I thank the Ceann Comhairle for giving me the opportunity to raise this important matter in the House. The decision by the management of TEAM yesterday to proceed with the layoff of more than 800 workers was the most ominous development yet in what is one of the most serious crises in the public sector for many years. If this crisis is not resolved not only will some 2,000 workers be dumped on the dole it will also spell the end for one of the few new industrial ventures in the public sector for decades, threaten the existence of Aer Lingus and cut a swathe of economic destruction through much of north Dublin.
Given the seriousness of the situation, it is hard to understand the bloody minded take it or leave it attitude of the Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications and his Cabinet colleagues. When Galway faced the Digital crisis in 1992 no effort was spared to save jobs; there were high level meetings, special Dáil debates and ministerial dashes across the Atlantic. The workers in TEAM Aer Lingus got none of those considerations — just an ultimatum and a ministerial washing of hands. Is it any wonder that more and more TEAM workers are beginning to wonder whether there is a hidden agenda involving killing off TEAM and the promotion, perhaps, of some privately-owned firms carrying out similar work? Is it a Thatcherite agenda setting out to break the workers' trade unions? Why are Labour Party Ministers standing idly by? The workers are not responsible for the economic problems threatening to strangle TEAM Aer Lingus. The workers did not undertake the initial viability assessment of the project; they did not get their sums wrong or badly misjudge the market and the competition the company was likely to face. Therefore, the workers alone should not now be asked to carry the economic can for the TEAM crisis.
It is understandable that TEAM workers want to defend their jobs and economic position to the maximum extent possible. Many of them gave up secure jobs to work in TEAM, others moved to new houses to be near the job, taking on new mortgages and commitments. They, more than anyone, have a vested interest in securing the future of the company.
With the support of the Government it should be possible to find a solution to the current problem which would secure the maximum number of jobs without impoverishing the workers and guarantee the future viability of the company. We will face an industrial disaster unless something is done to break the deadlock. There must be negotiations some time and it is preferable to enter into them now, when there is something to save, rather than when the only task facing negotiators will be to pick up the pieces.
Clearly there is a difference of opinion on the Government benches. The Minister said that the only matter to be discussed is the implementation of the report of the Labour Relations Commission. Labour Party backbenchers suggested that the report of the Labour Relations Commission and the trade union development plan should be on the agenda. That seems to offer a possible formula for progress and it is astonishing that the Minister should reject it. The Labour Relations Commission document is in the form of a report prepared for the Minister for Enterprise and Employment under section 38 (2) of the Industrial Relations Act, 1990. Therefore, there is no reason the Labour Relations Commission or the Labour Court should not be requested to continue investigations at a number of levels, if necessary, to appoint consultants and even an independent chairperson to review all elements of this dispute.
I do not question the bona fides of those who drafted the Labour Relations Commission document, which was prepared under great pressure and dealt primarily with the industrial relations aspects of the problem rather than with broader viability issue. It largely took on board the proposals of management which were deeply flawed in the first place and appeared to take little account of the trade union development plan.
This is not a routine industrial dispute, the problems arise from the economic condition of the company. It is possible that cost savings as great or even greater than those proposed in the Labour Relations Commission document could be effected with the co-operation of the workforce through a well-based viability plan, but it must be done through co-operation between management and workers living up to the name of the company and acting as a team. Neither management nor unions can impose their will on the other side, since victory for one may well spell ultimate defeat and disaster for both. The Government, as a shareholder and the custodian of the public interest in the company, cannot stand on the sidelines and act like some disinterested observer; the Minister and his colleague, the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, should be in there encouraging, facilitating, prompting and doing everything possible to bring the two sides together. Saving the company and its jobs rather than the niceties of industrial relations protocol should be the priority.
Finally, it should be said that other seemingly impossible disputes in the public sector in the past, in the ESB and Bord na Móna — about which the Minister knows — and indeed in others have been solved. Let the Minister now get off his high horse, look at the files, take a leaf out of the books of some of his predecessors and ensure that this dispute is solved now before further damage is done to TEAM and perhaps to Aer Lingus itself.