more focused television and selective database campaign for tourism marketing, support from US firms for Irish university efforts in developing research-based campus companies and selective support for the financial services sector in Ireland.
The Irish-American Board will put in place in each case a small expert group to work with a corresponding group which we will draw together on the Irish side. I believe this focused support from Irish-American business leaders will lead to more effective developments in the American market and will provide the basis for increased investment, increased exports of manufactured goods and of services, including tourism, and, in that way, to much needed increased job creation.
While in Chicago I held discussions with representatives of the Chicago Boards of Trade and Options Exchange to promote the Dublin Exchange Facility which is now nearing completion. I stressed the opportunities afforded by this facility to the Chicago Board of Trade whereby membership would provide access to all the special advantages offered by the Dublin Financial Services Centre, particularly in the context of increased access to European brokerage markets when they will be deregulated at the beginning of 1996. A project from the Chicago Board would complement in an important way the New York FINEX project due to open in the Custom House Docks Centre at the end of May.
On my way back from the United States I paid a short official visit to the Bahamas at the invitation of Prime Minister Ingraham. I had a series of useful bilateral discussions with the Prime Minister and members of his Cabinet. These discussions covered a number of areas where there is considerable potential for closer contact and co-operation between our two countries. I found that the Bahamian authorities believe that Ireland as a small island nation, and on the basis of some existing contacts, has much to offer in terms of development.
The Taoiseach was on a holiday, he should stop trying to spoof us.
Did he bring us back any grass skirts?
Sour grapes. Jealousy will get the Deputies nowhere.
Let us hear the Taoiseach without interruption.
In particular, the Bahamian authorities are interested in availing of Irish expertise in regard to the structure and training requirements of the Bahamian public service, environmental protection, third level technological education, teacher training in maths and the sciences, training in broadcasting and the provision of duty free facilities. These areas of co-operation will now be actively pursued.
The Taoiseach should have sent Deputy Seán Haughey there.
During my visit I attended a promotional function for the Irish Dairy Board, whose exports to the Bahamas are in the region of £1 million per annum. Arising from my discussions, the question of establishing diplomatic relations on a non-resident basis between Ireland and the Bahamas will be explored.
The Taoiseach got a bit of a tan anyway.
(Interruptions.)
I want to bring the Taoiseach back from the sunny climate of the Bahamas to the more narrowly focused point in my question about Northern Ireland. Will the Taoiseach say if in his discussions with President Clinton the following two issues were agreed: first, that no further visa to enter the United States would be issued to the Sinn Féin President, Gerry Adams, until there is a cessation of IRA violence and, second, that the appointment by President Clinton of a US peace envoy to Northern Ireland would be inappropriate at this stage? On the broader issue of Northern Ireland, will the Taoiseach accept that both the British and Irish Governments are sailing on a sea of uncertainty at present? Will he clarify the Government's approach to the possible calling of a temporary cease-fire by the IRA as some confusion has arisen from the Tánaiste's remarks during his absence? Will he agree that now is the time for the UK and Irish Governments to formulate detailed joint proposals to be put to the political parties in Northern Ireland later in the year when they may be more agreeable to enter into discussions; in other words, to use the elegant phraseology of Séamus Mallon, to write the script at this stage in the absence of agreement and discussion between the political parties?
Any decision on a further application by Mr. Gerry Adams for a visa to enter the United States ultimately will be a matter for President Clinton, who has made it very clear that his decision to grant a visa to him was taken in the context of the American contribution to the peace process and to give Mr. Adams the opportunity to witness the level of support in the United States for the Downing Street Declaration, for a rejection of violence and for all of us to pursue the path to peace. He made this abundantly clear, as have the vast majority of the Friends of Ireland and Congress on Capitol Hill. They supported the granting of the visa and made it very clear in their statement that they fully supported the Downing Street Declaration. Like President Clinton, they called on Sinn Féin to reject violence and to join those who are seeking to achieve peace and reconciliation on this island. In the event of another visa application being made, it will be a matter for President Clinton at that time. I will not speculate on a hypothetical situation.
There is no confusion in the British and Irish Governments about the conditions laid down and no change in this regard. We want a declaration of a permanent cessation of violence from the IRA before Sinn Féin can join the forum for peace and reconciliation and engage in talks with the British Government as a forerunner to joining the peace negotiations. That is the position as we see it and there is no change or confusion.
A temporary ceasefire——
Order, please.
I am talking about a declaration of a permanent ceasefire.
I want to remind the House that 30 minutes only are provided for dealing with questions to the Taoiseach today.
The Taoiseach is reported as saying in the United States that he knew the President of Sinn Féin, Mr. Adams, personally wanted to deliver on the Joint Declaration. What is the basis for such a statement? Did the Taoiseach meet Mr. Adams and discuss this matter with him? What is the basis for this certainty? When President Clinton indicated he was encouraged by the "conciliatory statement" from Mr. Adams, did the Taoiseach point out to him that all we heard from Mr. Adams is the same old raméis we have been hearing for the past three months and that there is no apparent conviction on the part of Sinn Féin or the IRA that they should abandon their campaign of violence? Finally, is the Taoiseach concerned about John Hume's approach with regard to the recent activities of the IRA, specifically in relation to the bombing of Heathrow Airport? Has he had an opportunity to talk to Mr. Hume and express to him the concern of this House and the motion passed by it condemning that outrage?
To take the Deputy's questions in reverse order, I made clear to everybody in the United States to whom I spoke, including John Hume, the views of this House and the personal views that I expressed in relation to the attacks on Heathrow Airport. I spoke to President Clinton at length about the statement issued and, while there were some positive aspects to it and certain new views expressed in it, the President and I made it very clear that while these words are fine we really need a decision from Sinn Féin to join the peace process and follow up with action to put meaning into the words that appeared in certain parts of that statement. In regard to the question of who is pushing for peace, I said before that all the evidence and information available to me suggests clearly that Mr. Adams was preaching peace but in relation to the end of violence, that is the statement we all want to hear. It is not a question of who is doing what when; this House, the Irish people and people around the world want a declaration of a permanent cessation of violence so that we can get on with the long task of peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland.
Will the Taoiseach elaborate on the comments made by him in the United States that if Britain withdrew from Northern Ireland it would have to continue to subsidise the Northern Ireland economy to the tune of billions of pounds per annum? Is the Taoiseach aware of intelligence reports that recruitment to the IRA trebled in recent times? Is it the Taoiseach's intention to establish the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation?
I have said that I will be in consultation with all the party leaders opposite in relation to setting up the forum and I will do that at the appropriate time. I have no intelligence reports or information available to me suggesting any increase in recruitment to the IRA. Finally——
The billions after they withdraw.
——it is common sense that the billions transferred from the UK Exchequer to support the economy in Northern Ireland——
Run it up.
——in the event of a political settlement would have to continue for quite a long time. It was suggested in a recent newspaper report it might take 25 to 30 years to phase that out and, as a prominent British politician said to me, it would be cheap at the price.
In reply to Deputy De Rossa, was the Taoiseach speaking in a personal capacity when he said he knew Gerry Adams was personally anxious for peace or was he speaking on behalf of the Government? Is it a common belief among the Taoiseach's Government colleagues that Gerry Adams is personally working for peace? In view of the fact that Sinn Féin-IRA are stringing out the process to such a length and engaging, as Séamus Mallon said, in a peace by day and war by night policy, will the Taoiseach tell us in simple terms what exactly he proposes to do over the coming weeks and months, while Sinn Féin and the IRA continue to string out this process, to bring about dialogue on Northern Ireland? Is it not the case that this vacuum is being exploited by the IRA and the extreme views of people such as Reverend Ian Paisley?
There is no vacuum.
Of course there is.
The two Governments will continue to work to provide a framework for the resumption of the talks process. It will not be done in a week or two weeks and the question of a vacuum arising over the coming weeks simply does not arise. Any statements made by me when I am abroad are on behalf of the Irish people and, of course, the Irish Government. It is very clear — and I have had to repeat this on numerous occasions — that all the information available to me does not suggest that Gerry Adams is doing other than what I said.
Is that the policy of the whole Government, including the Tánaiste?
I put it to the Taoiseach that since the Downing Street Declaration the reality is that there have been many murders in Northern Ireland, including those of two police officers, a soldier and a number of civilians. We also had the outrageous publicity stunts at Heathrow Airport and the even more dangerous action taken in Crossmaglen. Will the Taoiseach accept there is no evidence that peace is breaking out in Northern Ireland and that, from the point of view of the talks process, the reality is that the majority of the political leaders in Northern Ireland are not willing to sit down and talk at this stage? What is the Government policy in the light of those two realities?
I thought I made it clear to Deputy Owen — but I will repeat it for the benefit of Deputy O'Keeffe — that there is no vacuum. The two Governments continue to do their work through the liaison committee in trying to put together a framework for the resumption of talks. Both Governments have made it clear to everybody and to all parties what the basis of those talks will be and that the principles enshrined in the Downing Street Declaration will be the starting point for those talks when they resume. No party will have a veto on political progress. The British Government said that time and again and I have said it also. The process and how it is proceeding is very clear. If Deputy O'Keeffe and Deputy Owen are suggesting that Sinn Féin-IRA have a veto on progress between the two Governments, it is simply not the case.
They effectively have a veto.
We will continue the work in relation to putting our framework together and all parties will then have the opportunity of the resumption of talks but no party will have a veto on political progress.
There are a number of Deputies offering. I want to facilitate them but I ask them to be brief. I now call Deputy De Rossa.
Can I take it from the Taoiseach's reply with regard to his remarks about Gerry Adams's personal commitment to the declaration that it is based purely on his presumption that because he says so, he is in favour of the declaration, despite the evidence of the IRA campaign of continuing murder and destruction? Will the Taoiseach indicate what steps he and his Government are taking currently and for the foreseeable future to rescue support among the Unionist population in Northern Ireland for this declaration which is rapidly disintegrating, primarily because of the long delay by both Governments in proceeding to negotiations based on it?
As usual, Deputy De Rossa tries to twist and misinterpret what people are saying. I have said quite clearly that the information and intelligence available to me suggest exactly the position as set out, no more and no less, and no misinterpretation or twisting of words will change exactly what that specific statement says and what it means. Lest Deputy De Rossa is not aware of it, there is plenty of support on the ground within both communities in Northern Ireland for the peace process. We can have a peace process and a rejection of violence without an acceptance of the Downing Street Joint Declaration. The Downing Street Joint Declaration constitutes a set of principles on which to proceed. If somebody does not like some of its words or phraseology, that is fine as long as we have a cessation of violence so that talks can proceed. That is what is important, not arguing over words or phrases in the declaration.
In view of the fact that the Taoiseach's response to Deputy Harney about the commencment of the forum for peace and reconciliation is the same as that he gave in early February, would he not agree that now is the appropriate time to get on with that? Would he agree that Dr. John Alderdice, the Leader of the Alliance Party, was correct when he requested the Taoiseach to get on with the process in early February so that there would be some agenda other than that of the IRA in this matter?
Dr. Alderdice's suggestions always are taken in good faith by the Government but it is for us to decide what is the appropriate time and we will do so.
In his discussions with President Clinton, did the Taoiseach express his concern about the difficulties Irish people, particularly young people, are experiencing in obtaining holiday visas to visit the United States? Did he ask President Clinton what steps he was taking to ensure that those who wish to attend the World Cup will be given an opportunity of obtaining holiday visas?
I understand that arrangements in relation to the granting of visas for the World Cup are in train between the appropriate authorities and that the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs is indeed processing those arrangements.
Is the Taoiseach aware that there is an amendment due before the House of Representatives?
As a Deputy representing a Border constituency, the Taoiseach will be aware that I seldom participate in this debate. Might I suggest to him there is too much talk and not enough action on the ground in the matter of building bridges between the two communities? Would he comment on the discovery by the Garda in County Sligo of what appears to have been a recently used training camp? Would that indicate to the Taoiseach——
The Deputy is raising a very specific matter warranting a separate question.
It is in relation to this overall debate, a Cheann Comhairle.
I think we should have notice of questions of that kind.
Would the Taoiseach say whether that would indicate to him an outfit interested in training for war or, conversely, in peace? I compliment the Garda on the magnificent work they are doing in the protection of life.
I have ruled the essential part of your question out of order, Deputy.
This House salutes the Garda in their ongoing successes in the discovery of arms, training camps or anything else connected with the operations of any illegal organisation here. We wish them continued success in that regard. It has been recognised not only by this Government and House but by the British Government and the Chief Constable of the RUC.
In the course of his trip to the United States for St. Patrick's Day, the Taoiseach promised to have discussions with the Speaker of the United States House of Congress, Mr. Tom Foley, in regard to establishing structures between the Dáil and United States Congress. Will he elaborate on what he had in mind?
Something along the lines of the Interparliamentary Union between here and the United States Congress.
I will be brief, again at the risk of being accused of twisting the Taoiseach's words. As he does not give a direct answer to a direct question may I suggest to him that the implication of his indirect reply is that he is doing nothing to endeavour to maintain or build on the support of moderate Unionism of the Downing Street Joint Declaration? Is that an accurate or a twisted version of what he is doing?
That is ridiculous.
I am asking the Taoiseach to tell us because clearly he is doing nothing.
I am calling Deputy Harney.
Whether he likes it or not there is a vacuum there.
This is Question Time. There can be no argument or debate at this time.
The Taoiseach carries on blindly as if everything was fine.
There are another 12 months to St. Patrick's Day, 1995.
I have allowed quite some latitude on these questions. I am calling Deputy Harney.
In an earlier reply the Taoiseach referred to discussions he had with business interests in the United States. Would he say whether he had discussions at any level with persons interested in a strategic alliance with Telecom Éireann?
The answer is "No". I should say, for the benefit of Deputy De Rossa, that if he does not believe I am doing anything in favour of peace, then he is the only person on this island holding that belief.
As usual, the Taoiseach is talking nonsense.
(Interruptions.)
We were impressed by the Taoiseach's performance as a raconteur this week.
While we very much support the Taoiseach in his quest for a permanent ceasefire, I am not clear as to his attitude to the possible calling of a temporary ceasefire by the IRA. What is his attitude to that?
I have stated my attitude. Lest the Deputy is endeavouring to imply certain meanings to what the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs has said, he has made it abundantly clear that the position of the Irish Government is that we want a declaration of a permanent cessation of violence. I am sorry to have to say that if the Deputies opposite do not see the significance of the great support we have built up in the United States and the unique position in which we now find ourselves, then it is too bad for them because they are out of touch with reality.
(Interruptions.)
I know it grieves them but I am sorry for their troubles.