John Bruton
Ceist:6 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the written communications, if any, he has had with Mr. Romano Prodi, the President designate of the European Commission; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9569/99]
Ceisteanna – Questions. - Official Engagements.
John Bruton
Ceist:7 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the recent written communications, if any, he has had with Mr. Jacques Santer, the outgoing President of the European Commission following the resignation of the Commission; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9570/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:8 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance in Germany on 9 April 1999 at the special EU Heads of Government meeting; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9571/99]
Joe Higgins
Ceist:9 Mr. Higgins (Dublin West) asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meetings and conversations with EU leaders on the situation in Kosovo. [9871/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:10 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the discussions, if any, he had in Brussels recently with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, on Kosovo; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10083/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:11 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance at the special EU Heads of Government meeting in Brussels on 14 April 1999; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10084/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:12 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the Heads of Government or Heads of State who will meet him in Ireland between now and the end of July 1999; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10088/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:13 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach the official trips abroad he plans to undertake between now and the end of July 1999; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10089/99]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:14 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the outcome of the special summit of EU Heads of Government in Brussels on 14 April 1999; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10098/99]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:15 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he has met or plans to meet the new President of the EU Commission; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10099/99]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:16 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach when Ireland will nominate a person for appointment to the new EU Commission; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10100/99]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:17 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach the time-scale for nominating a new European Commissioner; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10107/99]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:18 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach the discussions he had at the European Heads of State meeting; the discussions, if any, he had with the German leader on the proposed German plan to end the war in Kosovo; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10108/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:19 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, in Brussels; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10216/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:20 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the bilateral meetings he had with other EU Heads of Government when they met in Brussels recently; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10219/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:21 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in Dublin on 19 March 1999 with the German Chancellor, Mr. Schröder; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10220/99]
John Bruton
Ceist:22 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the communications or discussions he has had with EU Commissioner Mr. Padraig Flynn since the resignation of the EU Commission on 15 March 1999; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10221/99]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:23 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Secretary General of the United Nations; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10274/99]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6 to 23 inclusive, together
As was outlined in my Dáil statement of 1 April, on the outcome of the Berlin European Council, I met German Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder on 19 March on his tour of capitals in advance of his visit to Berlin. This meeting allowed me the opportunity to prioritise Irish objectives for the Chancellor at a crucial stage in the preparations for Berlin. Key among those objectives was maintaining intact the agriculture package as negotiated at the agriculture council in the previous week and the need to ensure a balanced outcome on Structural Funds which would take account of Ireland's situation. We also discussed at that time the recent resignation of the European Commission.
I attended an informal meeting of Heads of State or Government in Brussels on the evening of 14 April. At the meeting, originally scheduled to have an exchange of views with Mr. Romano Prodi who had been nominated at Berlin to be the next President of the European Commission, we also discussed the current situation in Kosovo. Given the nature of the meeting, formal decisions were not taken and written conclusions were not issued.
The first part of the meeting focused on Kosovo and there was a strong consensus on the Union's approach to the issue. The Heads of State or Government reiterated their determination to pursue the goal of a multi-ethnic and democratic Kosovo. In an important development, the meeting was also attended by the UN Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan. I welcomed the attendance of the Secretary General at the meeting. The involvement of the UN in attempts to reach a settlement has my full support.
In view of the presence of the UN Secretary General, the meeting concentrated on trying to build on his proposals, bearing in mind the considerations of the Presidency on this subject and the conclusions reached by the General Affairs Council on 8 April. The Heads of State or Government confirmed to the UN Secretary General their support for his initiative of 9 April 1999. This calls for an immediate halt to the use of force; withdrawal of all military and special police forces as well as irregular units; deploy ment of an international security force; and the return of all refugees and displaced persons. We agreed that it is up to the Yugoslav authorities to fully accept these demands to pave the way for a political solution.
It was agreed to initiate the introduction of these principles into a Resolution of the UN Security Council under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter. Importantly, the leaders also recognised the need to engage the Russian Federation in close co-operation in the search for a solution.
In addition, I was pleased the leaders agreed to convene a conference which will seek to stabilise the South Eastern European Region through economic reconstruction. I took the opportunity to reiterate Ireland's full support for the efforts of the UNHCR in providing humanitarian relief in the region.
During the second part of the meeting, the leaders met the President designate of the European Commission, Mr. Romano Prodi, for a first exchange of views on issues including his proposals for a reform programme for the Commission. I expressed confidence that Mr. Prodi, who is set to take over the role of President at a very challenging time, has the ability with the support of the Heads of State or Government, to reform, modernise and equip the Commission to discharge effectively its vital role in the European Union.
Mr. Prodi indicated that transparency and accountability in both the administrative and political areas will be the main themes of his proposed plan of reform for the Commission. I was very pleased that a consensus emerged at the meeting that the EU needs a strong Commission. As a small member state, Ireland has relied, and will continue to rely, on equal membership of the Commission college for the adequate protection and promotion of our interests under the treaties.
As regards any reform package, what we have heard from Mr. Prodi suggests that he will move with all deliberate speed. In a complex entity such as the Commission, it will take time and skill as well as determination to achieve the necessary change, not least because of the need to gain the support and co-operation of staff. The Committee of Independent Experts pointed to the resource dimension of poor Commission performance in certain areas. The resources for the tasks the Council allocates to the Commission must be adequate as well as appropriate.
Subject to his gaining approval by the European Parliament at its session from 3-7 May, Mr. Prodi will begin, in co-operation with the governments of member states, to prepare the nomination of a new Commission. The governments of the member states will, by common accord with Mr. Prodi, nominate those whom they intend to appoint as members of the Commission. Following the European Parliament elections in June, the newly elected Parliament will give its approval to the President and the nominees for the Commission. A shared understanding was reached between the leaders that it was important a new Commission be put in place as soon as possible after the European Parliament elections. The process will begin at the first session of the newly elected Parliament which is scheduled for 20-23 July. The leaders also believe the new Commission should serve for five and a half years with no "interim" commissioners and, therefore, the existing commissioners will remain in place until they are replaced by the new Commission.
I wrote to Mr. Prodi on 24 March, congratulating him on his nomination as President of the Commission. I assured him I was looking forward to working closely with him, initially on the formation of the new Commission, and later on the challenges we must all face together. As I have already indicated, I will seek an early meeting with Mr. Prodi following his ratification by the European Parliament to discuss the nomination and portfolio of the Irish Commissioner. I have not, as yet, written to the outgoing President of the European Commission, Mr. Jacques Santer. I intend doing so on the conclusion of his term of office. I have not met with EU Commissioner Flynn since I met him in Brussels on 3 March, but I had a number of telephone conversations with him during the talks in Berlin.
I held a separate meeting with Prime Minister Blair in Brussels, immediately prior to last Wednesday's meeting, to discuss the latest position on the talks in Northern Ireland.
In relation to my domestic and international meetings with other leaders, the Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador, Mr. Brian Tobin, began a visit to Ireland last Friday. I met him yesterday and he will depart next Friday. The Governor General of Australia is scheduled to conduct an official visit here at the end of April. I expect Chancellor Schröder will visit Ireland as part of his tour of capitals in advance of the Cologne European Council on 3-4 June, which I will attend. As I outlined earlier, Commission President-designate Prodi may visit in advance of the June Council. The Canadian Prime Minister, Mr. Jean Chrétien, will pay an official visit here from 13-15 June. I will attend the EU-Latin America and Caribbean Summit in Rio de Janeiro on 28 and 29 June. My schedule in Rio has not yet been finalised, but I intend to hold a number of bilateral meetings on the margins of the summit. A visit to Mexico and Argentina in conjunction with the summit is also being planned, but no final programme for these essentially trade related visits has yet been agreed.
Does the Taoiseach believe the decision of NATO to commence bombing Yugoslavia has proven a wise and effective policy?
That decision was made by NATO. It is not for me to judge whether it was right or wrong, but NATO authorities still feel it was justified. In our discussions last week it was stated strongly, including by the UN Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, that most of the motions and activities which were sought had already received UN sanction last year. He said he could understand, given the failure to move to a position of resolution, that these matters were necessary. From listening to the meetings, reports and my colleagues who are involved in NATO, I personally believe people might not have realised at the commencement that this would be so drawn out. I am not talking here about the fact that it has gone on for 25 or 26 days, but that it will go on for a much longer time. That may not have been reflected on in advance, but I do not know that, not being privy to what went on in the NATO meetings.
I express puzzlement at the fact the leader of the Irish people and a European country has expressed the view that it is not for him to say whether a policy involving the initiation of war in Europe was right or wrong? Surely, the Taoiseach, as the leader of a country which aspires to membership of the Security Council of the United Nations, would at least have a view, one way or the other, on a matter of this importance. Surely, the Taoiseach, as someone who has sat in on successive European Councils and heard the pros and cons of military action in Yugoslavia discussed, would have a view by now on whether the bombing of Yugoslavia was a wise and effective policy. Has he not made up his mind yet?
As is often the case, Deputy Bruton listened to my first line and then stopped listening. As I said, time will tell whether the strategy put forward will prove effective. My conclusion and that of the UN Secretary General, my colleagues at the European Council who are members of NATO and other EU colleagues is that they had no other option. They sought solutions at Rambouillet and Paris and numerous resolutions last year, but they did not prove to be effective. Some people thought the infrastructural and military resources of Mr. Milosevic would be taken out easily and that a quick resolution would be found. I do not know the extent to which that was planned and thought through because I am not privy to those meetings. I wonder if it was thought out to the extent it should have been, but I will not know that until time moves on.
In his first answer to a question about the bombing of Yugoslavia, the first initiation of war by NATO in Europe since NATO was formed 50 years ago, the Taoiseach said it was not for him to say whether it was right or wrong, yet in his second answer he said they had no other option, which infers he believes it was right. Is Irish foreign policy being made up as we go along, in the same way as the Taoiseach is making up his answers, or is there a coherent view on an appropriate response to what is happening in the Balkans? When does he expect the Government will have a coherent view on this subject? It does not have one based on the answers he has given to my questions.
Several weeks ago I spent an hour talking about this subject but, unfortunately, Deputy Bruton was not here so he does not know our position. Perhaps we should go back three weeks.
There is no need to go back three weeks because I heard what the Taoiseach said today.
We have consistently supported a political solution to the problems in Kosovo. We would like to see swift movement back to the process of negotiation and dialogue. I strongly supported Mr. Kofi Annan and UN involvement last week. I made it clear in the House and at the two European Council meetings, where I had an opportunity to speak, that a Russian contribution is indispensable to finding a solution to this matter. I understand that further contacts between Russia and Belgrade are imminent.
There are a number of important issues. One is to seek Russian involvement, which was called for last week in Brussels and Mr. Kofi Annan emphasised that strongly yesterday when he addressed the UN Council. Yesterday President Clinton and President Yeltsin had their first conversation since the bombing started. I said three weeks ago that America and Russia should not move away from dialogue. Former Prime Minister Chernomyrdin has been appointed an envoy which I said last week would help, rather than relying on shuttle diplomacy which might not work. The UN Secretary General will go to Russia shortly and he will also visit Bonn. EU Foreign Ministers will meet at the next meeting of the General Affairs Council.
From the Government's point of view, the UN Security Council has particular responsibilities in this area. We are always more comfortable and committed working under the UN umbrella. I would like the Security Council to assume those responsibilities. At our meeting last week I said it was the intention of our EU partners who are members of the Security Council to initiate the introduction of the demands of the international community into a resolution to be adopted by the Security Council under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter.
In view of the wholesale slaughter and the horror associated with ethnic cleansing which we witness daily on our television screens, will the Government commit Irish troops to participate in a ground force to prevent any further slaughter if asked by an appropriate international body acting under an international mandate, notwithstanding the risks that such participation could entail for Irish personnel?
The Minister for Defence, Deputy Smith, has already stated very clearly the capacity in which Irish soldiers would operate other than if there was a UN resolution. Those terms have been set down and we will abide by them.
Will the Taoiseach agree UN troops, with precisely the mandate to which he has just referred, had to stand back and watch the slaughter at Srebenica four or five years ago and that we have all moved beyond that? What is the Irish Government's position? Is it prepared to bring forward a resolution at the appropriate time, if requested, that Irish troops would participate to prevent the slaughter of men, women and children in a part of Europe?
I assume Deputy Quinn is asking if we would play our part in the event of Kofi Annan's procedure – which is going through to receive Chapter VII support – being successful. In those instances we would play our part as we always do and did before in Bosnia and Croatia, even if it was in small numbers. However, we cannot do so in the present situation, not until Kofi Annan's policy initiative is in operation.
We have already played our part. A UN mandated force stood back powerless and watched the slaughter of Srebenica. In the light of the escalation of this conflict in Yugoslavia, if asked to participate in an international ground force, mandated by an international body such as the United Nations, would the Irish Government seek the approval of this House to prevent the slaughter of women, children and elderly people in Yugoslavia?
Deputy Quinn has answered the question. The Minister for Defence, Deputy Smith, said three weeks ago that if it was under a UN mandate we would participate.
Will the Taoiseach explain why he is taking such a long time to decide on who should be the Government's nominee for Ireland's Commissioner to replace Mr. Flynn? Is he aware of the serious danger of not appointing a candidate soon in that the Irish Commissioner could find himself or herself in charge or arranging the paper clips and turning off the lights in the European building?
Is the Deputy interested?
No. I am interested in the position the Taoiseach temporarily occupies.
It is hoped Mr. Romano Prodi will be formally appointed in the first week of May. I have asked him, as soon as possible after his appointment, to visit Ireland and discuss with the Tánaiste and myself the credentials he would seek for a new Commissioner. Already we are thinking of our short list, but there will be no delay. There will be only one in the end.
In his original reply some time ago, why did the Taoiseach fudge the question as to whether the Government supported the NATO bombing campaign when on 14 April he signed a declaration by the EU leaders explicitly endorsing NATO's bombing campaign? Does he now accept that 27 days of the bombing campaign in Yugoslavia has been an absolute disaster, especially for those it was supposed to protect, that it has given rise to a huge intensification in the brutality of the so-called ethnic cleansing of one million suffering refugees and the carnage near Prizren where dozens of refugees died at the hands of NATO? The Taoiseach seems to have doubts as to whether the bombing was a miscalculation. Is the Government capable of adopting independent foreign policy as opposed to holding onto the coat tails of the main arms merchants of the world who are organised in NATO?
As I have said numerous times in the last five to six weeks, the EU has no role in the NATO air strikes. The EU does not sanction them and it cannot amend or stop them. Statements from the EU have made it clear that the humanitarian crisis is the foremost concern in dealing with the issue.
Why did the Taoiseach support the bombing?
I ask the Deputy to allow the Taoiseach to conclude his answer.
I have repeatedly stated our position and, last week, Mr. Kofi Annan outlined the difficulties involved in getting a UN mandate on this issue. I reiterate that many of the aspects put forward in Mr. Annan's plan have already received a UN mandate. However, the bombing has not received a mandate because of the veto. As Mr. Annan said, and as I stated previously in the House, in a situation where everything else has been tried, there are times when military action is necessary to achieve a humanitarian solution for people who are suffering. I support that position, although we hope his strenuous efforts over the past week to secure a UN mandate under Chapter VII on this issue will be successful.
Notwithstanding the Taoiseach's comments about the EU's role in the bombings, will he follow the example of the Austrian Government which stated that the NATO bombings are illegal? Is this the first time the Government has endorsed an attack on a state without UN authorisation? This is a clear departure from previous policy and the people should be asked to make a decision on it in a referendum on the Partnership for Peace.
Does the Taoiseach endorse the use of depleted uranium weapons in Yugoslavia, which will have a long-term effect on the civilian popu lation? Will the Taoiseach take a stand on this issue given that Albania has chosen to host NATO military hardware on the basis that it is a member of the Partnership for Peace? Does the Taoiseach agree that Ireland's involvement in the partnership requires consultation with the people? Will he reflect on the need for a referendum and agree to one being held?
The problem in Kosovo is that the state is practising murder and other appalling human rights abuses against its population. It is effectively immune from intervention unless it is explicitly authorised by the United Nations Security Council. This is why people made the relevant decisions. Ireland's position is that the use of military force against another state, other than in self-defence, should be authorised preferably by the UN Security Council. It is easy to say that, but in the case of Kosovo the Security Council agreed with the objective of protecting the human rights of the Kosovar Albanians against the repression imposed by the Belgrade leadership.
What about the depleted uranium?
The permanent members of the Security Council are split and I hope they will be able to resolve that issue. The Deputy must take that aspect into account when putting his case.
Will the Taoiseach explain the thinking of the European Council in deciding to appoint a President designate of the Commission but not to make arrangements for the immediate appointment of a full Commission? As a result, we will have the services of Madame Cresson as a Commissioner for almost the entirety of her normal term notwithstanding the serious report on her activities by the auditors. The existing Commission will remain in office although it has said it cannot take any decisions on anything of substance for months. There will be a two-headed Commission in office, with President Santer and the President designate Prodi getting in each other's way, with neither really in charge. How can the Taoiseach justify this messing by the European Council in not making a clean break and appointing a new Commission to replace the Commission under Mr. Santer right away, rather than causing this prolonged limbo for the Commission?
The European Council feels that it would be better if the matter could be dealt with quickly. The President of the Council, Mr. Schröder, has already stated that he thought the matter should be dealt with more swiftly. It was for that reason the European Council moved to appoint Mr. Prodi almost immediately after the resignation of the Commission.
The Parliament has stated it will consider the second part of the process with Mr. Prodi and, hopefully, appoint him in the first week in May – as it is entitled to do under the new Amsterdam Treaty arrangements. It then goes into recess for the European elections and returns in the third week in July.
The European Council would like it to commence its consideration of the new Commission at that stage – it is the next time it will meet. Some people say that is possible but most say it is unlikely. That leads to a position where the Commissioners will not appear before the Parliament to be questioned under the powers of the Parliament until September.
I am afraid the European Council can do no more. This was the only procedure agreed in the discussions between the Council and the Parliament. Hopefully, following the elections in July, or earlier, the Parliament will be able to discuss the new Commission. That is still a possibility and the President of the Council is trying to achieve that. Based on the view of the Parliament, however, it is unlikely.
It is a total farce.
Does the Taoiseach agree that Turkey should be bombed for its treatment of the Kurds?