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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 25 Feb 2004

Vol. 580 No. 6

Leaders’ Questions.

I wish to raise a point of order. The Order of Business for the day, which is normally circulated a quarter of an hour before the start of business, has not been circulated.

I will take Leaders' Questions now. I will hear the Deputy's point of order later.

Could someone arrange for it to be circulated while Leaders' Questions are being taken?

Leaders' Questions are in order now under Standing Orders.

Last weekend's boiler-suit brigade abduction in Belfast provides further proof of the accuracy of Gerry Adams's chilling declaration that the IRA has not gone away. It appears that the victim in this case was about to meet a brutal and horrific end. The Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland has said categorically that the abductors were members of the Provisional IRA. I met this morning with the Independent Monitoring Commission and was shocked to hear that Sinn Féin has said it will not co-operate with it in any way.

Does the Taoiseach believe the time has come to stop pandering to the IRA and its political representatives who are clearly intent on continuing to engage in various forms of criminal behaviour? The Taoiseach will meet a Sinn Féin delegation today and the newspapers report that he will make his views known to its members. What are the Taoiseach's views? What action does he propose to take to cut out the nonsense and deal with paramilitary activities which are happening in this State to the detriment of our democracy, business, commerce and way of life?

The events of last weekend brought into clear view what the Government has felt for some time about many of these paramilitary attacks. They are horrific. I had an opportunity over the weekend of talking to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and I also met the Chief Constable. I know, from the meetings of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, yesterday and from reports of these issues, that the individual who was abducted received approximately 93 stitches. It is the view of the security forces that, by ramming the vehicle, they saved his life. The security forces believe that he would have been transported across the Border and executed. It is the view of the British Government, the Northern Ireland Office, the Chief Constable and the Secretary of State that the people involved were members of the Provisional IRA and closely associated.

My views, for which Deputy Kenny has asked and which were set out in my speech in the University of Ulster in Coleraine a few days ago, are that it is long past the time when we must reach an end to paramilitarism and the association with it. We will not make progress until we end it entirely and completely. That has been my view for many years and my publicly declared view since I agreed to the process of the acts of completion in the autumn of 2002 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair. We set out to define those in a way we believe is tough on one side but sensible on the other. We did not include everything in paragraph 13. For example, we did not include racketeering because we assumed that kind of activity has gone on for generations and takes a period to end. That does not mean we condone it. We are trying to get to end this activity in a reasonable time and it is imperative that we do so.

In one of this morning's newspapers I saw a view expressed which I had stated last week when I heard about this incident. Until we sign up to the policing arrangements, we will have these attacks. I hate to say what I am about to say, but I may as well do so because I hear it said to me frequently. In some communities it is popular to engage in policing activities because the police cannot do their normal job. Some people even say pressure is put on paramilitaries to engage in policing activities. I do not believe this was the case last Friday, but it has been so in other incidents.

I hope there is no party division in this House on this matter. We have all stated time and again that we must see the end to paramilitarism in its entirety. This is in line with paragraph 13. The sooner this is achieved, the better. Since the Weston Park talks which took place a number of years ago, we have a process to deal with policing arrangements and we must also deal with that. Both Governments and the political system in the South are prepared to do so.

Yesterday, the Government resisted the exclusion policies because we do not think they would work either, but that line cannot be kept forever. We all want to move to another position. However, it is now almost ten years since the first ceasefire and seven years since the second. It is time to bring these activities to an end. Otherwise more people will be killed and injured. I am not in lecturing mode. I will outline again today that activities of this nature cannot continue in a normal political situation.

The question is what the Taoiseach will do about it.

This is Leaders' Questions. Deputy Deasy is not entitled to undermine his leader.

We get speeches every week from the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

Deputy Deasy is out of order. It is his leader's question, not his.

I assure Deputy Kenny that I will again today make those points and put forward the Government's view strongly.

The Taoiseach and the Government have the full backing of my party in whatever action is deemed necessary to deal with paramilitary activities.

For a political party to say it is on the road to democracy and peace and truth and reconciliation, that a room in Belfast is cleaned out to torture an individual and to murder him and that the chief constable says the perpetrators are members of the Provisional IRA is a statement of great clarity. We have had similar clear statements from the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform that the Sinn Féin party in this jurisdiction is funded by organised crime in some way. Racketeering, punishment beatings and abductions continue to take place. It is the Government's responsibility to deal with information from the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on organised crime. What action will the Taoiseach take on the evidence provided by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in this regard? The Taoiseach will have the full backing of this side of the House in whatever action he deems necessary.

It is high time we stopped hiding behind words. The Taoiseach leads a sovereign Government and has a constitutional duty to act on the evidence provided by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. Will the Taoiseach outline what action he proposes to take?

Deputy Kenny raised two issues. First, on criminal activities and on people associated with paramilitary organisations, the House can be assured that all information is acted upon. A substantial effort has been made by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in the past 12 months with regard to racketeering and evidence of racketeering. That work is ongoing. The Minister now has regular meetings with the security services to deal with these issues. This has achieved substantial success. People have not been caught in the act, but they have changed their ways. The Deputy will understand that I cannot give information on Garda activity, but the Garda now has greater knowledge of who to close in on.

Second, we are involved with the support of everybody in this House in the peace process in Northern Ireland. It is acknowledged that we will not reach finality in a short period. Yesterday, it was agreed that both Governments would ask the independent monitoring commission to examine these events in the context of the preparation of its first report and to bring the report forward to May 2004. We will continue to work with theindependent monitoringcommission, the British Government and the parties to try to find a solution to the issues.

I want to raise again the recommendation of the DIRT inquiry that the dormant funds lying in financial institutions would be taken over by the State and put at the disposal of people working with social, economic or education disadvantage in the community. The estimate was that there would be in excess of IR£100 million, but when the Government decided to implement the DIRT inquiry recommendation, a sum of €180 million was transferred with anticipated annual top ups of €10 million. When the dead insurance policies are added it is estimated it will rise to €400 million. This money was to be distributed by an independent disbursements board to aid disadvantage. The Government brought forward legislation in 2001 to give effect to the DIRT recommendation. During that time, the then Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, stated:

To get away from the problem of having the Government blamed of having a slush fund, it has been decided to establish a board of trustees. The board will distribute the money, subject to guidelines and without direction from the Government. This will get away from the problems of having Ministers accused of favouring pet projects, having the fund as part of general Estimates processes of Departments or having it as part of policy initiatives of Departments. I think this is the best approach. I thought that if this money, which belongs not to the State but to individuals, should be escheated to the State — subject to safeguards that people who look for it can be given it back — that the best approach was to give the power to distribute it to a disbursals board and not the Minister. I am not in a position to change the Bill at this stage. It was a decision I took and I think it is the safest one in the circumstances.

If the Government decided on 20 June 2001 not to set up a slush fund and not to put it under the control of a Minister, why did it slip out a statement in the dead days before Christmas, giving the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Deputy Ó Cúiv, the power to decide where this money will be distributed and what groups will benefit. It is a blatant reversal of the solemn commitment given by the Minister for Finance and it is shameful that the partner in Government should stand over it. It is an old style Fianna Fáil stroke, which is disgraceful.

A leopard does not change its spots.

The dormant accounts disbursements board's plan that was published last year will operate and the board, which will still be in existence, will evaluate projects and advise on the priority areas to be considered annually for funding. They will still be involved in the preparation of the disbursement plan and reviewing and evaluating projects. The available resources are quite substantial. The Government does not intend to use this as a slush fund, but it wants the Department set up to deal with community organisations to deal with the drugs task force, RAPID and CLÁR and all other agencies. The departmental officials have a knowledge about the priorities and should be properly involved. The allocation of the funds will be transparent and will be accounted for. The decisions will be made public and the money will be used to help those who are at an economic, education or social disadvantage and those with disabilities.

With the greatest respect to those on the independent board, the Government takes the view that the board would need the involvement of the Department that worked with the agencies concerned. That seems to me a good way to do it. The board will not be disbanded but it seems to me that a group of people who are not dealing on a day to day basis with the various organisations, who have no real knowledge of the strategic plans and are not involved in the activities are not the experts in the matter, with the greatest respect to them.

Who are independent.

If the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, thought on 20 June 2001 that this was a slush fund and he would not go down that road, and he would not put it under the direction of a Minister, why is that not true today and why has there been a change of mind? Did the Taoiseach hear the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Deputy Ó Cúiv, say on "Morning Ireland" last week that it was only when the Taoiseach discovered there was so much in the fund that he decided there should be transparency. In order to be transparent, the Minister, Deputy Ó Cúiv, should distribute it. Having listened to his convoluted spins last night on the Irish language motion, nobody will accuse Deputy Ó Cúiv of being transparent. He has already collapsed the RAPID programme, which the Taoiseach played for all it was worth in these communities before the election, stating it would release €2 billion to disadvantaged communities. The Government wants to take over this money, re-label it and allow the Minister, Deputy Ó Cúiv, to ladle it out. I do not know if he will give Mr. Séan Ó Neachtáin any of it, but other than that, most of his colleagues will be in for a dip into the fund.

The Tánaiste, when she was on this side of the House, came in with a Bill to avoid the lottery being used as a slush fund. The rhetoric that she rose to about the abuse by the then Fianna Fáil Ministers of the lottery seems to have entirely eluded her when this Bill came before Cabinet to amend legislation introduced by a Fianna Fáil Government.

It would be an enormous mistake to use this money for a slush fund. That is not what the Government will do

Why the change?

I will explain the process in one minute.The Dormant Accounts Disbursement Board is in place and a Department has been charged with responsibility for liaising with community development groups of all kinds which deal with drugs, CLÁR, RAPID and so on. The Department has the expertise at official level and through its agencies to identify the priority plans needed to address social disadvantage. The process will evaluate all of the schemes to ensure maximum transparency and accountability. It will guarantee that the money funds the best projects which have been properly assessed by the Department and the board to best advantage in areas of disadvantage. That is the best approach. I am not in any way critical of the board, but individuals who were not involved in the day-to-day activities of the strategic plans of these organisations are not the best people to make those decisions.

That is not what it is. It is not part of the strategic plan.

The Government has acted accordingly to ensure that we will make the right decisions.

It is the strategic election plan.

Sinn Féin is not involved in the work of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. Furthermore, the matters raised by Deputy Kenny will certainly be addressed in a meeting between Sinn Féin and the Taoiseach later today.

Is this your question, Deputy?

No, it is not my question.

I insist the Deputy continue with a question or resume his seat. The Standing Order allows one question on a topical issue.

I would have said what I had to say, a Cheann Comhairle.

I will ask you to resume your seat unless you move on to your question.

I have a right, given the vilification of my party, not for the first time in this House-——

Deputy Ó Caoláin, ask one question on a topical issue. Other leaders have been ruled out before. We cannot have a special Standing Order for you.

I wonder if there are not special arrangements in other situations.

Sorry, Deputy——

My question to the Taoiseach relates to the nursing recruitment fair in the RDS yesterday and the presence there of executives from recruitment agencies for nurses in Britain, the USA and elsewhere. Significant incentives have been offered to Irish-trained nurses and foreign-trained nurses within the Irish hospital system to leave the system and take up positions in hospitals and groups of hospitals in Britain and the USA. When we examine the incentives being offered, we can see very well the difficult choices many involved in nursing must make. This is at a time when we already have a shortage of some 700 nurses within our acute hospital services.

Does the Taoiseach recognise that we have already lost some 500 of the 5,000 overseas recruited nurses from our hospital system due to the incentives being offered overseas and the failure of our service to provide a sufficiently attractive package to anchor their presence? Does the Taoiseach accept that last week's announcement by the Tánaiste of the right of spouses of overseas-trained nurses in our service to secure work permits was too little, too late? Does he accept that short-term contracts of between two and three months are insufficient to attract nurses into the system as they do not offer fixity of service? These contracts are ridiculous given that we expect there will be no new nurses moving from Irish training colleges into the service in 2005. Given all of that, what measures does the Taoiseach propose to introduce to address the crisis in nursing in our hospitals today?

While the Deputy may think nursing fairs began this year, they have been taking place to attract our nurses out of the country over the 30 years during which I have had dealings with the health service. In the intervening years, particularly during the last decade, the change has been that many nurses from abroad have come to Ireland. In one major Dublin hospital, people of 29 different nationalities are represented on the nursing staff alone, not to mention other staff. In the last five years, the number of nursing training places has increased by 70%. It now stands at almost 1,700 per annum. Almost 20,000 new nurses have been registered by An Bord Altranais in the last five years while the number of nurses working in the health service has increased by 25% in the same period. There are now almost 34,000 whole-time equivalent nurses.

A recent survey by the HSEA indicates that the level of nursing vacancies nationally is almost 2%. This shortfall is more than adequately compensated for through overtime and the use of agency nurses. The arrangements for agency nurses are more liberal than at any time previously. A recent Department of Health and Children survey indicates that the level of pay for nurses compares very favourably with that in other EU countries and is far better than in most. When rates of income tax and social security are taken into account, our levels of nursing pay are at the higher end of the scale.

Foreign nurses have the same opportunities for advancement as other nurses working in the health service. All employers have anti-racism policies which apply to staff and patients. I do not consider the Tánaiste's move last week to have come too early or too late. The measure was introduced at the right time. It was a considerable move for us to allow the spouses of non-EEA nurses to work here. The provision does not exist in most other European countries, but it is the right way to ensure we do not have too much turnover in our nursing staff. We must continue to make nursing an attractive profession. It is highly respected. We have succeeded in this regard through our payment rates, conditions and training and education rates over the last few years.

The Taoiseach's response will be a matter of great concern to many in nursing and to those of us dependent on the hospital services. The Taoiseach does not seem to recognise that we have a real crisis in terms of nursing provision in our acute hospital services. Does the Taoiseach not recognise that apart from the threat to the continuing service of overseas nurses, there is a great need to embark on the recruitment of nurses from within this country? We need to proactively encourage young people to view nursing as an attractive career. Is it not the case that pay and conditions are central to pointing up the attractiveness of this career and profession?

Will the Taoiseach outline the measures he is prepared to support and encourage to meet the serious shortfall in the current year and in terms of future planning? As I have already said, no new nurses will come through the State's system in 2005. There is a bounden need to create further places for training on the nursing degree courses and through the acute hospital services system itself. There is a crisis and we want to know if the Taoiseach knows about it and what he is prepared to do to address it.

The Deputy is not listening.

It is not I who is not listening.

The number of training and university places has increased by 70% and now stands at an all-time high. We have more universities becoming involved in the academic side of nursing, which is to be welcomed and which is supported strongly by the Minister for Health and Children. Beds which were closed have been opened which has increased pressure to recruit staff.

Nursing is a mobile profession. People work in different countries and continents where their degrees are accepted and respected. We are continually trying to improve conditions here. We are continually trying to implement the nursing action plan in all its respects. It is based on a fine report of some years ago and we continue to implement it incrementally year after year. We must keep the number of places up and ensure we have good-quality, well-educated student nurses and postgraduates. We will continue to do that. The number of whole-time equivalent nursing places stands at almost 34,000.

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