Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 20 Nov 1997

Vol. 483 No. 2

Report of European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction: Statements (Resumed).

I welcome this opportunity to make a statement to the House on the recent Annual Report on the state of the drugs problem in the European Union prepared by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction. That centre was established in 1994, its headquarters in Lisbon. Its task is to provide objective, reliable and comparative information at European Union level concerning drugs, drug addiction and their consequences. The centre is governed by a management board with a representative from each member state in addition to nominees of the European Commission and Parliament. The centre produced its first report on the state of the drugs problem in the European Union in 1996 and published its second report recently.

Its 1997 report shows cannabis remains the most commonly used illegal drug throughout the European Union. Depending on the country, it also demonstrates that between 5 per cent and 30 per cent of the relevant population have at least tried the drug at some time in their lives. In most European Union member states amphetamines are the second most frequently used illegal drug, generally tried by up to 3 per cent of adults. Although fewer than 1 per cent of adults have ever tried heroin, it is the drug which gives rise to the greatest social and public health problems. It is estimated there are between 750,000 and 1 million heroin addicts in the European Union.

I welcome the publication of this second report which provides an important base for European Union policy formulators to compare and contrast the effectiveness of policies for drugs and drug addiction.

With regard to Ireland, a recent European school survey project on alcohol and other drugs — ESPAD — indicated that 37 per cent of the 2,000 16 year olds surveyed here had tried cannabis at some stage. While the position in Ireland is on a par with the position in the United Kingdom, this was high by comparison with other member states. This data illustrates that we must continue to orientate our drug prevention policies toward our young people.

I will avail of this opportunity to clarify certain facts in the arrest and subsequent release of the five suspects in relation to last weekend's cannabis seizure. As most Members will be aware by now, the five suspects were arrested under the Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act, 1996 and detained for an initial 48 hours. In accordance with the provisions of that Act, the Garda then obtained a warrant from the District Court extending their detention for a further 72 hours. Later it became apparent to the Garda and the Director of Public Prosecutions that the District Court judge concerned had not been nominated for the purposes of the Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act, 1996. The nomination of District Court judges is a matter for the President of the District Court. Members opposite are endeavouring to imply that I, as Minister, have some responsibility in this area. Had the Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act, 1996 provided for the Minister to nominate judges and had there been a failure on my part to do so, I would be the first to accept responsibility. However, the Act does not make any such demands on the Minister.

By the time it became apparent there were difficulties with the continued detention of the suspects, the Garda and Director of Public Prosecutions had sufficient evidence to make an arrest for the purpose of bringing charges. Therefore, the suspects were released and the Garda attempted to re-arrest them for the purpose of charging in accordance with section 4(5) of the Act which specifically provides for such circumstances. However, the District Court judge refused to allow the re-arrest of the suspects and ordered their release. I am also informed the District Court judge later refused to issue warrants for their arrest.

I want to make it clear to the House — as will be evident from the facts I have just outlined — that this case revolves around a series of judicial decisions. It is well established that it is not appropriate for me, as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, to comment on those decisions.

That makes a change.

What about Dominic Lynch?

The Minister without interruption.

The administration of the District Courts is a matter for the President of the District Court and District Court judges.

In view of what the Minister has just said, can he explain to the House why there is a discrepancy between what he is now saying and what is stated in his Department's document about his role as follows:

The Minister for Justice shall exercise responsibility for the administration and business generally of public services in connection with the maintenance of public order. This responsibility is discharged through various functional relationships which exist between the Department of Justice and what are generally referred to as law enforcement agencies, principally, the Garda Síochána, courts and prison services.

That contradicts what the Minister is now saying.

I do not mean to be facetious but Deputy McManus is talking about administration and management whereas I am talking here about a judicial decision of our courts. Within our democracy, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform of the day cannot, under any circumstances, be responsible for decisions made independently by the Judiciary. Were it otherwise, it would amount to interference with our courts by the Minister of the day. That is not a road I intend to travel whether for Deputy McManus, Deputy Jim Higgins, Deputy Upton or any other Member of this House.

On a point of order, am I correct in assuming this matter will be dealt with by way of private notice question, when the Minister will make a further statement to the House and when we shall have an opportunity of questioning him and demonstrating manifestly that what he is saying is wrong, that his interpretation of what happened is wrong?

I have had no notice of a private notice question.

Mr. J. Higgins

I understand from the Ceann Comhairle's office it has been allowed.

The Minister to continue.

The separation of the courts and their administration is central to our criminal justice system.

I understand three of the suspects were rearrested, that two have been remanded in custody and one released again. Clearly, there is a legal issue here to be resolved urgently. In this context, I understand the Director of Public Prosecutions has already taken steps to instruct counsel to seek an urgent High Court order of mandamus in this case. I also understand it is open to the two suspects in custody to apply forthwith for release to the High Court in which event release will be challenged by the State. There is no more nauseating spectacle than the Opposition parties and, in particular, the main Opposition party—

The Minister has some hard neck.

Such hypocrisy from the Minister.

— trying to make political capital out of a matter it clearly knows is a judicial function. Fine Gael always prided itself in its respect for the institutions of the State and it is outrageous for its Members under cover of Dáil privilege to try to make me accountable for the actions of a constitutionally independent Judiciary. As far as I can establish, this line of attack is also without precedent.

Who wrote this for the Minister?

The Minister, without interruption.

The Minister cannot be serious.

The parties opposite singularly fail to understand the basic tenets on which our parliamentary democracy is founded. Let me repeat those tenets for their information.

We will now have a lecture.

The Government, as the Executive arm of the State, brings forward legislation to this House and the Seanad. The Oireachtas, as the legislative arm of the State, enacts that legislation and the courts interpret it. If it is accepted that is the case, then it seems that what the Opposition parties want is for me, as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, to answer to this House for the actions of the constitutionally independent Judiciary—

We want the Minister to accept responsibility for the cock-up.

The former Minister for Justice, Gerry Collins, always accepted responsibility for these matters.

—in the exercise of its judicial functions and in the interpretation of the law as enacted by this House. Let us make no mistake, that is precisely what is at issue here. If we embark on that course we will have embarked on an extremely dangerous one. I take it the guffaws in relation to the matter being without precedent relate to the delisting of Judge Dominic Lynch from the Special Criminal Court.

Nobody walked free on that occasion.

Persistent, trenchant criticism.

Allow the Minister to continue without interruption.

We all recall that Judge Dominic Lynch was to have been delisted—

Six men walked free because of the Minister.

—as a member of the Special Criminal Court by the Government of the day. It was the function of the then Minister for Justice to carry out the Government's decision, but the Minister and the Government failed to carry out the functions of the Executive.

Nero fiddles.

The Minister failed.

What we are speaking about here is a function of the President of the District Court vis-a -vis a District Court judge being appointed pursuant to the Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act, 1996.

What kind of a Government is this?

There is no provision in that legislation to enable the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform of the day to make that appointment.

The Minister is washing his hands.

So we do not need the Minister at all.

There is no provision in that legislation to allow the Minister of the day to unmake such an appointment. Despite the best efforts of the Members opposite—

We have not even started.

—there is clearly a total and complete difference between the circumstances in that particular matter and the circumstances now.

There is a difference. Five criminals are free.

This will make terrible reading.

Allow the Minister to continue without interruption.

Notwithstanding the siren calls across the benches, I am not prepared, and never will while I am Minister for Justice, to interfere with the courts.

Or the Garda.

The Minister should accept responsibility for his actions.

I will not do that for Fine Gael, Labour or Democratic Left and I will not do it as a result of ignorant guffaws.

(Mayo): What about the Garda?

Will the Minister accept responsibility for it?

On a point of order, the Minister made reference earlier to a Deputy Higgins, looking in my direction. No one suggested to the Minister—

That is not a point of order. This debate is ongoing. There will be an opportunity for Deputy Higgins to contribute to the debate.

My point of order will become clear now. Neither I nor anyone in the Labour Party has suggested the Minister interfered with a court decision.

Deputy Higgins will have an opportunity to contribute to this debate if he wishes, as will other Members of the House. The debate is ongoing. I ask that the Minister continue without interruption.

All we have referred to is the preparations for the court decision, and the administration of the courts is something the Minister cannot run away from.

Notwithstanding the siren calls from across the benches and the airwaves by the Opposition, I will not interfere with judicial decisions by the courts.

We are not asking the Minister to do that.

(Mayo): The Minister is hiding behind the courts.

The Minister has responsibility for the administration of the courts.

If the Opposition wants, for naked political gain, to play fast and loose with the Constitution, the Judiciary and the courts, that is its business.

We are not asking the Minister to interfere.

That brings them no credit but a considerable amount of shame. Fine Gael's forebears would have known a little about respecting the institutions of the State.

The Minister must have thought that up passing through Abbeyfeale.

I suggest they would have been outraged by what I can only describe as the most cynical tactic seen in this House in a considerable time.

Did the Minister write that himself?

Now that I think about it, it is little wonder that such a mess was made of the criminal justice system while the rainbow Coalition was in office, a Government which did not understand the basic tenets upon which our democracy was founded. A Government which does not appear to understand the separation of powers as postulated by the 1937 Constitution—

(Interruptions.)

—could hardly hope to hold the laws of the criminal justice system up to any kind of scrutiny.

The Minister should take steps that will astonish us.

The Minister, without interruption. Members will have an opportunity to contribute to the debate.

I am particularly alarmed that Deputy Bruton, as Leader of the Opposition, appeared to imply this morning that I, as Minister, have political responsibility for judicial actions.

(Mayo): The Minister has responsibility for the Garda.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, is there any reason we did not get this part of the Minister's script? I would hate not to have it for my files.

That is not a function of the Chair, Deputy Rabbitte. I ask you to allow the Minister to continue without interruption. It is not unusual in this House for Ministers to depart from the script.

The Minister has a script but we do not.

If Deputies listened they would know what he was saying.

This again displays a frightening lack of understanding of the constitutional relationship between the Executive and the Judiciary.

If the Minister took a leaf out of Deputy Bruton's book, he would go far.

I suspect that the opposite may well be the case but for the sake of a little political opportunism he is ready to imply the contrary.

A phenomenon unknown.

(Mayo): This is a disgrace.

I ask him to reflect on this cavalier attitude to the institutions of the State and on whether his willingness to ignore the importance of the rule of law is in the best traditions of his party.

The Minister should not make a bigger fool of himself.

If anybody on that side of the House wants to lay a political charge at my door, I will deal with that.

The Minister should accept responsibility.

I will shoulder my responsibilities in this respect and will answer to this House for my actions and the actions of those for whom I have political responsibility.

They are walking the streets free.

I will not go behind the backs of civil servants or seek to lay the blame at the doors of others for matters for which I am accountable to this House. The moral and political cowardice which was a defining feature of the rainbow Government and which manifested itself in the unrelenting search for scapegoats to cover their skins is not and will not be characteristic of this Administration.

Did the Minister write that himself?

The rhetoric and bluster of Members opposite in trying to work up a political storm on this matter over the past day or so has not disguised the fact that not a single charge has been lain at my door for which I am politically accountable.

(Mayo): Drug traffickers are at large.

I regret that this serious issue, about which people have a right to be concerned, has been used to attempt to blame me for something in relation to which I have neither functions nor powers.

This is not a typical Kerry speech.

No one on the Opposition benches has been able to say what action I or my Department failed to take in relation to this matter. That is for the simple reason that there was none, and that cannot be disguised. All of the bluster, the fake laughter and the false accusations and allegations will not detract from the fact that—

There are three men loose on the streets.

—there is no parallel, much as Deputies would wish to draw it, between what happened in relation to the previous Government's disgraceful failure to delist Judge Dominic Lynch and this instance.

(Mayo): This is worse.

The Minister has turned a trial into a debacle.

The reason is simple. The legislation which was passed by this House empowered the President of the District Court to appoint a judge for the purpose of the extension period under the 1996 Act. However, in the case of the delisting of a member of the Special Criminal Court, the most sensitive court in this country—

—it was the decision of the Government and it was the failure of the then Minister for Justice to implement that decision which put the Members opposite in the position they are now in following the election—

The Minister should stick to the point.

—and which was adjudicated upon by the people. I strongly suggest it may well be one of the principal reasons the Deputies across the floor are in Opposition and we are in Government.

That is not the reason.

That will continue to be one of the principal reasons we stay in Government and the Deputies opposite will remain in Opposition.

Out of ten that was a zero performance by the Minister.

Barr
Roinn