I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 3, inclusive, together.
A key aspect of the Joint Declaration is that it is entirely legitimate to pursue the goal of a united Ireland. This must be sought by democratic political means only and paragraph seven makes clear that Irish unity would be achieved only by those who favour this outcome persuading those who do not, peacefully and without coercion or violence.
In my address to the Ógra Fianna Fáil annual conference on 16 April, I acknowledged that, realistically, a united Ireland by agreement is a long term goal, but it is also a reality that the ideal of Irish unity in the right conditions is a cherished aspiration which is dearly held by a great many people, North and South. I therefore do not accept that it is inappropriate or that it is illegitimate even to discuss and debate this prospect or to present unity in an attractive form. It is contradictory and illogical to claim on the one hand to support the Joint Declaration and on the other hand to condemn any discussion of Irish unity. That type of attitude, which seeks to deter any democratic discussion of unity, only serves to perpetuate violence.
The underlying point of my speech was that in any future form of Government, the notion that a majority can simply override minorities in either Northern Ireland or in an all-Ireland situation has to be discarded. That clear message was directed to the communities in the North and the people in the Republic. Simple majoritarianism amounts to coercion and is contrary to the spirit and principles of the Joint Declaration. An accommodation is what is required.
The question of what Unionists could expect in a new agreed Ireland has been raised with me on many occasions by moderate Unionists from the North. Would their worst fears be realised? In the course of a lengthy speech, which covered many other topics, I put forward the idea that, in the event of future unity, the two communities could expect their fair share of places in an enlarged Government, and throughout the public sector, for as long as was necessary and in accordance with systems that have been developed on parts of the European Continent and elsewhere. There could also be, if desired, as part of that framework a regional responsibility-sharing Government. Even under a more limited settlement, a regional administration could be one important element alongside North-South institutions in replacing violence by providing a return to real politics in the North. Central to the ideas which I put forward was that in determining a new agreed Ireland the principles of agreement and consent must apply.
Naturally, I never expected the idea to be warmly embraced by Unionist politicians in the short term. Nevertheless, most of the comments from the Ulster Unionist Party have been moderate and measured. The Reverend Martin Smyth, for instance, recognised that there is greater openness and generosity in the idea, but said of course that the plan denied the essence of Unionism. Eddie McGrady of the SDLP said that the speech contained elements which could embody the aspirations of both communities and become a catalyst in future discussions. The Sinn Féin president welcomed the principle of a national partnership government, having already accepted that Unionists should not be coerced into a united Ireland and that their agreement should be sought through a process of democratic persuasion only. A central point in my speech was that, together with the Joint Declaration, this acceptance removes any remaining perceived justification for continued armed struggle. In this regard, I wholeheartedly support Cardinal Cahal Daly's weekend statement when he said: "Politically, the continuance of IRA violence is merely confusing the real issues and obscuring the real problems of the present and the future of this country."
I think it important to repeat here again the underlying theme of my Ógra Fianna Fáil speech. An eventual political settlement must be achieved by agreement and consent. To ensure its acceptance and durability, the system of government which is ultimately agreed must provide rock-solid guarantees for the rights, identities and aspirations of both traditions. In my speech, I set out one possible way in which these fundamental principles would apply in the event of a united Ireland being agreed at some date in the future.
Notwithstanding some reservations expressed by other politicians and in parts of the media, Deputies should take careful note that I am not aware of any reaction which described any element of my speech as manifestly unfair to either tradition. I therefore believe that it deserves over a period of time full and careful deliberation by all who seek a new agreed way of life in an environment of peaceful co-existence for the people of this island.