Overseas Missions: Motion.

Minister for Defence (Mr. M. Smith)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann approves the despatch, pursuant to section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) (No. 2) Act 1960, as amended by the Defence (Amendment) Act 1993, of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force for service with the United Nations Mission in Liberia, UNMIL, established on 19 September 2003 under UN Security Council Resolution 1509 (2003).

In commending this motion to the House, I wish to outline the background to the United Nations Mission in Liberia and the reason the Government decided to respond positively to the invitation from the United Nations to provide a contingent.

Liberia has been in a state of almost constant conflict since the late 1980s. With its neighbouring countries of the Mano River Union, Sierra Leone and Guinea, it has been at the centre of interrelated conflicts, driven principally by the sponsorship of rebel movements by national leaders seeking to undermine their neighbouring regimes. Liberia's former President, Charles Taylor, was the principal architect in fomenting instability in the region, particularly through his support for the rebel movement in Sierra Leone, the Revolutionary United Front, RUF. In turn, Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire, have been accused of supporting and sponsoring anti-Taylor rebels in Liberia.

The conflict in the region has been marked by large-scale human rights abuses, including intimidation, rape, decapitation and murder. Within Liberia, the Taylor regime was marked by human rights abuses, corruption and rampant exploitation of natural resources for private gain. Two major rebel groups emerged within Liberia in opposition to Taylor, namely, Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy, LURD, with an estimated strength of 5,000, and the Movement for Democracy in Liberia, MODEL, comprising 1,500 to 3,000 personnel. Both groups have histories of atrocities towards civilian populations and have relied on child soldiers, including girls. It is estimated that Liberia has 27,000 to 38,000 combatants, including the Taylorites, up to 70% of whom are minors.

The initial impetus for change was the provision of adequate resources and a robust mandate to the peacekeeping mission in Sierra Leone, UNAMSIL. However, while the situation in Sierra Leone improved, Liberia was still in a state of civil war, notwithstanding the imposition of carefully targeted sanctions by the UN on the Taylor regime. On 29 July 2003, UN Secretary General Annan wrote to the President of the Security Council to propose a three-phase deployment of international troops to Liberia, to be authorised under Security Council resolutions. The Secretary General also demonstrated his resolve to secure peace in Liberia by appointing as his special representative to Liberia an experienced UN official, Jacques-Paul Klein, a US national.

On 4 August 2003, a Nigerian-led mission was deployed, bolstered by troops from a number of west African nations, with support from UNAMSIL and the US. Since then, President Taylor accepted the offer of exile in Nigeria and a comprehensive peace agreement was signed by the government and the rebel groups on 18 August 2003. The peace agreement, which sets out a "road map" towards elections in 2005, has been endorsed by the Security Council in Resolution 1509, which also established UNMIL. In accordance with the terms of the peace agreement, the National Transitional Government of Liberia was inaugurated in Monrovia on 14 October 2003, headed by Mr. Gyude Bryant, who serves as chairman of the transitional government.

The stated objective of LURD and MODEL rebel groups has been the removal of Taylor as president. As that objective has been achieved, both groups are involved in the transitional government and are parties to the comprehensive peace agreement. Publicly, both groups are committed to the democratic process and to disarmament, dissolution and destruction of weapons. However, despite recent improvements in the security situation in UN-controlled areas and progress in the implementation of the agreement, Liberia remains highly unstable and the peace process remains fragile. The rebel movements continue to control large areas outside of the capital, Monrovia. Minor incidents can quickly escalate and there is poor control and communication between the disparate elements of the rebel groups. As Members will be aware, there have been incidents involving the rebel groups and government forces in Monrovia and, more recently, in the north of the country since the national transitional government was established.

Establishing peace in Liberia, in tandem with the current UN operations in support of peace in Sierra Leone and the wider Mano River Union region, offers a real and tangible opportunity for the international community to assist in bringing stability to the region as a whole. The Defence Forces have a strong tradition of participation in missions of this nature and Ireland has a particular commitment to Africa, evidenced by, among other things, our bilateral aid programme. Ireland is firmly committed to the role of the UN in the maintenance of international peace and security. The Government considers that Ireland, as a long-standing contributor to UN peacekeeping, should participate, where possible, in suitable peace support operations. The UNMIL operation in Liberia offers a suitable opportunity for such participation.

UNMIL has a strong and robust UN mandate. Security Council Resolution 1509 established a peacekeeping operation consisting of up to 15,000 military personnel, together with up to 250 military observers, 1,115 civilian police officers and a civilian component, for 12 months. UNMIL will operate under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which means that the force will have authorisation to take all necessary measures to fulfil its mandate.

UNMIL's mandate is comprehensive and includes monitoring the implementation of the ceasefire and the comprehensive peace agreement between the government and rebel forces. It also includes, inter alia, assisting the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration, and repatriation of all armed parties, providing security and protection, the provision of humanitarian assistance and the promotion of human rights. UNMIL will have an initial strength of 3,500 personnel drawn from more than 20 countries. While Ireland is so far the only western country offering formed military units, a number of our EU partners are providing staff officers and military observers. The Netherlands is also supplying key medical facilities for the mission and I would like to express my appreciation for this.

The proposed Irish contingent will comprise a motorised infantry battalion of 430 personnel and a small number of additional personnel who will be deployed at force headquarters and as military observers. At the request of the UN, a contingent of the Army ranger wing will be deployed for three months. The Irish contingent will operate as the force commander's rapid reaction reserve. The role of the Irish personnel will be the provision of an immediate response capability, deployable in sufficient strength and with the required level of force to provide a swift and decisive military reaction to a crisis situation. In the initial stages, the Irish battalion will act in a pathfinding role for the UN brigades deploying beyond Monrovia.

Subject to Dáil approval, deployment to UNMIL will take place in November-December 2003. Initial deployment will be for one year, with a possible extension thereafter, subject to renewal of the UN mandate and a satisfactory review of the mission. In the case of UNMIL, my intention is that Defence Forces involvement will not exceed two to three years. Elections, which are due in 2005 under the comprehensive peace agreement, should be completed at that stage.

A detailed reconnaissance and threat assessment has been undertaken in the mission area by a Defence Forces team. The military authorities have reported that Liberia is an inherently dangerous theatre of operations. The potential for renewed hostilities, an unquantified mine or improvised explosive device threat, hazardous driving conditions, the demanding climatic conditions and the threat to health make force protection a primary concern for the Defence Forces.

In the current phase of the UN operation, UNMIL troops have only been deployed in and around Monrovia. The security threat to UNMIL troops in Monrovia is assessed as medium due to the potential for minor incidents to escalate quickly into major confrontations. The poor communications between the leaders of the various factions and their troops also has the potential to lead to sporadic fighting. All sides are generally abiding by the UN imposed weapons ban in the city and are awaiting the full deployment of UNMIL. The security threat to UNMIL troops in the rest of Liberia is assessed as high. However, it is anticipated that this threat should decline as the UN peacekeeping troops are deployed beyond Monrovia in the next phase of deployment.

The health risk is assessed as high. Disease rates in Liberia are among the highest in the world, exacerbated by huge numbers of displaced persons crowded into Monrovia. Malaria is the major insect-borne disease and transmission is sustained year round. Other diseases include hepatitis A, E and B, sleeping sickness and a variety of viral and food and water-borne diseases. HIV-AIDS is also prevalent.

The safety of Irish personnel serving overseas is always of paramount concern. While no absolute guarantees can be given with regard to the safety of troops serving in missions, it is the policy and practice to ensure Defence Forces personnel are adequately trained and equipped to carry out their mission. Troops selected for overseas service undergo a rigorous programme of training and this will also apply in the case of the contingent to be deployed for service with UNMIL. The contingent will be supplemented by a number of additional engineers to counter the threat from unexploded ordnance, mines and improvised explosive devices. Additional medical personnel will be deployed because of the particularly hazardous nature of the health environment. Additional heavy weaponry will also be deployed in a force protection role.

The Defence Forces adopt a comprehensive approach to managing and protecting the health of deployed personnel. As a matter of course, all personnel volunteering must have passed their annual medical in the first instance. They are then subjected to a further detailed overseas medical under which they are assessed for suitability with particular reference to the physical requirements of the mission. The troops to be deployed to Liberia will all go through this process.

The main risk to health in Liberia is malaria. In this regard, the director of the Army medical corps has stated that systematic use by Defence Forces personnel of anti-malaria medication should be effective in protecting them from this disease. Troops are being fully immunised against all other known disease risks including yellow fever, hepatitis A and B, cholera, meningitis and tetanus. With regard to water-borne parasites or diseases, the Defence Forces are bringing their own water purification and sewage treatment plants with them. On return from the mission, all troops will be tested as a matter of course.

With regard to on the ground medical facilities, the Defence Forces will deploy, as part of the battalion, a state-of-the-art containerised medical facility, which was recently acquired. The medical facility will be operated by two medical doctors who will be assisted by a team of 13 Defence Forces medical personnel and paramedics. Special training is being provided by the Netherlands to our medical personnel on the environmental health issues arising in a tropical setting. A full surgical medical facility is being provided to the mission by the Netherlands initially and by Jordan thereafter. In addition, there is a Red Cross medical facility in Monrovia and a full surgical medical facility in Freetown, attached to the UNAMSIL, which is also provided by Jordan. The Jordanians provided a similar facility to our troops in UNMEE, which worked well there.

It is estimated that the additional ongoing cost to the Defence Vote – transportation, living costs, overseas allowances – from participation in UNMIL will amount to €12.1 million per annum. UN reimbursement of costs to the Exchequer in this regard should amount to €10.8 million per annum, leaving a net additional cost to the Exchequer of €1.3 million in 2004.

Ireland has always taken seriously its obligation under the United Nations Charter to make available to the Security Council armed forces, assistance and facilities to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. In Liberia, Ireland has the opportunity to contribute in a substantive manner in bringing stability to a key region in Africa and to support the establishment of peace, respect for human rights and the rule of law and the re-establishment of civil society in the region. Since our first involvement in peacekeeping in 1958, Ireland's willingness to participate in UN peace support missions has been motivated by a firm belief that peoples throughout the world have the right to live in peace with justice, free from fear. Our participation in UNMIL represents a continuation and vindication of that belief.

In commending this motion to the House, I hope to have the support of my colleagues opposite. Over the years, we have had practically unanimous support in this House for missions of this kind. I look forward to the continuation of that support and would welcome the views of Members.

Mr. G. Mitchell

I wish to share my time with Deputy Deenihan.

Acting Chairman (Dr. Cowley)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. G. Mitchell

I welcome the opportunity to participate in this important debate. At the outset, I have two questions which I ask the Minister to address in his response. He said that at the request of the UN, a contingent of the Army ranger wing will be deployed for three months. Will he inform the House of the number of personnel in that contingent, what their duties will be and why they, specifically, were requested? I understand that a Naval Service vessel was sent to reconnoitre and I do not know whether it is still off the coast of Liberia. I ask the Minister, when replying, to indicate if it is intended that the Naval Service vessel will remain in that area.

Liberia, a country rich in natural resources and bordered by Guinea, Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast, has suffered greatly from civil war and extreme violence. During 14 years of almost continuous warfare, where even children have been turned into soldiers, tens of thousands have lost their homes, their families and their lives. In 2001, the UN imposed sanctions on Liberia, as well as an arms embargo and a travel ban on Government officials, because of Liberia's support of the rebel insurgency in Sierra Leone. More recently, last May, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Ruud Lubbers, blamed Liberia and, in particular, President Charles Taylor for the conflicts and refugee crises in West Africa. Mr. Lubbers said, in unusually blunt terms, that Mr. Taylor should be forced out. He also urged the US to act on what he said was its responsibility toward Liberia, a timber-rich country and the leading African iron-ore producer, founded by freed American slaves in the 19th century.

In August, a peace agreement was signed between the Government of Liberia, the political parties and the rebel groups and in mid-October businessman Gyude Bryant took office as leader of Liberia's interim post-war Government. He is faced with the daunting task of guiding the devastated country into peace after 14 years of bloodletting by the ousted warlord and President. Mr. Bryant took an oath as chairman, not president, of the transitional power-share Government, pledging to take Liberia from "a state of disrepair".

It is easy to see why Liberia exists in such a state of disrepair and despair. After 14 years of near constant violence, 85% of the population of Liberia lives below the poverty line. An estimated 450,000 people have been displaced by the conflict and live in appalling conditions. Humanitarian and relief efforts face real difficulties on the ground as the security situation remains volatile and continues to hamper relief efforts. From all this, it is clear that Liberia needs our assistance. It is right and proper that Ireland, a nation with a proud history in international peacekeeping missions, should answer the call to help. Accordingly, I support the motion to approve the despatch of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force to play a part in this important peacekeeping work in Liberia.

The motion we are discussing today is in accordance with international law. The United Nations established the mission in Liberia, UNMIL, under UN Security Council Resolution 1509 of 2003. It is hoped that the first Irish troops will commence deployment soon, as the Minister has said, and that the UN request will be fully met by Ireland by mid-December. Accordingly, the role which our Defence Forces are about to take on, with the approval of this House, is an important and imminent one. The Minister stated that 430 members of the Permanent Defence Force will take part in this mission and will soon travel to Liberia. This is possibly one of the most challenging missions ever undertaken by the Irish Defence Forces. Our thoughts and prayers should be with them and their families at this time and in future.

At times such as this, we must remind ourselves of the bravery and selflessness of our Defence Forces. The members of this latest contingent are following in a long and proud tradition. Ireland's history of service under the flag of the United Nations must be a source of considerable pride to the Irish people. Since 1958, the Defence Forces have had a continuous presence on United Nations peacekeeping missions, mainly in the Middle East. However, in recent years, Irish Defence Forces personnel have also found themselves in many other parts of the globe as peacekeepers. Defence Forces personnel have served as observers in Central America, Russia, former Yugoslavia, Cambodia, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Kuwait, Namibia, Western Sahara, South Africa and East Timor.

This clearly displays the Irish commitment to important peacekeeping work, a commitment that was strengthened in 1993 when the then Government restated the roles of the Defence Forces and defined one of them as being: "To participate in United Nations missions in the cause of international peace." This was further affirmed in the 1996 Government White Paper on foreign policy which stated: "Given the unique role and authority of the United Nations and the fact that its peacekeeping activities have proved an important element in containing conflict, the Government is committed to sustaining the overall level of Ireland's contribution to peacekeeping." However, this contribution has had a high cost. In the cause of peace, 82 members of the Defence Forces have given their lives.

Under section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) Act 1960 Dáil Éireann must approve this motion before any contingent of the Defence Forces is deployed for service. Section 2 provides for the deployment of a contingent of the Defence Forces for service outside the State if "a resolution has been passed by Dáil Éireann, approving of the despatch of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force for service outside the State as part of that international United Nations Force." However, this is not the only matter which must be addressed before a contingent of the Defence Forces can engage in a peacekeeping mission. The participation of the Defence Forces is subject to what is commonly known as the triple lock which, in effect, places an excessive restriction on Defence Forces participation in peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions.

For example, although the Government has committed 850 troops to the EU rapid reaction force – an EU capability designed to undertake humanitarian and crisis management tasks – these forces will only be deployed under this triple lock system. For Ireland, this means that any potential military action must be endorsed by a full United Nations mandate establishing or authorising such an international UN force, approved by Dáil Éireann and agreed by the Government. On the face of it, this seems reasonable. However, by applying such a restrictive code to the involvement of Irish forces, even in European operations, the Government has ruled out Irish participation in some peacekeeping activities. For example, Ireland could not participate in the EU peacekeeping force, Operation Concordia, which was sent earlier this year to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, a probable future member of the EU, even though this force replaced NATO and had both EU and UN support, set out in Resolution 1371. It now seems likely that EU troops will also replace NATO in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The difficulty in getting a UN resolution establishing or authorising an international UN force can relate to the self-interests of members of the Security Council, which is made up of five permanent members and ten rotating members. It normally takes nine Security Council members to carry a resolution so long as none of the permanent members – the US, Russia, China, the UK and France – votes against it. However, in the case of Macedonia, such a resolution was not carried because it did not suit the interests of China. UNPREDEP, the UN Preventive Deployment Force in Macedonia, was to be extended but that had to be withdrawn. Macedonia had recognised Taiwan so China retaliated by blocking the UN peacekeeping force resolution. Therefore, by having a triple lock we have given self-serving members of the UN Security Council, who may be operating to a narrow national agenda, the right to pre-empt our free decision. Obviously, this is neither healthy nor wise.

Under the triple lock we abdicate our freedom to decide for ourselves, leaving it in the hands of the five permanent members of UN Security Council. There should be no barrier to Ireland acting as an independent, sovereign State. It is absurd that our sovereign decision can be manipulated by a world power, as happened in the case of Macedonia.

To end this anomaly, Deputy McGinley and I recently published a Private Members' Bill, the International Peace Missions Bill 2003. This Bill seeks to end the triple lock and to amend the Defence Acts to allow Ireland to send troops to participate in peace missions, even when those missions are not set up as an international UN force. However, the Bill specifically requires that any deployment be in accord with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

Looking specifically at the wording of the UN Charter, Chapter VIII, Article 52 states: "Nothing in the present Charter precludes the existence of regional arrangements or agencies for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action provided that such arrangements or agencies and their activities are consistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations." Section 3 of our Bill allows for the deployment of Irish troops as part of an international peace mission if a resolution has been passed by the Dáil and the Dáil is satisfied that the mission is in keeping with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. In other words, in peacekeeping and enforcement we should decide for ourselves what does and does not meet the UN charter requirements and we should not be vetoed on this specific issue in future by members of the Security Council acting selfishly.

Under the current triple lock system, Irish participation in peacekeeping missions can continue to be vetoed in this way. This must be totally unacceptable for an independent, sovereign State such as ours which seeks to use its influence to promote peace throughout the world. Dáil Éireann is the proper authority in constitutional law permitted to decide on the deployment of our troops in lawful peacekeeping or peace enforcement activities. In the case of Macedonia the Dáil was sidelined by another state acting selfishly, but 13 other EU states and 14 non-EU states participated and were not sidelined in this manner. We could not act and it is appalling that we can vote to send our troops to dangerous places like Liberia and not to relatively safe places like Macedonia because of the Chinese veto. There are Members in the House who support that.

Mr. Gormley

Yes.

Mr. G. Mitchell

They support sending our troops to more dangerous rather than less dangerous places.

Mr. Deenihan

I was contacted this morning by a relative of a member of the Defence Forces who is due to travel to Liberia. That relative expressed serious concerns about the health aspects of this mission and, though the Minister outlined some health measures, they will not be enough to assuage the concerns of the personnel and their families. The Minister has a duty to provide primary and emergency medical treatment for those who will serve in Liberia and, as he said, it is a war-ravaged and medically hazardous country.

Currently only five Army doctors are eligible for mandatory selection for service in Liberia. As this is a UN Chapter VII peace enforcement mission, not a peacekeeping mission, and 14 of the 19 doctors currently serving in the Army enlisted before 1994, it is not mandatory for those doctors to go on this mission. They will have to volunteer their services but they may be reluctant to do so for a number of reasons. According to an article in The Sunday Tribune last week, Liberia ranks 174th of the 175 most disease-ridden countries in the world. This is our most dangerous mission since the Congo in 1960.

The Minister said yesterday in Tralee: "We would be out there for three to four years." This means each of these doctors would have to serve on a number of missions in Liberia over the next four years, as each mission lasts six months. How sustainable is that? The shortage of doctors in the Defence Forces is critical and the situation is deteriorating as there has been no recruitment for the past two years. What urgent steps, if any, will the Minister take to recruit doctors to the Defence Forces, given the abject failure to do so in recent years?

My questions are simple. Is the Minister satisfied that our medical support is adequate? How sustainable is that support on this mission? What steps is he taking to recruit more doctors for the Defence Forces, given the failure in recent years to do so?

Mr. Sherlock

I propose to share my time with Deputy Michael D. Higgins.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Sherlock

I welcome this opportunity to pay tribute to the men and women of the Defence Forces who have given such loyal and dedicated service to the United Nations in trouble spots all over the world and who daily put their safety and lives at risk in the cause of peace. The locations where Irish troops are serving read like a list of the trouble spots of the world. Some are places where trouble has erupted in recent years, such as Kosovo and East Timor, while others are places with long-running and still unresolved disputes, such as Cyprus and the Middle East. There are yet others where the problems may have slipped from the front page, such as Ethiopia or the Congo, but where the presence of UN observers is crucial to the maintenance of peace.

It is 40 years since Irish troops first went abroad to serve with the UN and, for a small country, we have made an enormous contribution in this regard. Almost 10% of our personnel are serving abroad and we are the sixth largest provider of troops to UN peace missions. In the course of four decades Ireland has paid a high price in the commitment of both financial resources and personnel to the pursuit of world peace, but this pales into insignificance compared to the price paid by Defence Forces personnel who have been killed or injured in the course of these operations.

Our troops bound for Liberia will find themselves in a particularly difficult situation, caught between conflicting sides as the country attempts to emerge from years of civil war and the recent reign of President Charles Taylor. While efforts by the international community to forge a lasting peace and create an interim government for Liberia are in their infancy, the country remains war-torn and ravaged by disease.

Taking power on the back of public fears that his failure to win would lead to further war, Charles Taylor's period in power from 1997 to last August saw schools, hospitals, roads and vital infrastructure remain derelict. Moreover, ongoing warmongering by Charles Taylor with neighbouring Sierra Leone saw him indicted for bearing the greatest responsibility for a series of atrocities in Sierra Leone since 1996.

This is the political context for the sending of 430 Irish peacekeeping troops on this mission. Operating under UN Security Council Resolution 1509, the forces will serve as part of the United Nations mission in Liberia mandated to maintain the current ceasefire between warring factions in Liberia and to keep law and order throughout the country. Needless to say, Liberia is a high humanitarian disaster zone. Only this week, the Irish army officers' association, RACO, expressed severe concern about the level of medical back-up available to forces in Liberia. Any post-war society will be short of vital medical supplies, however the risk of contracting malaria is so severe in this part of Africa that we are right to ask the Minister for Defence if he can assure us of the steps being taken to ensure Irish soldiers have access to medical care.

Meanwhile, so dangerous is the situation in Liberia generally that PDFORRA has counselled the Government to make risk assessment a priority when participating in overseas peacekeeping missions such as this one. While a new transitional Government is in place, Irish forces are charged with enforcing peace between numerous militia groups using child soldiers with access to large amounts of weaponry.

Irish troops will be part of the UN's Rapid Reaction Force and, as such, will be charged with supporting any other peacekeeping troops who encounter trouble. The level of risk involved in this operation is one of the highest facing any Irish peacekeeping mission. Given these concerns, and especially since the United Nations mission in Liberia will see the largest deployment of Irish troops since the mission to Lebanon, it is incumbent on the Minister for Defence to provide political and moral support for our forces with the United Nations. However, he must also ensure that when Irish troops serve abroad on peacekeeping operations they have the equipment and training necessary to guarantee the maximum possible level of safety and security.

I know that training is not a problem as Irish troops have always been well prepared for operations abroad, and this is acknowledged in the respect with which they are held by other contingents with which they have served. However, a number of important issues with regard to the Defence Forces remain unresolved and it is important that on a day when we are discussing the deployment of Irish troops elsewhere, we receive assurances from the Minister for Defence that other matters will also be addressed.

While we will send more than 400 troops to Liberia, the Defence Forces continue to suffer from cutbacks in Government expenditure. The Minister for Finance has not spared any section of the Defence Forces in his determination to cut public spending. This affects the level of applications from potential recruits as the Minister for Defence last week confirmed to me that hundreds of jobs in the forces are to go over the next three years. Therefore, while we are sending out troops to Africa to participate in peacekeeping operations, which are a fundamental part of Irish foreign policy, at home the Government is actively cutting numbers and diluting the country's ability to play a prominent role in international security.

I would also like the Minister to assure us that sufficient volunteers have been obtained to meet the necessary requirements for this mission. One Sunday newspaper reported recently that 380 of the necessary 430 personnel had been found. When will the final 50 personnel be in place?

Another issue that arises in regard to our participation in peacekeeping operations is that substantial amounts of money are still due to this country from the UN. Ireland is owed huge amounts by the United Nations for providing Irish personnel to UN peacekeeping missions abroad. This debt arises from our participation in Lebanon and Cyprus because we are responsible for our own expenses in other cases. The financial problems of the United Nations arise from the failure of a number of member states, particularly the United States, to discharge their debts to the organisation. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has played a most valuable role in limiting conflict throughout the world. It is wrong that some countries, which are happy to use the United Nations when its suits their own political agendas, at the same time should restrict the potential of the organisation by refusing to pay their way.

Mr. M. Higgins

I welcome the opportunity to say a few words on this mission and I join others in wishing our troops a healthy and safe experience in Liberia and, most importantly, a safe return. There are many other extraneous issues in the context of this decision which I cannot deal with in the time available, but I will deal with them on another occasion. For example, Deputy Gay Mitchell will know that I disagree with him on the structure of the debate he seeks. We should be debating reform of the United Nations, including reform of the Security Council. That is a more urgent debate than seeking to unwind the triple lock mechanism, although I agree that is a debate on which we should hear Members' views.

It is interesting that the United Nations motion covering the sending of our troops comes under a Chapter VII resolution. It is important we note the significance of that because it gives the clearest possible authority in international law to our troops. It also increases to some extent the danger they face in so far as a Chapter VII resolution facilitates the maximum amount of intervention which can result in the maximum amount of risk.

I want to put a few points to the Minister. This is one of the most dangerous missions on which Irish troops have been sent for a long time. My experience of meeting people who have served on missions and my admiration for them is such that on the deployment of troops in North Africa and particularly in Central America I remember that great importance was attached to the experience they had accumulated and the wisdom some of the older people had gained. That is to some extent sacrificed by the retirement from the force of many people who would have had the experience of service on previous missions. Many of the people who will go on this mission will be younger people who will have an advantage in a physical sense but who will be at a disadvantage to some extent in terms of experience of dealing with complex issues where there are competing elements. That is an important part of a mission.

The Minister addressed some of the facilities that will be available to troops who travel. I am somewhat worried about this. Two senior members of the Department of Defence made a presentation at a recent meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. The appendix to their presentation showed that the equipment available to the Army was far more suitable for a European theatre of peace enforcement than for the classical tasks of peace establishment in Africa or in a country other than one in the European theatre. I could give practical examples but the time available does not allow for that. For example, the list of equipment the Army was seeking included equipment for dealing with the consequences of chemical warfare and so forth. That is not the circumstances in which the troops in Liberia will find themselves. They will be particularly tested in terms of the quality of vehicles available to them, on which I raise a question. People will have to bear with me on this, and I would be delighted to be proved wrong. There is some slight confusion but I understand the troops will be deployed outside of Monrovia. Taking account of the terrain there, modern vehicles will be required.

On the medical support system, tropical medicine is a specialism. That is the case even here for those who have spent short periods in the tropics. Extraordinary care has to be taken in regard to the life experience of young soldiers, male and female. There was reference to the infrastructural and physical conditions in Liberia. There are exaggerated problems, particularly in such matters as water quality. The Minister for Defence, Deputy Smith, in his speech referred to mobile facilities, including water purification and sewage treatment, and other medical facilities which can be transported there. However, the technology of these facilities needs to be tested in advance in terms of adequacy.

There was a suggestion that paramedics can be quickly trained to deal with particular tropical illnesses. What does this tell us? It tells us of a singularly silly attitude for any Minister for Defence, not just the present one.

We must look at how those who served abroad and those who will do so are excluded from giving their opinions on operational matters in missions such as this. I find this extraordinary and unacceptable. It is important that their views should be taken into account.

I am concerned that people present states such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire as places that are inherently prone to conflict. We must remember that the conflict in Liberia was run by external forces. Liberian natural resources could not have been sold unless people were willing to purchase them. Charles Taylor was sponsored by surrogate forces early on in his career. The problem is not Liberian in source, but that other people ran the degradation of Liberia. It is equally true that western states are selling the new lightweight weapons that enable ever younger children to carry them. This is a contributory factor to the increase in the number of child soldiers. Internationally, the figure for child soldiers now runs to approximately 250,000. We should point our finger at those who exploit the technology of lightweight materiel to drag children into the conflict.

Given the complex six elements in the mandate for the Defence Forces, what support do they have for dealing with social, political and integrationist aspects of the mission? This mission has the capacity to last for several years. I have said all this with the sense of best wishes and concern for the troops who will serve there. However, it would be dishonest not to say that I am unconvinced about the arguments put forward by the Department of Defence on interoperability, by which I mean that for which it has classically not prepared. I am not convinced about the quality of the infrastructure preparations. This is the time to begin involving those who will serve in detailed discussions, including those on operational matters. It is in our, their and their families' interests.

Mr. Gormley

There are few occasions in this House when we are faced with a life and death decision. This is one such occasion. A decision to dispatch Irish troops is subject to the triple lock of Dáil, Government and UN sanction. The Liberian mission has been approved by the UN and the Government. It is now up to the Dáil to give its approval. We in the Green Party will give this approval in the full knowledge that this mission is dangerous. We are equally confident that our troops are well-trained and will, as always, do a superb job.

In the past, our men and women in uniform have performed courageously on UN peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions. Many have paid the ultimate price. It is with this in mind that we have made our decision. On behalf of the Green Party, I express our unstinting admiration for our soldiers. We will do everything to ensure, not only their safety, but that they enjoy the best possible conditions in Liberia.

The Minister for Defence is aware that PDFORRA and RACO have expressed concerns about the safety of Irish troops in Liberia and the terrible dilemmas they will face there, not least encounters with child soldiers, many of whom are out of their minds on drugs and carry the lightweight weapons Deputy Michael Higgins referred to. We must also ensure we have adequate medical back-up for our troops.

In keeping with Sinn Féin's commitment to positive neutrality and action, we support this motion and Irish participation in the UN force, UNMIL. We take this position having regard to the available facts and to the potential dangers to those who will make up the Irish contingent. On behalf of my party, I express our appreciation to the men and women who will represent Ireland by serving in Liberia. It is a worthwhile endeavour in which they have the full support of the Irish people. It is intended that the troops will depart for Monrovia on 19 November and I wish them success in their mission. I hope that all of them will return home safely to their families.

What sets this peacekeeping mission apart from many others and what further commends it to our support is the fact that it is not merely UN mandated or authorised but UN led. Such a mission is increasingly rare and worthy of strong support in principle. We would prefer to see the UN reformed, strengthened and given the support it deserves so that the so-called outsourcing of peacekeeping operations to regional military alliances such as the EU Rapid Reaction Force or NATO will end. The UN was created to render such standing military alliances obsolete. We are committed to this vision and look forward to the day when all nations of the earth will make a genuine commitment to global and equal partnership of states.

We must continue to heed the call of UN Secretary General and help lead the campaign for UN reform and building the capacity of that organisation. Such a campaign has been far too long in coming and as we have still not come to grips with it in this House, we urgently need to have a structured debate on it.

Mr. F. McGrath

I appreciate the opportunity to speak on the major topic of sending Irish troops to Liberia. Before going into the details of this important mission, I commend all Irish troops who have given their lives for peace under the flag of the United Nations. Their bravery, courage and integrity will never be forgotten. We support their families in their loss and their sacrifice will always be remembered and honoured.

This motion seeks approval to send 450 Irish troops to Liberia. This could be a very dangerous mission and lives could again be lost. However, this is a case where the greater good is served by the intervention of Irish troops. The United Nations needs our support and the people on the ground are crying out for our assistance. I have no problem with Irish troops under the United Nations acting as peacekeepers in war-torn areas. It is essential that those of us who oppose President Bush's war on Iraq show our support for the United Nations and above all allow our soldiers to bring peace and reconciliation to Liberia.

When we send Irish troops on peacekeeping missions it is essential that we give them our total support and full back-up to preserve their personal safety. Conflict resolution in this case is extremely complex and dangerous. About 300,000 child soldiers throughout the world experience death, suffering and destruction at a very young age. In addition, some of them are on drugs and their record on atrocities is horrific. It will take a strong, decisive and able Irish contingent to deal with this dangerous and complex task. We need to face the reality that child soldiers with AK-47s in their hands and pumped up with drugs will represent a nightmare for our troops.

While it will be a demanding environment, I have great confidence in our United Nations troops to do a fair and professional job. The bottom line is that if our soldiers are fired on and their peacekeeping is at risk they will have every right to defend themselves and protect the community in which they live. While this is just the downside of this debate, it is essential we are aware of the dangers and the reality on the ground in Liberia. It is necessary to plan for this and be prepared for the worst-case scenario, particularly after the years of death and violence in Liberia.

I am confident that the people on the ground will respect our troops and the United Nations. Both inside and outside the Dáil I have always stressed the need for Ireland to have a strong independent foreign policy line so that we can retain the respect and support of the other nations of the world. Cosying up to NATO or to Mr. Blair or Mr. Bush is damaging to our ability to act as an independent honest broker on the international stage.

The same theory and practice applies to the Middle East. Ireland has great potential to be a world leader in international peace and human rights and can play a role as an independent arbitrator where there is conflict. We should push these types of issues on the international peace agenda. Senator George Mitchell assisted us in our peace process and helped to get both the talks and agreement off the ground. There is no reason our country cannot carry out a similar mandate in places where there is conflict. The closest example is the Middle East. Ireland should take a more proactive role in assisting a peace settlement there.

I strongly support the proposal to dispatch a contingent from the Permanent Defence Force for service with the United Nations mission in Liberia. Even though I know this could last three or four years, I give my support as it is the right thing to do. It is about bringing peace and stability to a war-torn country. It is about trying to end the nightmare of child soldiers and save the childhood of future generations. Above all it is about bringing peace and justice to a country that needs our help and support. I commend the motion.

Ms Sexton

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important matter, the participation of members of our Defence Forces in the peace-enforcement mission in Liberia. Ireland has a proud and historic tradition of contributing to UN missions since becoming a member in 1955. However, our role has not simply been confined to peacekeeping. We have also played a key role in areas of disarmament, development and human rights. To put this in perspective, out of the 56 United Nations peacekeeping missions in that time, Ireland has had an involvement in 13 countries.

Our Defence Forces were involved in the peacekeeping mission in the Lebanon from 1978 to 2002 and we have forces currently committed to UN missions abroad, the largest of which is in Kosovo, where we have 261 serving members. Ireland is proportionally a large peacekeeping contributor within the international community and our commitment to such missions is a key element in our foreign policy. It is extremely important towards meeting our international obligations as a member of both the European Union and the United Nations.

Of the 430 personnel assigned to the UN mission in Liberia, I am particularly proud that one-fifth of the entire complement of troops stationed in Longford's Connolly Barracks will be part of this deployment of volunteers. Coupled with the Defence Forces' commitment to other operations, this mission in Liberia brings Ireland's total of 800 troops to the highest level of participation in peace support operations since 2001.

It is an undisputed fact that the success of peacekeeping missions primarily depends on the desires of the warring parties to resolve their differences peacefully. It equally depends on the support of international community, working in concert, with a clear mandate, and of course it is dependent on the provision of the resources necessary for the successful conclusion of the mandate objectives. Ireland's participation in overseas missions is underpinned by the confirmation in the Seville Declaration that this country's participation remains fully and firmly grounded in the UN as the international authority for co-operative arrangements for collective security. This decision-making process for involvement in the peace support operations requires that the conditions of the "triple-lock" mechanism be satisfied. This means that the operation must be authorised and mandated by the UN, it must be approved by Government, and the third "lock" is the approval of Dáil Éireann by way of resolution, which is the purpose of today's debate.

The request by the UN for Irish Defence Forces' participation in Liberia follows lengthy delays in the implementation of the 1993 negotiated peace agreement, followed by the inability of the 1997-elected government to resolve the differences with the opposition parties over key issues of governance. Human rights violations, exclusion and harassment of opponents led to a resumption of hostilities, culminating in the resignation of President Charles Taylor and the establishment of the United Nations Mission in Liberia, UNMIL, under Security Council Resolution 1509 in September 2003.

The role of UNMIL, working closely with the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, and neighbouring country UN missions is to facilitate the effective implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement, CPA, including a multi-dimensional operation composed of political, military, civilian police, criminal justice, civil affairs, human rights, gender, child protection, disarmament, demobilisation and re-integration. Peacekeepers are not just troops with guns, but are in situ to ensure that the structures of local government are put back in place.

The Minister has clearly stated that the mission is "not without risk". All reports indicate that the situation on the ground is volatile and unstable. However, I have faith in those in the Defence Forces who have undertaken risk assessment and have advised the Minister accordingly.

My conviction is that our Defence Forces are a professional army with a world-wide reputation for their ability to partake in peacekeeping missions anywhere in the world. I was sorely disappointed with Opposition suggestions to the contrary carried in the media in recent days. While such remarks might have been well intentioned, they have been perceived as insulting by members of the Defence Forces.

My major concern is the child soldier issue. These young boys and girls, who are fully armed and have been force-fed on a cocktail of cocaine by senior officers, aggressively engage in conflict. This is a new departure for our Defence Forces, but I am confident that the military authorities, who are au fait with the clear rules of engagement in such circumstances, have provided the necessary training and support mechanisms for this new challenge.

The widespread contamination of Liberia with a particularly virulent strain of malaria concerns not just me but every Member of the House. The Dutch have taken a "Level 3" ship to provide medical support to the force, but I again ask the Minister to assure the House that from an Irish viewpoint full medical support, including equipment and vaccination, is available to the troops. The Minister will forgive me if he mentioned it in his speech. I was at a committee meeting.

I must stress the importance of showing the necessary political support to our Defence Forces. It is easy for Members of the House to concentrate for over two hours on a decision of this magnitude. However, political responsibility must follow such a decision. Our Defence Forces have served this country proudly at home and abroad and with distinction since the foundation of the State. We have often heard comments from soldiers about "our political masters", "armchair generals" etc. I would therefore hope that the so-called political masters will support this mission on a continual basis and that we will actively monitor the role of our Defence Forces in Liberia with regular statements in this House on the welfare of our troops, in line with our responsibility to them.

Supporting our troops not only involves provision of the necessary equipment and means to carry out their task, it also means we look after their welfare. In this regard I have one final concern. As we can imagine, six months immersed in such a hostile environment can be demanding. It is 24-hour duty, seven days a week, a six-month mission with a mere two-week break. The last major force we deployed, in Lebanon, could readily avail of breaks in Israel, Cyprus or Egypt. However given the geographic location of Liberia such options are not available for rest and recreation for our troops. My information is that there is only one flight per week to Europe from Monrovia, costing on average in excess of €2,000. Given the rate of overseas allowances being paid to members of the Defence Forces, it would seem that a large portion of a soldier's allowance would be expended on a return trip to Ireland.

Given the unique situation, I ask the Minister to give serious consideration to repatriation at no cost to soldiers wishing to avail of their leave in Ireland. I am aware that members of the Defence Forces currently deployed on 12-month missions are facilitated in this manner. I am not proposing a change in policy, merely a once-off concession as regards this particular mission.

As a Deputy representing a garrison town, I am acutely aware not only of the commitment made by our troops, but the huge support from wives, families, children and parents. I know huge strides have been made within the Defence Forces in the last few years to ensure information is made available to the families. I again ask the Minister to ensure that such basic facilities as post and telephone access are frequently and readily available.

I pay tribute to the wonderful men and women of our Defence Forces and their bravery and courage in volunteering for this mission in Liberia in the full knowledge of the risks involved. We will be forever proud of the part they are to play in assisting this war-ravaged country and its neighbour countries to achieve stability and remove the fear of further deaths. The death toll at present is 150,000, mostly civilians.

Mr. Durkan

Like other speakers I pay tribute to the tremendous work undertaken by the Defence Forces in various peace missions throughout the world over the last 30 years or more. Irish soldiers have gone abroad to various trouble spots and put their lives at risk. Many of them have lost their lives. They have shown by their courage, dedication and discipline that they were second to none and capable of performing a service that others would try to emulate, by virtue of the fair and even-handed manner in which they carried out their duties. They did us proud and will continue to do so.

I hope the Defence Forces will have the necessary backup required for this mission, which is so much more dangerous than many of those undertaken previously. I note the existence of a "vessel at sea" in the general area. On this mission the Defence Forces will require a type of service that was not necessary in previous locations.

Debate adjourned.

Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht - Wednesday, 12 Nov 2003