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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 5 Dec 1996

Vol. 472 No. 5

Private Members' Business. - Great Lakes Region of Africa: Statements (Resumed).

(Laoighis-Offaly): In our response to this crisis, we must guard against recreating the situation in the refugee camps where those who had perpetrated the genocide were sheltered and benefited from international aid generously given over the past two years.

I would like to address what is taking place in the political sphere. The initiatives taken by former President Nyerere of Tanzania are those which will bring peace to the area. There was a measure of progress with the Arusha accords in 1994 which provided for power sharing, democracy and accountability in Rwanda. The people set to lose out by the introduction of those democratic measures were those who ordered and perpetrated the genocide. I would like those agreements to be put in place and built on, in particular to include measures to address the restoration of the justice system in that country.

We cannot expect European countries to ride in on white horses and sort out these problems given that they caused most of them in the first instance. We must continue to assist the initiatives of the African countries, the Organisation of African Unity and former President Nyerere, with the help of figures like President Mandela of South Africa, to reach agreement between Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Tanzania and Zaire. This crisis, if not addressed politically, has the potential to destabilise the entire region. We are seeing that happen in Zaire and we know what is going on in Burundi. While Tanzania has been lucky not to have experienced any major political overspill, it wants the situation resolved.

Any solution brokered must address the need for political progress. We must have guarantees on the passage of humanitarian aid in Rwanda and eastern Zaire. It is necessary to reach agreement on the appointment of human rights monitors in Rwanda because a huge job will need to be done to ensure human rights for those who return there from Zaire and other countries.

I compliment the Government on the money it has given to the humanitarian aid effort. Yesterday, the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs approved a Supplementary Estimate for £2.5 million of which £1 million came from the national lottery. The people agree with such funding. Unless there is a political solution, we will have to come back again with such requests.

In 1994 we witnessed scenes of the most appalling suffering in Rwanda and in the sprawling refugee camps around Goma. It seemed from media coverage that the suffering had abated and that law and order was more or less restored to Rwanda. A few half-hearted attempts were made to put those responsible for the genocide on trial and refugees got on with the business of living in Goma and the other camps.

A few weeks ago hostilities between the Hutus and Tutsis flared up again, this time in eastern Zaire, and the world looked on in amazement as the scenes of 1994 were replayed. Recent events in the Great Lakes region should have surprised nobody, particularly those with an interest in Africa. My greatest fear is that the international community may sink back into complacency, as happened at the end of 1994, now that the refugees are returning to Rwanda.

There are those who would try to make us believe that Africa is doomed to be a political and economic mess, beset by tribalism and violence, and that the developed world should keep well away from what are essentially internal tribal conflicts, but I do not subscribe to that view. Europe as a whole must start picking up the political and economic tab for the great wrongs which were done to Africa in the past — that matter was referred to by other Deputies. Ethnic conflict and the resulting streams of refugees are the symptoms rather than the cause of the problems besetting this part of Africa. The root cause can be traced back to the colonial history of Africa, a history dominated by European intervention. More than 100 years ago when Africa was a peaceful, stable society Europe was more than anxious to intervene but now when intervention is essential it seems reluctant to do so.

The great European powers carved up Africa with mathematical precision during the 1870 Berlin conference. Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium and Portugal passed these countries around as if they were prize possessions which were theirs to take advantage of, and ethnic, religious and linguistic groups found themselves divided by arbitrary borders. The result of that is to be seen today. To look at Africa one would think that God divided it with a slide rule. Today the people of the Great Lakes region in particular are picking up the tab for the games played by the great powers 126 years ago.

The 1870 conference marked the beginning of more than a century of exploitation. Political colonialism was followed in recent decades by corporate colonialism which has wreaked havoc in countries such as Nigeria — that matter was highlighted by Democratic Left in the wake of Ken Saro-Wiwa's execution. The World Bank and the IMF have combined to ensure that many post colonial countries are shackled by debt and the policies adopted by the World Trade Organisation have undermined any prospect of food security for many countries in Africa. Underlying all this is the arms trade. Only recently we learned that a British arms company, Mil-Tec, supplied large amounts of arms and ammunition to the former Rwandan Government before and after it murdered an estimated one million people in 1994. I have little doubt that European arms companies currently supply the Zairean rebels and other elements led by President Mobutu.

UN and EU arms embargoes will continue to be empty aspirations unless a concerted effort is made to close the loopholes exploited by arms manufacturers. Mil-Tec was able to continue supplying arms to Rwanda after the embargo by producing Zairean end-user certificates. The current arms embargo against Nigeria is not worth the paper it is written on since EU arms companies can continue to fulfil supply contracts concluded before the embargo and arms supply contracts may take several years to fulfil. When there is a requirement that arms trading should cease, there should be complete cessation. I hope the Government will press for a thorough review of the conditions governing arms embargoes and insist that when an embargo is put in place all trade in arms stops.

I am extremely concerned at the smug complacency displayed by the international community following the return of refugees from Zaire to Rwanda. The voluntary nature of that return was hastened by the civil war in Zaire. The return of refugees merely alleviates one immediate symptom of the ethnic conflicts plaguing that region; it does not address the root causes. The return of refugees does not spell the end of the problem facing the area. On the contrary, mass migration brings its own problems. It is by no means clear that all refugees are returning voluntarily. Yesterday at the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs I was heartened to hear the Minister say that the aid recently approved by Parliament will go directly towards problems relating to returning refugees. It is very important that we are given such information.

I welcome the various aid packages which have been agreed by the European Union as well as the package announced by the Government. A long-term resolution of the crisis facing the Great Lakes region demands more than short-term responses. In this regard I particularly welcome the proposal, favoured by Ireland and the EU, that there be an international conference on peace, stability and development in the region. Such a conference, if properly convened and given the appropriate powers, may go some way towards clearing up the territorial mess left in the wake of the 1870 Berlin conference. Conclusions must be backed up by appropriate financial, technical and material assistance. The EU must examine its own policies to ensure they do not militate against stability and development in the Third World. We are a power in the world to be reckoned with and we must use that power with a degree of responsibility.

The refugees in the Great Lakes region are fleeing from war, and war is fed by arms. For the most part those arms are manufactured in the United States and the European Union, of which we are a member. A binding code of conduct governing EU arms exports is urgently needed to ensure that armaments manufactured in the European Union do not find their way into the hands of repressive regimes and those involved in civil war. It is only by addressing issues such as arms exports that the EU will be able to make a lasting contribution to settle the conflicts currently raging not only in the Great Lakes region but in other areas around the world.

Our aid agencies abroad have an adequate advance warning system, with good conductors of information which are well equipped. Ireland has played an enormous part in ensuring the troubles besetting this region are alleviated and we can play an even greater part.

I compliment the Minister of State on her efforts in this region of Africa and for the time she spent there organising aid. I am sure she is frustrated by the chaos in most parts of Africa, but particularly in this area. We must ensure that moneys we send go directly to the people who need it because there is a high level of corruption in Africa, and the Great Lakes region is particularly vulnerable in that regard. The bully men will always try to take over, as we saw in Somalia not very long ago.

A number of years ago I pointed out to the Department of Foreign Affairs that millions of pounds worth of pharmaceutical products, which have a lifespan of two to three years, are destroyed here every year. Those products are normally withdrawn a year before they are destroyed because of European regulations but they can still be used for another year. They could be used in emergencies such as this. That would not solve the problem but it would be a way of providing immediate aid that would not cost a great deal of money. I am anxious that the Department gives consideration to that suggestion.

It is important that the task force is not made up only of Europeans because many European countries carry a lot of baggage in regard to their involvement in Africa. Ireland is the only country which did not have a colony in the region. We do not have an interest in arms, we are a neutral country and we have only helped Africans in the areas of religion and education. I am highly suspicious of the long-term intentions in regard to business interests of some of our European colleagues.

This is not a European crisis, Europe cannot deal with it on its own, for a variety of reasons. The international community has a duty to help in this crisis because every African country which has achieved independence has experienced a disastrous civil war. Unfortunately some of those wars have continued and the countries involved have been described as totally corrupt. I have no doubt that is true in the case of Nigeria.

A permanent force of people to help with administration is needed in the area. They can oversee that the loans given to these governments in the early stages of stabilisation do not get into the hands of people other than those they were intended to help. I thank the Minister of State for the prompt action she has taken which does great credit to this House.

Like all Members, I have watched with horror the unfolding saga of death and human misery in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Despite the best efforts of the international community to relieve the crisis there, the underlying political problem has continued and it was not surprising that it arose again recently in eastern Zaire.

While there have been positive developments since, with up to 600,000 refugees returning voluntarily to Rwanda, the migration of such a large number of people poses a serious problem for their well-being. The first challenge facing the Rwandan government, to reabsorb this element of its population, will be an enormous task and that task will place an onus on the international community to do everything it can to help relieve human suffering.

The problems are a great deal more serious in Burundi where the refugees are experiencing enormous difficulties in returning home. Tanzania, which has been caring for over half a million refugees, now finds itself expected to cater for thousands more refugees fleeing this disaster. It is right to praise Tanzania but we must also help it to shoulder this enormous burden it has voluntarily taken on.

The position in eastern Zaire is precarious and something must be done to reach a political settlement in that area. It is obvious that the region will require outside help to accomplish this. I join other speakers who complimented the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, on her efforts in this regard. She led and EU delegation to the region some weeks ago and I thank her for the time she has devoted to this particular problem, both in addressing this House and the subcommittee of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, and for steering the additional budget agreed by the House yesterday through the select committee. The Minister of State has shown herself to be a caring Minister who has played a major role in highlighting the problems in this area.

According to the figures the Minister of State gave yesterday there are now approximately 360,000 refugees in this area. That poses an enormous problem, even if the numbers are smaller than expected, because it means that a large number of people are on the move. I understand the aid agencies are concentrating their efforts now on helping to relocate these people. We are told also that the UNHCR has begun to help the returnees and that the World Food Programme, working through the NGOs, has started to deliver food and medical supplies to alleviate the immediate humanitarian concerns of the refugees.

I am happy that the Irish NGOs have as usual played a prominent, commendable and distinguished role in the provision of this aid. The Irish Presidency of the European Union has also responded well to the emergency in its visit headed by the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, and the Commission, and in taking whatever measures it can to deal with this crisis.

The Government has provided approximately £9.5 million to the Great Lakes region since 1994 and the Supplementary Estimate of £1 million passed by the House yesterday will bring our total commitment this year alone to £4.75 million which, for a small nation, is a good contribution for the relief of this crisis.

In addition to the humanitarian aid the Government has provided, with the approval of the Dáil, we have agreed to send our forces to the area to help keep the peace and to aid the distribution of humanitarian relief. While we are all proud of the role Irish troops have played and continue to play in their many peacekeeping roles, we are also aware that the matter can only be settled locally by political means. In that regard it is refreshing that the Heads of State in the region have already begun a process in respect of Burundi. It is to be hoped that Julius Nyerere, who led the heads of state in this meeting, will go on to address the problem in the region and, with the aid of the international community, arrive at a comprehensive settlement. I am also glad the European Union is playing an important role in these discussions with the assistance of the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Burton. The UN special envoy, Mr. Ajello, is also making a useful contribution to solving this problem.

The international community has so far acted merely to alleviate the immediate suffering of the refugees. We must now have some form of political viability in the area. I am glad Ireland has been among the positive contributors, not alone financially but in helping people reach political settlements. Major contributions have been made through the NGOs and the Government. However, we must do more in cooperation with our European Union partners to encourage local dialogue and to demand that the international community concentrates on creating a political solution for the problems of the Great Lakes region. As far back as last November, the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs passed a resolution calling on the Government and the EU Presidency to take specific action. With the guidance of the Minister of State we have responded collectively in a positive way to those people's needs. I hope a political solution can be achieved quickly.

I thank all Deputies who contributed to the debate. The empty benches in the Chamber are a testimony to the difficulty in sustaining interest in an issue once it goes out of the headlines.

I understand the frustration expressed by the Fianna Fáil spokesperson on foreign affairs, Deputy Ray Burke, and by the Progressive Democrats spokesperson, Deputy O'Malley. If they are disinclined to believe the version of events as told to them by the Government, the Department of Foreign Affairs and me, I encourage them to talk to the aid agencies such as Concern and Trócaire or to other members of their parties who have taken a detailed interest in this issue.

It will be acknowledged that the Irish Government has prepared for the possibility of a crisis in the region, especially in Burundi. We wanted the refugees to return home. In preparing for our Presidency, we planned to have the capacity to respond as quickly as possible. We did this by the troika visit I led to the region and by the various special meetings convened, including, for the first time, a special meeting of European development ministers with the head of the UNHCR, Mrs. Ogata, the heads of the DHA, the Red Cross, the World Food Programme and the head of UNICEF, Mrs. Bellamy. The purpose was to produce a co-ordinated response as well as substantial monetary input by Ireland and other European Union countries on a bilateral basis and the European Union on a collective basis. In terms of responding financially to crises, whether they be Bosnia, the Middle East or Africa, European Union countries are by far the largest contributors, individually and collectively, to the humanitarian needs these crises create.

Co-ordination is needed. So far, some of what has happened has given cause for hope. In relative calm 550,000 refugees have, at this stage, returned to Rwanda. We must provide the material sustenance which will see them through their first few months at home and provide funding for housing in dealing with this major political and humanitarian issue. The Rwandan Government has allowed 15 days for people occupying houses to get out and make way for returning refugees. Some of those occupying the houses are survivors of the genocide and some of those returning were involved in it. It can be imagined how dreadfully stressful and complex this aspect of the emergency is.

In terms of examining overall solutions to this problem, I am disappointed by the thinking of Deputy Ray Burke and Deputy O'Malley, especially as I would have regarded Fianna Fáil as a broadly anti-colonial party. The essence of Africa's problems is that they must be dealt with by Africa, whatever the colonial legacy. What happened in the 1870s and at the turn of the century in the follow-up to the Berlin Conference is known but most African countries have been independent for 20 to 30 years. We may criticise the corruption and mismanagement which has affected independent African countries, but we also agree with the analysis of Deputy Lynch that some of this is as a result of colonial problems. The problems of Africa will only be dealt with if Africa takes responsibility and gives a lead. To suggest that the European powers can simply apply a band-aid to a crisis of great proportions and do nothing else, no matter how well-intentioned that is, is to suggest a profoundly neocolonial approach.

We should take the long road which is to work with African countries to evolve solutions they can broker and underwrite and to support those solutions with substantial and generous financial backing. We should also adopt multilateral approaches to other problems such as African debt and effective access to European Union markets. It is only by that broad approach, working with Africa rather than handing down solutions to it, that we will begin to emerge from this nightmare which has engulfed central Africa.

Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire constitute a nightmare. This is one of the most fertile parts of the world. It looks like Killarney and has many small lakes except the mountains are capable of growing three crops per year. It could be one of the most attractive tourist destinations in the world, but instead, it is a hell hole. I spoke to an Irish person last night who had worked in Bukavu. He spoke of one Zairean family which had been looted seven times by different sets of soldiers. On the seventh time, they left their house and fled into the bush because they had nothing left. If there is nothing left to give soldiers when they come, they kill the inhabitants. This is the reality facing families.

The variety of Irish and international aid agencies working in the region are doing a tremendous job and are rightly widely respected for their hands-on practical approach which helps people get their lives back together and deals with the practicalities of problems. The sight of the refugees walking back along the road, the sight of a mother with a baby on her back and a bundle on her head — all that she possesses, a water pot, a jerry can and mats on which to lie down — will stay with me for my life. People are walking 50, 70, 100 miles over two and three days.

At intervals of about 15 miles along the road Concern have put up tents like marquees, and large water tanks, so that people can stop for water. Concern, with the government of Rwanda, had the foresight to start doing this about six weeks ago before the crisis really hit the headlines. However, only about 200 lorries are available to the government, so most people walk, as they do in most of Africa. They are capable of walking but I would be extremely worried about the physical condition of refugees, particularly those in eastern Zaire who have been out of camps for more than five weeks. About 8,000 have crossed from Bukavu to Cyangugu in southern Rwanda in the past two weeks, and they are crossing at the rate of 700 a day at the moment; this route was opened within the past two weeks. Those people are in a bad condition because they have been out on the road or in the forest for more than five weeks. They badly need assistance, so when the international force gets there I hope that, whatever the generals do, they will get stuck in and help people who need water, blankets, receptacles for water, tools for planting and seeds. The work is not glamorous but very practical. I am delighted that Irish soldiers are going because wherever they have worked — the same goes for the Garda Síochána — people have complimented me on the sheer practicality they bring to their work. They are prepared to go out and help local people and listen to them.

In the Uvira area, which is further south, there are 220,000 refugees. There has been much fighting here by rebel forces under Major Kabila. The Zairean army seems to be looting all around it. Various factions in Burundi are also fighting a war. There are 220,000 refugees in that area. There has been much focus on the issue of numbers. A few weeks ago the UN claimed there were 750,000 refugees but most people felt that number was exaggerated. Everyone now agrees that the correct number is about 350,000, give or take 10 per cent. However, that is a huge number of people. About 220,000 of them are between Uvira and Bukavu. Currently the UNHCR is sending out teams to try to find these people, some of whom are not in good condition. I hope the military force will be of practical assistance.

I have spoken before of what is needed. On the question of the arms trade, I agree that an enforceable code of conduct by the EU in relation to both arms sales and arms transfers is essential. At the same time we should remember that, while one million people were killed in Rwanda in the genocide, most of that was with machetes, not with modern armaments. Neighbours killed neighbours with agricultural implements and machetes. We have to not just look at the arms trade but also at how we can sponsor and foster reconciliation in Rwanda. One of the critical elements in that is the justice system. At the moment there are more than 90,000 prisoners in Rwandan jails, and the numbers are increasing.

At the beginning of the year when I was in Rwanda there were 50,000. By the time I came back a few weeks ago the number had increased to just under 90,000. The Irish Government and the Irish Aid programme have given substantial support to the government of Rwanda to rehabilitate the justice system. We are supporting the Red Cross and Concern who are feeding the prisoners, and providing them with water and medical attention, but the jails are unbelievably crowded. I had the doubtful pleasure of visiting three of them and, while conditions have improved, they are impossibly overcrowded. We have encouraged the government of Rwanda to start the judicial system in relation to the prisoners in jail who are accused of genocide. We are told that process will begin in mid-December, and that is good. They have also introduced an element of the South Affrican system whereby people come forward to confess so that the trial process does not have to take an undue amount of time.

I have been bitterly and deeply disappointed at the failure of the international tribunal in Arusha to bring to justice those who are guilty of planning the genocide. Deputy Pat Gallagher spoke earlier about how the genocide did not accidentally happen. Rather like the work of Goebbels in Nazi Germany, it was planned; it was based on hate propaganda produced on local radio. It is extremely frustrating, and one of the greatest failures of the international justice system, that those who planned the killing of one million people, Tutsis and moderate Hutus are still at large, and some of them may even be in member states of the European Union.

I saw today that Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, as Secretary General of the UN, has suspended his campaign for re-election for the moment. Whoever becomes secretary general after Mr. Boutros-Ghali would really need a sense of urgency and commitment to having a proper international justice system and a permanent international criminal court. Those soldiers that I spoke about last night, who are looting the area, have nothing to fear. What tribunal will ever bring them to justice? Unless there is a proper international justice system the people who are killing can continue to do so with impunity. We need a political solution, but we also need a system that will bring to justice those who are guilty of atrocities in the Great Lakes area. Ireland, in supporting the justice system, is playing an important role in seeking to bring reconciliation between the different groups in Rwanda.

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