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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 18 Oct 1994

Vol. 445 No. 9

Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Conflict in Former Yugoslavia.

Nora Owen

Ceist:

33 Mrs. Owen asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on the current situation in former Yugoslavia where it is clear that the plan put forward by the Contact Group is clearly unacceptable to the Bosnian Muslims in view of the fact that it would lead to ethnic cleansing condoned by the international community; and his views on the Washington Agreement. [1534/94]

The conflict in the former Yugoslavia, which is now entering its fourth year, has been a matter of major concern for the Government, the European Union, the United Nations and the wider international community. In recent months there have been a number of positive developments.

In Croatia the ceasefire agreement of last March is holding and life there is returning to normal. Work is continuing within the framework of the international Conference, co-chaired by the European Union and the United Nations, on confidence building measures between the Croatian Government and the Croatian Serb leaders, and on an overall settlement.

In Bosnia the war between Bosnian Croat forces and the Government ended in March with the signature of the Washington Agreements by the Government of Bosnia, the representative of the Bosnian Croats and the President of Croatia. These agreements provided for the establishment of a federation in the territories of the Bosnian Muslim and Croat peoples and for a possible confederal arrangement between this federation and Croatia.

The agreements set out detailed arrangements on human rights, the division of governmental responsibilities, the structure of the federation, the operation of the judiciary and the conduct of the federation's international relations. Decisions on the constitutional status of Serb areas were left to negotiations in the international conference.

It was clear, however, that the agreements could not fully come into effect while the key question of territorial delimitation remained unresolved. When the parties themselves were unable to reach agreement on this the Contact Group — consisting of the UN, the EU, the US and Russia — made proposals on 6 July for the allocation of territory between the Croat-Muslim Federation and the Bosnian Serbs. This proposal was based on the following principls: the territorial division agreed earlier by all three parties — 51 per cent for the Croat and Muslim communities and 49 per cent for the Bosnian Serbs; the preservation of Bosnia as a single Union within its internationally recognised borders; the continuation of Bosnia's international legal personality; and the right of refugees and displaced persons to return freely to their homes of origin.

The Contact Group's proposal has been approved by the UN Security Council. It has been accepted by the Bosnian Muslims and Croats, but has been rejected by the Bosnian Serbs. The major challenge now is to bring about acceptance of the plan by the Bosnian Serbs and the international community has taken several steps to this end.

The UN Security Council has recently imposed a comprehensive package of measures on the Bosnian Serbs to isolate them politically and economically.

In addition the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia which itself has accepted the plan has decided to end its political and military support for the Bosnian Serbs. Belgrade has closed its border with the Bosnian Serb territories and has agreed that the closure can be monitored by a mission under the auspices of the international conference. Ireland is contributing four personnel to this mission. In recognition of this significant change of position by the authorities in Belgrade the UN Security Council has decided to suspend some of the sanctions of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

A successful outcome to the peace process in Bosnia — vital to an overall settlement in former Yugoslavia — is by no means assured, but the pressure is mounting on the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Contact Group's plan. This would enable the detailed constitutional issues to be addressed in earnest, with some prospect of success, and would give new impetus to the search for an overall settlement in former Yugoslavia.

I thank the Minister for his comprehensive reply. Is he aware that the policy of ethnic cleansing is being continued in Bosnia, that Bosnian Muslims are being driven from the places in which they are living and that by the time the Contact Group's plan is implemented the process of ethnic cleansing will be complete? Instead of going along wholeheartedly with the Contact Group's plan, would the Minister give some consideration to the Washington Agreement which led to peace between Bosnia and Croatia and which would allow the borders of Bosnia to remain unaltered and a loose canton-style government to be put in place? Why is the Government not considering this agreement?

Having read a number of recent articles, I can appreciate the Deputy's concerns. The Contact Group's plan is a vital first step in preserving Bosnia as a single union within its internationally recognised borders. This plan has been accepted by the Bosnian Muslims and Croats but, unfortunately, not by the Bosnian Serbs. When the Bosnian Serbs accept the plan it is intended that it will form part of a settlement which will provide for constitutional arrangements to establish a relationship between the Croat-Muslim Federation and the Bosnian Serbs. The Contact Group has indicated its firm support for a settlement under which refugees and displaced persons will be able to return freely to their homes of origin. It is absolutely essential that an overall settlement should include such provisions. Given the brutal and widespread ethnic cleansing in Bosnia during the past two and a half years I am under no illusions about the fears that many displaced persons will ultimately have when they contemplate returning to their homes. It is vital when the Bosnian Serbs accept the territorial plan that provision be made in an overall settlement to ensure that all displaced persons will be able to return freely to their homes. Strict guarantees, which will have to be rigorously implemented, will be necessary in this regard.

The Minister has said that he supports the principle that people have the right to return to where they formerly lived. Is he aware that many people have had their homes appropriated by the Serbs and that the Muslims will not be able to reclaim them? Does the Contact Group have proposals to ensure that the principle of the right of return is implemented?

There has to be agreement on the key territorial issues in the first instance and then there will be some prospect of preserving Bosnia within its internationally recognised borders. That would lead to the prospect of all dispossed persons returning to their homes. That cannot happen unless in the first instance we get acceptance of the territorial divide. It is important that we do not view the Washington Agreements as an alternative to the Contact Group's plans. The Washington Agreements which cover the constitutional arrangement for the Croat Muslim Federation are not an alternative to the Contact Group's plans. The Bosnian Government has accepted the Contact Group's plan for what it is — an attempt to facilitate agreement by the parties on the limitations of the Croat Muslim Federation and on the Bosnian-Serb entity. Obviously the Contact Group will do everything possible within its remit and the international community will help to guarantee the prospect of displaced persons returning to what were previously their homes.

Question No. 34 in the name of Deputy John Connor. Ní fheicim an Teachta. Níl sé anseo.

Deputy Connor is unavoidably absent.

Agus dá bhrí sin caithfidh mé dul ar aghaidh.

Am I not entitled to take his questions?

No, Deputy, I am sorry.

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