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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 27 May 2004

Vol. 586 No. 4

International Development Association (Amendment) Bill 2003: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Ireland can be justifiably proud of its international reputation as one of the most generous supporters of overseas development aid in the world. Currently, we are the seventh largest donor in percentage terms and well ahead of the EU average.

The mission of the International Development Association, IDA, is to support efficient and effective programmes to reduce poverty and improve the quality of life in the poorest member countries. The International Development Association helps build the human capital, policies, institutions and physical infrastructures needed to bring about equitable and sustainable growth. Its goal is to reduce the disparities across and within countries, to bring more people into the economic mainstream and to promote equitable access to the benefits of development, all highly laudable ambitions. The IDA is among a group of institutions specifically charged with responsibility for poverty reduction and promotion of growth and development. Today, nearly 3 billion people live on less than $2 a day and 1.1 billion live on less than €1 a day.

Recently, as part of an international delegation of the parliamentary network of the World Bank, I visited the Yemen to witness poverty reduction strategies in action and to offer advice on our experience there of the operation of the poverty reduction strategy to the World Bank and the Yemeni Government. We visited two schemes — a water project and a health centre. These schemes had received these soft loans for which this Bill provides. The delegation was highly impressed by the two schemes largely because relatively small amounts of money were involved. I think the amount for both did not exceed $29,000, but they had a considerable effect on the population there. They were small measures — providing clean water and a small outreach health centre. They were particularly effective because the local population was required to have an input into them. The local population raised money and learned skills. It was not only a question of getting a hand out but more of a hand up. This Bill is designed to assist this type of initiative. It was self-evident how important and positive ownership of both projects by the local population was. We need to expand and extend this partnership approach.

To this end, the EU faces an enormous challenge. The European Union is possibly the largest single donor in the world but to have an effect in the long term, radical change is needed to EU policy in dealing with the developing world. Trade policies and trade liberalisation are the key. This presents a particular challenge to agriculture policies but we must redress the imbalance that exists in the world where 1.1 billion people live on less than $1 a day. It is this area of trade and EU trade policy that we need to change. The average EU cow enjoys a subsidy of approximately €1 a day which is much more than is given in development and to human beings. We need to look at that issue. It is not a sustainable position that cows are valued more highly than people.

Change is coming but it is far too slow. As Kofi Annan said, the poor in the world are poor not because there is too much globalisation but rather because there is not enough. This Bill enables the Government to continue its generous support for overseas development aid and to further the steps along the road to reach its stated commitment of 0.7% of GDP by 2007. I commend the Bill to the House.

This Bill was first in the House approximately five months ago. I was about to speak on it but the debate was adjourned. I had a speech prepared on how we should use our EU Presidency as an opportunity to promote a development agenda. Five months later, I am finally getting to speak on the Bill but, unfortunately, our EU Presidency is drawing to a close. Some of the comments I might have made are no longer appropriate.

To a certain extent, we have missed an opportunity in our Presidency of the European Union. Deputy Fiona O'Malley is correct in that we have a reputation for being internationally generous having worked in many areas of the Third World. Our reputation is particularly high at the moment because the Taoiseach has given an absolute commitment that this country will reach 0.7% of GNP in terms of development aid. If we are to do that and if an absolute commitment means anything, we must start now; we cannot wait for the final year of such a programme. For that money to be used effectively, it must be planned in a three or five year budgetary process so that if we give money, we can ensure it is spent properly.

I am deeply concerned that the absolute commitment given by the Taoiseach does not seem to be bearing out in reality. Perhaps the Minister for Finance does not share that commitment because our budget does not show a gradual increase in the level of development aid to the international development aid programme in a manner which would indicate that we are serious about fulfilling that absolute commitment. It is a lost opportunity and about which I am critical of the Government. While I welcome this Bill and our allocation of moneys to this thirteenth funding allocation to the International Development Association, we must ask the bigger questions, what will we do and what is our role in international society in this regard?

Our EU Presidency is a failed one as a result of not taking on this agenda. We heard much about competitiveness in the Lisbon agenda but we have not put at the core of our message the achievement of the millennium goals which should have been the focus of our Presidency because coming from this country, it would have been noticed. We have a unique international position. While being part of the developed and wealthy western world, we are seen internationally as having an independent voice and as being a country which recognises the true sense of globalisation — that we are living in one world and that it is not a world of two halves, as Jim Wolfensohn, the head of the World Bank, said.

I refer to the current debate surrounding globalisation. We tend to see people from parties such as mine as being anti-globalisation. I would dispute that and agree with Deputy Fiona O'Malley that we need more globalisation and not less. The real question is, what type of globalisation? People say the anti-globalisation movement says this, that and the other but it may be better termed as the movement for globalised justice because we are looking for justice in globalisation. To achieve justice in globalisation, the first step must be to address the institutions which administer and manage some of the forums of globalised commerce, trade and development aid. In that regard, we are particularly critical of the structures within the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which, critics of the existing globalisation system rightly point out, are part of the problem rather than part of the solution in this area.

I regret the European Union — maybe we could have taken a lead on this — does not take a strong or a united stance in regard to the management and future structures of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, in particular. The EU has a strong common position in World Trade Organisation negotiations but there is not the same sense of exactly what the European Union position is in regard to the development of the IMF and the World Bank which need to be reformed. It is 60 years since the Bretton Woods institutions, including the World Bank, were set up. Anyone with a fair mind would not argue that the decision making structures within those two organisations are fair and treat the developing world in the correct fashion. Some might ask what that has to do with people here and that these are lofty aspirations and this is idealistic talk. Since we live in a globalised, connected, united and monetary world, it is in our interests, as much as that of the developing areas, to get those institutions right and to get them working in a just, fair and efficient manner.

I will give an example of how the incompetence in the management and administration of these institutions is having an effect on us. We are seeing a world monetary system with a significant debt problem. That debt problem is not what the public might see it as, namely, Third World developing countries with huge debts, which they do, but rather that the largest debt in the world is that of the US Government. It is currently running a massive budget deficit which it is funding through the issuing of bonds which are largely bought by the poorest developing countries in the world because the US dollar is held as a reserve currency.

We should listen to people who are critics of this international system because they may see behind some of the great bravado or confidence in the international capitalist market system and see the flaws, which are increasingly evident. At present the great debt issue is really that of massive US debt in the form of US bonds held by developing countries as their only reserve currency, since they cannot hold gold or other reserves. They get a small amount of interest from them but borrow significant amounts at a much higher rate from independent banks. At the same time they are paying interest rates of 15% to 18% on loans they have taken out with international banks, while their yield on US bonds is 3% to 5%. That is one of the realities in the current global capitalist system and it is an extremely dangerous situation. The US Government is borrowing from the rest of the world to pay for its population's present consumption patterns. That will surely come to an end, and when that happens, we will see a decline in the value of the US dollar. We may already have started to see the early stages of it.

People will realise that those bonds are not worth what they thought they were. US interest rates will rise to try to maintain that flow of revenue into the United States of America to pay for its consumption patterns. In our globalised world, after the next election there will be a US Government which has a massive budget deficit. We always start considering financial prudence after an election. It will have to cut back its budget deficit. Some time in the middle of next year, we may be facing a situation where there is a declining dollar, increasing interest rates and a deficit coming through. We live in a globalised market and follow what happens on Wall Street just as surely as we used to follow what happened in London. That sets the tone for us and the international markets. In such a situation, there would be a deflationary world economy, with less investment coming into Ireland, higher interest rates and an Irish economy which has borrowed massively. Irish citizens on the streets, who might then be in a contracting economy with rising interest rates, would be caught.

If we examine development issues and how we structure international financial institutions, it is not merely for the sake of the poor of the world. We all live in the same world, and having a stable, efficient, fair and just monetary system is part of that. At present, institutions such as the World Bank are not fair in the way they make decisions. They are dominated by what is known as "Washington consensus" thinking and people who believe the same as George Bush — that their market values will dominate for ever and a day. I do not believe they are right and we should start listening to some of the critics of that system who can point out the flaws to those who have faith in it. I hope I am wrong in that prognosis but it is worth discussing.

I wish we had more debates on that global vision and perspective. I could speak for longer but I am keen to share my time with Deputy Cowley. Like Deputy Fiona O'Malley, I commend this Bill to the House. It is certainly welcome that we are putting this money into an international institution for use as loans. Poor and developing countries may now be able to replace some of those US bond or merchant bank borrowings. This House must direct far more attention and debate on what is really happening in the global financial markets and what we should be doing to send a message of how the world should be governed and managed. The current situation in the IMF and the World Bank is not one with which we are happy on this side of the House.

I come here to talk about problems in my own area and those of the people who elected me to Dáil Éireann. We have major problems, but we must also view matters in a more global context. Before coming here, I was on Radio Waterford talking about the lack of a radiotherapy unit there. The interviewer said to me that there were no votes in it and asked me why I was doing it. I said to her that I was doing it because I believed in it and because it was very important. The Minister was supposed to come in this morning to talk to us about the radiotherapy report, but he did not turn up, since he has gone to the Continent. His job is at home in Ireland and he should look after Ireland first. He promised to attend but did not do so.

Having said that, on some occasions we must take a broader view. I am very proud to stand here and talk about this Bill, since it is doing something that we should be doing. I know we have made certain commitments, along with many other nations. By 2007, we are supposed to be dedicating 0.7% of our GNP to overseas aid. That is a very important and laudable thing and we should be doing it. Other countries may not have been as good as us, though, even donating 0.4% of GNP, we are not as good as we should be. At the same time, we are making an effort. However, there has been a freeze on that money and that is both lamentable and regrettable. The Government should get on track.

In Ireland, the island of saints and scholars, we always had something for someone else. In my area of the country, it is called a meitheal. There was always something there for the neighbour. Though times were hard, people helped each other by sharing what they had, even though it was very little. In our economy, now the fourth richest in the world, if we do not have money for our less well-off brethren, who does? That is something that we should be proud to do, and that is why I am very happy to speak on this Bill.

There are other issues surrounding this Bill. It may be seen as a hand-out encouraging the wrong mentality, with the result that people feel it is better to give something requiring repayments. That is part of the equation and it is part of the work of the IDA to give money, but with a repayment commitment. That allows it to give even more, since the money comes back again, and it is very important that that happens. However, AIDS and some other transmittable diseases are not a problem for us compared with Africa, where AIDS is the biggest killer. To people there, HIV-AIDS is extremely important, and it must be addressed. We know what is going on, so we have an obligation to try to help out in that regard.

When one thinks about it, the world is a small place and travel has made it smaller still. People go to bed hungry and die of TB and AIDS. Millions die of malaria, polio and so on, while others lack basic social services and adequate running water. Money is available for international help but the completely preventable war in Iraq, which should not have happened, has meant there are competing needs for funds, such as the rebuilding of that country. We have got things very wrong regarding what we should be doing. Ireland has a great opportunity as holder of the EU Presidency to give some direction in all this. "Make love, not war" was the catchphrase in the old San Francisco days, but perhaps that should have been remembered in this House when we aided and abetted the USA in going into Iraq and doing such damage.

We have a very proud record of helping one another and that is why I support this Bill. We are doing something of which we can be proud. Let us consider the terrible problems. I mentioned the idea of a grant versus a loan. The old saying is that, if one gives a man a fish, one feeds him for a day, but if one teaches him to fish, one feeds him for life. That is very much taken on board. There has been a debate about whether this money should be used for public projects such as social services, AIDS prevention and so on, or to give a hand-up to small companies which could boost their economies by being viable themselves. When one considers the number of people living on less than $1 a day in the world, it seems ludicrous that some countries have so much while others have so little. The World Bank has 184 member nations and they should be able to contribute globally to much greater effect than at present. There were 98 new cases of polio in 2002. Nigeria is the most polio-endemic country in Africa. These diseases should not be found in those countries. If the world was right all these diseases would be eliminated because the means exist to tackle them. I know there is major support for education.

Education is very important, and almost half of the children in Africa and one quarter of those in south and west Asia are not in education. If people do not have a basic education, where can they go? These are all major problems that require proper solutions.

The AIDS problem in Africa has to be considered. In the 19th century the means were not available to deal with those diseases. Nothing could be done about them. Science and knowledge were inadequate and this prevented lives from being saved. However, now that the necessary science and technology exist, we must face the reality that we do not care enough. There is a major input to be made. While there is as yet no vaccine for AIDS, one might well be developed. Extra expenditure on vaccines in general, however, could save an extra 2 million lives a year.

It must be remembered that these are people like ourselves, with needs, who go to bed hungry at night and die of these diseases. Think of the life expectancy for the AIDS victim and the problems people have. Is it right that their problems are so acute? In sub-Saharan Africa life expectancy peaked at 49 years in the 1980s and is projected to fall to just under 46 years by 2005. Everyone in this Chamber would be dead if they lived in sub-Saharan Africa, such is the life expectancy there. That is shocking.

An estimated 2.2 million HIV positive women give birth every year. There are currently about 14 million HIV-AIDS orphans in the world, most of them in Africa, and that figure is expected to reach 25 million by 2010. By then up to 25% of the children in some sub-Saharan countries will be orphans. Think about it. Prophylactic treatment and anti-retrovirals in combination with other interventions have almost entirely eliminated HIV infection in infants in industrialised countries. In other words, we can reverse all this. We can virtually eliminate this in our own country with money, but when it is not there, people just die.

The risk of HIV transmission in infants in developing countries where breast feeding is the norm can be reduced by more than 50% in mothers receiving short courses of anti-retroviral therapy. Almost six million people in developing countries need anti-retroviral therapy, but only about 400,000 of them received it in 2003. It is obvious that there is much to be done in light of these statistics, and it is possible. Early intervention can solve the problem. There is a great lesson in that for Africa. Senegal, for instance, began its anti-AIDS programme in 1986 before the virus had got a proper grip on the population, and it has managed to keep its infection rate below 2%. Uganda began its programme early in the 1990s when 40% of the adult population was already infected. Now that figure is down to 8% and falling. The disease has been stopped in its tracks in those countries.

In other countries, however, such as Botswana, the incidence is extremely high, with 38.8% of the population infected with HIV-AIDS. When one thinks of it like that one realises there are so many problems and so much to be done. I welcome this Bill. It is a step in the right direction, but we should be doing much more.

I would like to share my time with Deputy Paul McGrath.

Fine Gael welcomes the Bill. Any provision that channels €50 million to the poorest nations and peoples in the world must be welcomed in principle. There has been considerable debate over a number of years on how this money is being spent. A visible split exists between the United States and Europe over the question of loans or grant aid. This argument is futile as the countries who receive this money are the poorest in the world and the difference between loans and grants is minimal in most cases.

Many countries and aid organisations have questioned the way this money is disposed of. In many instances it is difficult to see real and concrete results. The fact that this fund is controlled by the World Bank means that from time to time its disposal is unduly influenced by powerful industrial countries such as the United States, particularly under George Bush and an extremely conservative Republican party. This is in spite of the fact that the US contributes less of its GDP than most other developed countries.

Ireland has changed the emphasis of its overseas aid budget since 1998. This was a direct result of a change in policy by the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, when his officials pledged £20 million to the International Development Association, IDA. The Irish pledge in Copenhagen at that time played a major part in encouraging other countries to make generous offers and marked a major shift in Irish policy. At the same time the Minister was planning cuts in our overseas budget for traditional aid agencies. Even the then Progressive Democrats Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy O'Donnell, who was in charge of overseas aid, threatened to resign at that time if more funds were not made available for State-run Irish aid projects and programmes run by aid agencies, NGOs and missionaries.

Recent Ministers of State in charge of overseas aid are to be complimented on doing an excellent job to encourage and assist NGOs and missionaries to achieve valuable results from Irish-run programmes — Deputy O'Donnell and the Minister of State, Deputy Kitt, are highly regarded by Irish aid agencies, NGOs and missionaries. However, I am concerned about the change in emphasis being pursued by the current Minister for Finance. This Minister, as we know, likes to associate and play along with his conservative friends in the US and other right wing Governments. It is unfortunate that aid given by the developed nations will have little impact unless some basic and fundamental changes are made. All the cards are stacked against the developing countries — political instability and in particular lack of educational opportunities.

In that context when the current round of funding to the IDA was agreed, the most significant long-term breakthrough was the pledge at Halifax to support those developing countries in particular with credible education plans and strong policy commitments. The first steps are at least being taken towards an international budget to help fast-track primary education. Education is the best anti-poverty panacea and social and economic development strategy. It is fundamental for strengthening political structures and achieving sustained growth. Some 113 million in the world do not have access to education of any description. Almost half the children in Africa and one quarter of those in Asia are totally deprived of proper fundamental education.

The developing countries have signed up to the United Nations' millennium development goal which provides that every child will have a chance to go to school, by 2015. If this goal is to be achieved the international community must raise its financial contribution for education in the poorest countries. As well as aid, whether in loans or grants, there must be a major change in the attitude of developed countries towards trade talks. This issue was discussed at length in this House before the world trade talks in Cancún. The last round of international trade negotiations left the 40 poorest countries €600 million a year worse off. Grant aid or loans are of little benefit if this is the payback demanded by the world trade talks.

Any contribution to the World Bank raises questions about the policies this agency pursues in developing countries. In the past, the bank, dominated by the influence of mostly conservative industrial nations had a simplistic blind faith in free market economy which may have helped countries with good infrastructure but was of little good in the poorest of countries where the most basic facilities are not available. It is dangerous, however, to run hard on issues such as privatisation, opting immediately for a market-based pricing without any real regard for its effect on that society. The ideological stance of the World Bank, driven by the US pushing for a capital market and a free market liberalisation at a furious pace, is at least questionable.

Many NGOs blame the World Bank to a large extent for perpetuating poverty in underdeveloped countries. Imposing an economic model based on western developmental thinking on those countries was in many cases totally unsuitable. Developing countries must decide for themselves what best suits their needs regardless of outside influence from the World Bank and its policy makers and the highly developed western economies can cause some damage in this context. Poor countries must be represented and given some clout at the WTO talks. While international aid is vital, an even playing pitch for trade is needed. In the long term it is in everyone's interest to build a more stable world with less poverty. This stability must be built on everybody having a stake in the success of world economics and social development. There is clear evidence that in the past two years global determination to address global poverty has declined. Billions of dollars have been spent on wars and fighting terrorism yet until recently many world leaders did not see that poverty breeds discontent and educational disadvantage gives opportunities to terrorist organisations to recruit. Despite these facts the United States has only recently begun to realise the connection but its Government's message still emphasises free trade even more than the aid that is required.

This is a small move in the right direction and there is no doubt that the rich countries' millennium pledge to halve extreme poverty levels by 2015 has been given new impetus by the terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre on 11 September 2001. This brought home, not least to the United States, the link between poverty and terrorism which is so easily bred by economic and social despair. Even President Bush acknowledges that the stakes could not be higher. Poverty, hopelessness, lack of education and failed governments often allow conditions for terrorism to flourish. I hope there is the realisation that global security depends on bringing relief to the 1.2 billion people who live in what is officially defined as extreme poverty, on $1 a day or less. Wages must be tackled. Most of us are aware of the new Olympic campaign launched to emphasise the difference in wages between Third World countries and the developing countries. Sportswear produced for €8 in developing countries is sold for up to €200 in shops in the West. Some equality must be introduced in the wage market, and the wage structure throughout the world must be revolutionised. The new global economy allows multinationals to move operations overnight to cheaper economies where they can exploit a very vulnerable work force, at the same time rendering unemployed many low-paid workers in developing countries. Some kind of tax equalisation system must be introduced to deal with this.

There has been a significant change in Irish Government policy in recent years. A great deal of work is required to persuade the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation that there must be a change of emphasis. We cannot always look for a pay-off for the grants or concessions we give to the Third World countries and if in our capacity as President of the European Community we cannot convey that message strongly and effectively to the rest of the developed countries we should re-assess how we distribute our aid. Maybe we should look again at giving this money to our NGOs and our projects abroad rather than pour it into the World Bank which is over-influenced by ideological considerations.

I welcome the opportunity to address the House on the International Development Association (Amendment) Bill. Like the other speakers I welcome the Bill but find it strange that it was introduced in December 2003 and Second Stage commenced then yet there has been no rush to bring it through since then. The explanatory memorandum circulated with this Bill indicated that it was intended that the money be paid over to this organisation by the end of 2003. If that is the case why has it taken a further six months to resume Second Stage? Why did it not come forward earlier and why was the money not paid over? If there was an urgency on it in December why was that not carried through?

I sometimes question this Government's commitment to overseas aid. We heard a great deal of fancy talk about what it would do and it gave a firm commitment in the programme for Government that by 2007 it would reach the target contribution of 0.7% of gross national product which seemed a very commendable aim. However, we see what has happened in the meantime, since the Government set out on this road. In 1998 it contributed 0.27% of GNP to overseas aid. That increased by 0.04% the following year but the year after that it dipped. Between 1999 and 2000 the percentage of aid dropped by 0.02%. Then it increased by 0.04% but that did not make up the 0.04% that it had lost. The then Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy O'Donnell, kicked up a row about the level of development aid contributed by the Government and rightly set a marker in the sand demanding that the money be put back on stream again. Unfortunately, she is not a part of this Government and is not in a position to put down a marker again. Maybe the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Parlon, who is with us today will kick up a rumpus about this to achieve the 0.7% of GNP target set by this partnership when it went into Government. To do that the Government must take dramatic steps over the next two years because it is now at 0.41% having risen over five years from 0.27%. I am not sure that this Government is committed to achieving this.

It has gone up a long way since Fine Gael was in government.

It has gone up a long way since we were in government because it is so long since we were in government.

It will not be long before we are there again.

At that time the Minister of State worked in another capacity, wearing a different hat and kicking with a different foot.

Absolutely.

He was setting out agendas and so on and being very critical.

He was confusing himself.

As appears to be the case with overseas aid, he seems to have put all of that on the back burner and forgotten the commitments, pledges and apparent goals he was targeting at that time. Is it any wonder people become cynical regarding politicians?

The Taoiseach gave a marvellous speech at the world conference on development aid about the importance of giving a commitment to increase the level of funding for this area. What he did not say was that he was not doing it, that Ireland was not abiding by the targets set.

That is right.

However, the rest of the world should do it. We are great at saying: "Would you not think somebody would do something about...?" The Taoiseach told the world to do something about this problem but he does not want to do it himself.

We are on target to carry out our commitments.

I am glad to hear that.

That is a rarity.

I hope it will be on the record of the House that the Minister of State said he is on target. If he is not, I will come back and remind him of this day.

Absolutely.

Three billion people in the world live on less than $2 a day. That figure is almost seven or eight times the total population of the European Union. A total of 1.1 billion people live on less than $1 a day. We need to give money to poorer countries and help them in whatever way we can. I re-echo what was said by my colleague, Deputy Murphy, that we should pour money into the tried and tested systems of NGOs and missionaries. I had the privilege of visiting a family member in a missionary country a number of years ago where impressive work had been done in developing schools and so on in small villages with little aid from this part of the world. We should direct far more of our overseas aid to those agencies, rather than employing people to assess such projects on the ground at great cost due to the level of bureaucracy involved.

In view of the upcoming trade talks I wish to focus on the Fair Trade organisation which was set up by the Christian churches. It endorses products where a fair price is paid for a fair day's work in poorer countries. It is shocking to think that if one has a cappuccino downtown at a cost of €2.50, only 3 cent of the price goes to the producer of the coffee beans. There is a significant discrepancy in the price paid to producers and that paid by consumers. We should educate people about Fair Trade practices and encourage people to buy Fair Trade products. In purchasing them, we send additional help back to the communities producing these goods. It is a fair way of doing business.

I urge the Minister of State to bring this matter to the attention of Government. Perhaps he can also promote the use of Fair Trade products in the Office of Public Works, for example, in the choice of tea and coffee used. If we all did that, it would be a way of contributing additional aid to those poorer countries. I commend the Fair Trade organisation for its work in raising awareness. I hope the Government will take note of what it is doing and encourage people to follow suit.

I support the Bill, although I am not uncritical of the international financial institutions, especially their undemocratic and unrepresentative nature and the ways in which they replicate the present global imbalance. In keeping with our commitment to fully inclusive fora, we support the proposition that the UN Economic and Social Council should be strengthened so it can have a greater role in global economic governance and in democratising the fundamentally unjust global economic order.

Sinn Féin seeks to build a united Ireland that would commit itself to achieving greater global, political and economic equality. We are also committed to fully-inclusive international fora that are animated by the principles of openness and respect. It is clear the IMF and the World Bank do not have those characteristics. While we support the passage of the Bill and do not wish to hold it up, we are not uncritical.

At the Sinn Féin Ard-Fheis earlier this year, a motion which I sponsored was adopted that asserted the achievement of the UN millennium development goals for 2015 must be brought to the top of the international agenda, as a necessary step towards a more equitable and just global social order. The Ard-Fheis also recognised that, as the largest trade and aid bloc in the world, the EU is a key player in meeting the millennium development goals. We called on the Government, not only to fulfil its responsibilities in this regard by fully implementing the Barcelona commitments towards meeting the millennium development goals at home, but also to actively persuade its EU partners to make this a top priority. This should have been one of the top priorities for the Irish Presidency of the European Union. Although only one month of the Presidency remains, I repeat the call to place the issue at the top of the agenda. We can also influence the next Presidency, that of the Netherlands, in the Troika. I appeal to the Government, even at this late stage, to ensure this becomes one of the primary items on the agenda of the EU for the coming years.

At successive Ard-Fheiseanna over the past decade, Sinn Féin has repeatedly called for complete debt cancellation in the developing world as the only means of facilitating greater economic equality and growth for developing countries. We strongly reiterate that demand and call on the Government to promote this policy domestically and internationally. We are not seeking a moratorium, we advocate total and complete debt cancellation. That is the only way to address the major inequity in the world. During our Presidency of the EU, the Government should have used its influence to ensure the current commitments to debt cancellation were matched by its EU partners, in particular the creditor countries.

The Twenty-six Counties State is now the fourth wealthiest in the world and several of our European neighbours have met or exceeded the official UN development assistance target of 0.7% of GNP. Sinn Féin reiterates its urgent call on the Government to make a multiannual commitment to incremental annual ODA increases in order to meet its commitment to reach the UN target by 2007. Sinn Féin endorses the Dóchas and Development Co-operation Ireland recommendation to ring-fence ODA increases in the following increments: 0.48% in 2004, which I do not think we will achieve; 0.5% in 2005; 0.62% in 2006; and 0.7% in 2007. As one of the world's wealthiest nations, that is the least that can be expected of Ireland.

Debate adjourned.
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