Vol. 493 No. 5
9 Ms Fitzgerald asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the measures, if any, the Government intends taking at EU and international levels to protect the lives and welfare of the population of Kosovo, Serbia, in the immediate term and to promote peace and justice in the longer term. [15406/98]
25 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs whether Ireland can contribute to a peaceful resolution of the problem in Kosovo, Serbia; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [16379/98]
33 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps, if any, the Government is taking either unilaterally or through the EU to seek a solution to the problem in Kosovo, Serbia, within the framework of the United Nations and the OSCE instead of by recourse to military action; if he will urge the OSCE High Commissioner for Minorities to visit the region and prepare proposals for the peaceful and democratic solution of the problem; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [16348/98]
36 Mr. Spring asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the negotiations, if any, he envisages between President Milosevic and the EU in relation to the status of Kosovo, Serbia. [16361/98]
48 Mr. Yates asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on the situation in Kosova. [16472/98]
49 Mr. Creed asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the role, if any, the European Union should play in bringing about a resolution to the crisis in Kosovo, Serbia, and the steps, if any, he has taken to secure support for this approach. [16377/98]
103 Mr. Durkan asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the extent to which aid is being provided for the people of Kosovo, Serbia; the initiatives, if any, he proposes to take during the course of the summer months to safeguard the rights of the Albanian community there; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [16808/98]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 9, 25, 33, 36, 48, 49 and 103 together.
The deteriorating situation in Kosovo is a matter of grave concern for the Government and our EU partners. Armed conflict is spreading with an increase in the already serious loss of life. Ethnic cleansing, involving both communities, has become widespread, creating greater numbers of displaced persons within the province and refugees in the adjoining countries, particularly in Albania and to a lesser extent in Montenegro. Hostage taking on both sides is occurring with greater frequency; the number of undisciplined, armed militias is on the increase and there are reports of the rounding up and detention of persons.
Amnesty International has drawn attention to widespread abuse of human rights on both sides. All of this provides grim reminders of Bosnia. Apart from the enormous human suffering involved, the spread of armed conflict makes it increasingly difficult to put in place what is urgently needed, namely negotiations and political dialogue between the sides.
On 23 June the House heard a report on the deliberations of the Cardiff European Council of 15 June as well as a report on the meeting which took place in Moscow on 16 June between Presidents Yeltsin and Milosevic. The Contact Group of six countries has been playing a key role in efforts to persuade Belgrade to co-operate and, in this context, the influence which Russia, as a member of the Contact Group, can bring to bear on President Milosevic is extremely important. At their meeting on 16 June, Presidents Yeltsin and Milosevic reached agreement on a number of points. These, with some notable exceptions, corresponded largely to the demands set out in the Cardiff Declaration relating to the resumption of dialogue, greater access to the province by international observers and humanitarian organisations and the return of refugees and displaced persons. The notable exceptions did not cover the withdrawal of security forces engaged in the repression of civilians nor the involvement of international mediation in negotiations, as demanded by the European Council.
In the period since 16 June the situation on the ground has considerably deteriorated. At the same time, intensive efforts have been made by the United States, through their representative Mr. Holbrooke, to bring about meaningful negotiations. Unfortunately, these efforts have not yet produced results.
This is the grim background against which the deliberations of the GAC1 took place last Monday. With the moderates being eclipsed by more militant elements, the common ground on which negotiations can take place becomes more difficult to find and the demands more extreme. It is clear that the escalation of conflict could have horrendous consequences in human terms, not only in Kosovo but also in terms of spillover effects in the neighbouring countries of Albania and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
The Council deeply regretted the Serbian leader's refusal to accept an increase in the size of ECMM — the European Community Monitoring Mission — in Kosovo, especially as he had earlier undertaken to allow full freedom of movement in the whole territory of Kosovo as a confidence building measure. We will seek to achieve this through increasing the diplomatic personnel of member states' embassies in Belgrade. We also reiterated the need for a comprehensive approach to the refugee issue and our intention to work with international organisations to promote the early return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes. This is another issue on which President Milosevic gave a clear commitment at Moscow, which he should now honour.
On the humanitarian side, the Government has already provided £50,000 to the International Federation of the Red Cross for Kosovar refugees in Albania. The European Community Humanitarian Office, ECHO, has announced a package of aid worth ECU 1.5 million for Kosovar refugees and their host families in Albania. Other donors have also responded generously to appeals for assistance.
While the initiative in recent days seems to have passed to the advocates of violence, the promotion of peace and justice in Kosovo still depends on the establishment of genuine dialogue between the Serbs and the Kosovar Albanians. It is, therefore, equally incumbent on all those in a leadership role in the Kosovar Albanian community to unite responsibly in making clear their commitment to dialogue and a peaceful resolution of the problems of Kosovo. They must also reject violence in all forms.
I and my EU colleagues also firmly believe that the OSCE has a vital role to play in this process. Deputies will be aware that Mr. Felipe Gonzalez has been appointed as Special Representative of the Chairman in Office of the OSCE for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and that he has in that capacity taken over the role of the High Commissioner for National Minorities. The Council reiterated its full support for Mr. Gonzalez and called for the early return of the OSCE long-term missions to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I hope that President Milosevic will now honour the undertaking in respect of the OSCE which he gave in Moscow.
As regards the status of Kosovo, the EU position remains that the Union supports a special status, including a large degree of autonomy for Kosovo, within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is a question which must ultimately be agreed between the Serbs and the Kosovars. Mr. Milosevic's rejection of any role for the EU or other international bodies in promoting negotiations on this issue has resulted in a situation in which if the militant Kosovars succeed in achieving de facto independence for all or most of Kosovo, the basis for further consideration of Kosovo' s status will have changed radically.
The United Nations Security Council also remains seized of the question of Kosovo. I expect that after the next meeting of the Contact Group, scheduled for 8 July, it will be in a position to consider further the situation. I also expect the next meeting of the General Affairs Council under the Austrian Presidency on 13 July to consider further the response of the EU to developments.
At the end of the summer in 1995, when the NATO-led air strikes finally occurred in Bosnia, one commentator asked why it had not been possible to do this earlier to avoid hundreds of thousands of deaths, thousands of rapes and millions of people becoming refugees.
It is not appropriate to quote at Question Time. I ask the Deputy to put a question to the Minister. I must insist on the same rule for other Members. Your two colleagues, Deputy Jim O'Keeffe and Deputy Gay Mitchell, will not be considered if we go beyond 3.50 p.m.
What efforts can the Government make to ensure that this situation is dealt with as a priority so that it does not continue? As regards the concerns of Amnesty International about the detention of people and people going missing, has that been discussed at the international meetings the Minister has attended? What information is available on that issue and how best can the situation be dealt with?
Does the Minister agree that every effort should be made to find a non-military solution to the situation there? Is any information available on where the paramilitary groups in Kosovo are accessing their weapons?
Does the Minister agree that Kosovo was left aside in all the formal negotiations up to now and that there is now a great deal of guilt? Does he see the role Mr. Felipe Gonzalez has as High Commissioner for National Minorities being expanded into a Namibian model which would allow Kosovo autonomy for a period in anticipation of independence and a definitive date?
I am concerned that Kosovo is a powder keg which could explode and cause huge problems outside its territory. While accepting that we need to make every effort to find a peaceful solution to this problem, does the Minister accept that one can only deal with bully boys, such as President Milosevic, by force? What is our position in terms of a possible military intervention in Kosovo to ensure that a fair solution is arrived at there?
Does the Minister agree that what is happening in Kosovo may give rise to the need for peacemaking as distinct from peacekeeping? Does he also agree that Ireland's position in influencing these events is retarded by the fact that we continue to insist on not participating in Partnership for Peace?
Ireland's involvement in peacekeeping and peacemaking and our non-membership of PFP will not prejudice whatever role it may be called on to play. We have not been found wanting in the area of peace.
Deputy Fitzgerald wanted to know if everything was being done to resolve this issue. Every time this issue is raised within the EU, I make a contribution and will continue to do so in a moral context. As Deputy Jim O'Keeffe suggested, President Milosevic is a war criminal and is less than a nice person, to put it mildly, who should be tackled under an EU resolution. In the meantime, the EU has taken a number of initiatives, including an arms ban and a ban on equipment that could be used for internal repression or terrorism. These measures also have the force of a United Nations Security Council resolution. The EU has imposed an additional ban on visas for senior former Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbian officials involved in oppression, a ban on Government financed export credit, a freeze on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's assets abroad, a ban on new investment and a ban on flights to the EU by Yugoslav Airlines which was adopted by the European Union on 29 June last.
Deputy Michael Higgins raised a good question. He suggested that Felipe Gonzalez should take on a new persona. He has been offered by the Chairman in Office of the OSCE as a mediator, which was refused, and the EU has offered him as an interlocutor.
The UN offered a Namibian model.
I will raise the Deputy's suggestion and give him full authorship of not necessarily an original idea but one which should be renewed. I believe I have dealt with most of the questions raised by the Deputies.
Where do we stand on military intervention? Would that be a last resort?
It would be. We are not engaged in any of the military alliances and long may that continue. In the meantime if there were to be any military intervention it would have to be by way of a United Nations resolution to that effect.
Will the Minister answer the question I raised about the source of weapons being used by the paramilitary groups in Kosovo?
Will he indicate the numbers being detained?
I do not have that information readily available. As to the number of people detained, I will do my best to find that out. In the meantime all I can do, and no doubt the House will join me, is condemn the problem of the arms industry. Those who operate it have very little morality. I can only surmise that if people pay the highest price they will get the best weaponry. I will leave it at that. Some member states might look into their hearts in regard to the point raised by Deputy De Rossa.
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.
